Israel at war: democracy in action
This idea might come as a surprise to those who get their news about the Middle East solely from the mainstream media. The only Israelis who ever appear on the TV news here, in between the constant coverage of suffering Palestinians, are those protesting against the Israeli government and demanding an end to the war.Seth Mandel: Those Darned Disobedient Israelis
The mainstream-media narrative is basically that this is ‘Bibi’s war’, only kept going by Israel’s unpopular prime minister, ‘Bibi’ Netanyahu, as a cynical ploy to save his own political skin, postponing his fall from power and possible imprisonment. They want to reduce Israel’s war to the level of just another sordid government scandal. But that could hardly be further from the truth.
It is certainly true that Netanyahu has many opponents at home. Prior to the Hamas massacres of 7 October, Israeli society was politically deeply divided. In the immediate aftermath of the pogrom, Netanyahu was bitterly criticised for leaving Israel open to attack. Those divisions have not gone away, and even Netanyahu has acknowledged that his government will be called to account.
Yet those issues have not undermined the consistently widespread public support for Israel’s counter-attacks against Hamas and Hezbollah. The one thing that most Israelis agree upon, apart from the urgent desire to return all of the hostages taken by Hamas, is the need to defeat Islamist terror. Indeed, in the wake of the recent attacks on Hezbollah in Lebanon, in response to the indiscriminate shelling of Israeli civilians, Netanyahu and his Likud party have enjoyed a resurgence of support in the opinion polls. Away from party politics, every poll shows strikingly high levels of public support and admiration for the IDF.
Israelis support the war because they appreciate that what’s at stake is the survival of their democratic state. Most are dismissive of the naive talk in the US and Europe of a two-state solution; they know that the Islamists are not really fighting to create a Palestinian state, but to wipe the sovereign Israel off the map – ‘From the river to the sea’ – and to drive the Jews into the Mediterranean.
In one remarkable recent poll by the Jerusalem Centre for Security and Foreign Affairs, 68 per cent of Israelis said they supported a direct attack on Iran if its Lebanese proxy, Hezbollah, continues launching rockets at Israel. More than two-thirds of respondents opposed the notion of a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict after 7 October. And 92 per cent thought the Palestinian Authority that governs the West Bank – the Western powers’ preferred partner in a future Palestinian state – could not be trusted to prevent a repeat of the 7 October massacres. That is hardly surprising, given that some PA officials openly celebrated the attacks, while the leadership tried to blame Israel for staging the pogrom against its own citizens.
The anti-Israeli crusade in Europe and America has brought together all that is worst within our democracies, from