Wednesday, April 07, 2021

So Yom Hashoah is coming up and I’m in this book club. There’s a scheduling snafu: we’d been set to meet on the eve of Yom Hashoah to discuss The Handmaid’s Tale, Margaret Atwood’s story of a creepy and salacious alternate world. The question arose: Should we postpone the meet? Is it appropriate to have book club on that night?

I didn’t think it appropriate to meet on Yom Hashoa, not because it isn't appropriate to have book club on the eve of Yom Hashoah, a day we remember the Final Solution, but because Atwood is an antisemite and antisemitism is what brought about Hitler's (yemach shmo) Final Solution. Which is why I didn’t want to read the book again. I’d read it when it first came out, of course, and loved it and read everything Margaret Atwood wrote thereafter, until she came full out as a violent antisemite who calls for the destruction of the Jewish State.

All this put me in a funny position because the group had decided not to talk or read about politics or Jewish subjects in book club. They aren't intolerant, mind you. They just feel they have enough of that in their daily lives. As one member put it: "What if the point of literature is to rise above our own worlds and see things from a larger perspective?"

Here’s what happened: when all of us had been asked to suggest books, a few months ago, one of the suggested books was The Handmaid's Tale. An anonymous survey was held, and though I voted for a different book, Atwood's book was chosen. In my opinion, we had chosen a book by a horrible antisemite, but I was hesitant to speak out as I knew that politics didn't really belong in the context of this group.

I could have been wrong. Maybe I should have said something. Instead, I shut up, kept my feelings and opinions to myself and rather than give Atwood royalties, I took an old beat up copy of the book from the local library and reread it. I didn't want to bug the book group with my personal bugaboos.

Now, however, some members of the book club were asking the group for input. Well, here is mine: a discussion of this book OR READING IT AT ANY OTHER TIME will never be appropriate, all the more so on Yom Hashoah. Because Atwood has accused Israel of ethnic cleansing, framing it as a “holocaust.” Which makes her an antisemite:
As "Egypt" at a Model U.N. in 1956, my high school's delegation had presented the Palestinian case. Why was it fair that the Palestinians, innocent bystanders during the Holocaust, had lost their homes? To which the Model Israel replied, "You don't want Israel to exist." A mere decade after the Camps and the six million obliterated, such a statement was a talk-stopper.

Get it? According to Atwood, Jews stifle free speech with their damned Holocaust.

Next, Atwood says Jews are child-killers accusing Israel of withholding snack foods (there must be a logical progression here somewhere) from civilians who live under Hamas rule in Gaza. :
Having been preoccupied of late with mass extinctions and environmental disasters, and thus having strayed into the Middle-eastern neighbourhood with a mind as open as it could be without being totally vacant, I've come out altered. Child-killing in Gaza? Killing aid-bringers on ships in international waters? Civilians malnourished thanks to the blockade? Forbidding writing paper? Forbidding pizza? How petty and vindictive! Is pizza is a tool of terrorists? Would most Canadians agree? And am I a tool of terrorists for saying this? I think not. 

We forbid them pizza, says Atwood. But hey, she wrote The Handmaid’s Tale, so it must be true, despite evidence to the contrary:

Italiano Pizza-Gaza: 


 Gaza's Pizzeria:


Pizza Branch-Branch Gaza:

Gaza Grande:

Neapolitana Gaza:


But back to our question: is discussion of a Margaret Atwood book appropriate for Yom Hashoah? No. Nor at any other time. 

What follows is Atwood’s op-ed for Haaretz, in full and yes, it does run on and on, a rant. I think we should read most of it, and then never read or discuss her ever again. (Pfffffft, she never existed, evil person. A wannabe latter-day Haman.)

by Margaret Atwood
June 2, 2010

"Until Palestine has its own 'legitimized' state within its internationally recognized borders, the Shadow will remain."

This article is part of a special edition of Haaretz, to mark Israel's book week.

The Moment

The moment when, after many years
of hard work and a long voyage,
you stand in the centre of your room,
house, half-acre, square mile, island, country,
knowing at last how you got there,
and say, I own this,
is the same moment the trees unloose
their soft arms from around you,
the birds take back their language,
the cliffs fissure and collapse,
the air moves back from you like a wave
and you can't breathe.
No, they whisper. You own nothing.
You were a visitor, time after time
Climbing the hill, planting the flag, proclaiming.
We never belonged to you.
You never found us.
It was always the other way round.

Recently I was in Israel. The Israelis I met could not have been more welcoming. I saw many impressive accomplishments and creative projects, and talked with many different people. The sun was shining, the waves waving, the flowers were in bloom. Tourists jogged along the beach at Tel Aviv as if everything was normal.

But … there was the Shadow. Why was everything trembling a little, like a mirage? Was it like that moment before a tsunami when the birds fly to the treetops and the animals head for the hills because they can feel it coming?

"Every morning I wake up in fear," someone told me. "That's just self-pity, to excuse what's happening," said someone else. Of course, fear and self-pity can both be real. But by "what's happening," they meant the Shadow.

I'd been told ahead of time that Israelis would try to cover up the Shadow, but instead they talked about it non-stop. Two minutes into any conversation, the Shadow would appear. It's not called the Shadow, it's called "the situation." It haunts everything.

The Shadow is not the Palestinians. The Shadow is Israel's treatment of the Palestinians, linked with Israeli's own fears. The worse the Palestinians are treated in the name of those fears, the bigger the Shadow grows, and then the fears grow with them; and the justifications for the treatment multiply.

The attempts to shut down criticism are ominous, as is the language being used. Once you start calling other people by vermin names such as "vipers," you imply their extermination. To name just one example, such labels were applied wholesale to the Tutsis months before the Rwanda massacre began. Studies have shown that ordinary people can be led to commit horrors if told they'll be acting in self-defense, for "victory," or to benefit mankind.

I'd never been to Israel before, except in the airport. Like a lot of people on the sidelines – not Jewish, not Israeli, not Palestinian, not Muslim – I hadn't followed the "the situation" closely, though, also like most, I'd deplored the violence and wished for a happy ending for all.

Again like most, I'd avoided conversations on this subject because they swiftly became screaming matches. (Why was that? Faced with two undesirable choices, the brain – we're told – chooses one as less evil, pronounces it good, and demonizes the other.)

I did have some distant background. As "Egypt" at a Model U.N. in 1956, my high school's delegation had presented the Palestinian case. Why was it fair that the Palestinians, innocent bystanders during the Holocaust, had lost their homes? To which the Model Israel replied, "You don't want Israel to exist." A mere decade after the Camps and the six million obliterated, such a statement was a talk-stopper.

Then I'd been hired to start a Nature program at a liberal Jewish summer camp. The people were smart, funny, inventive, idealistic. We went in a lot for World Peace and the Brotherhood of Man. I couldn't fit this together with the Model U.N. Palestinian experience. Did these two realities nullify each other? Surely not, and surely the humane Jewish Brotherhood-of-Manners numerous in both the summer camp and in Israel itself would soon sort this conflict out in a fair way.

But they didn't. And they haven't. And it's no longer 1956. The conversation has changed dramatically. I was recently attacked for accepting a cultural prize that such others as Atom Egoyan, Al Gore, Tom Stoppard, Goenawan Mohamad, and Yo-Yo Ma had previously received. This prize was decided upon, not by an instrument of Israeli state power as some would have it, but by a moderate committee within an independent foundation. This group was pitching real democracy, open dialogue, a two-state solution, and reconciliation. Nevertheless, I've now heard every possible negative thing about Israel – in effect, I've had an abrupt and searing immersion course in present-day politics. The whole experience was like learning about cooking by being thrown into the soup pot.

The most virulent language was truly anti-Semitic (as opposed to the label often used to deflect criticism). There were hot debates among activists about whether boycotting Israel would "work," or not; about a one-state or else a two-state solution; about whether a boycott should exclude culture, as it is a bridge, or was that hypocritical dreaming? Was the term "apartheid" appropriate, or just a distraction? What about "de-legitimizing" the State of Israel? Over the decades, the debate had acquired a vocabulary and a set of rituals that those who hadn't hung around universities – as I had not – would simply not grasp.

Some kindly souls, maddened by frustration and injustice, began by screaming at me; but then, deciding I suppose that I was like a toddler who'd wandered into traffic, became very helpful. Others dismissed my citing of International PEN and its cultural-boycott-precluding efforts to free imprisoned writers as irrelevant twaddle. (An opinion cheered by every repressive government, extremist religion, and hard-line political group on the planet, which is why so many fiction writers are banned, jailed, exiled, and shot.)

None of this changes the core nature of the reality, which is that the concept of Israel as a humane and democratic state is in serious trouble. Once a country starts refusing entry to the likes of Noam Chomsky, shutting down the rights of its citizens to use words like "Nakba," and labelling as "anti-Israel" anyone who tries to tell them what they need to know, a police-state clampdown looms. Will it be a betrayal of age-old humane Jewish traditions and the rule of just law, or a turn towards reconciliation and a truly open society?

Time is running out. Opinion in Israel may be hardening, but in the United States things are moving in the opposite direction. Campus activity is increasing; many young Jewish Americans don't want Israel speaking for them. America, snarled in two chaotic wars and facing increasing international anger over Palestine, may well be starting to see Israel not as an asset but as a liability.

Then there are people like me. Having been preoccupied of late with mass extinctions and environmental disasters, and thus having strayed into the Middle-eastern neighbourhood with a mind as open as it could be without being totally vacant, I've come out altered. Child-killing in Gaza? Killing aid-bringers on ships in international waters? Civilians malnourished thanks to the blockade? Forbidding writing paper? Forbidding pizza? How petty and vindictive! Is pizza is a tool of terrorists? Would most Canadians agree? And am I a tool of terrorists for saying this? I think not.

There are many groups in which Israelis and Palestinians work together on issues of common interest, and these show what a positive future might hold; but until the structural problem is fixed and Palestine has its own "legitimized" state within its internationally recognized borders, the Shadow will remain.

"We know what we have to do, to fix it," said many Israelis. "We need to get beyond Us and Them, to We," said a Palestinian. This is the hopeful path. For Israelis and Palestinians both, the region itself is what's now being threatened, as the globe heats up and water vanishes. Two traumas create neither erasure nor invalidation: both are real. And a catastrophe for one would also be a catastrophe for the other.

______________________

[EoZ:] I just want to point out that Atwood's citing her 1956 Model UN experience representing Egypt as defending Palestinians is supremely ironic. The Egyptians in 1956 kept all Palestinians in Gaza by law - they were not allowed to leave the enclave and enter Egypt. The Egyptians cynically created a puppet "government" for Palestinians in Gaza that the entire world dismissed, but it allowed Egypt to pretend to be a champion for Palestinian rights at the same time they were quashing them. In other words, Atwood pretending to represent Egypt in 1956 is similar to her pretending to love Palestinians today - just an excuse to spout hate for Israel. 

 





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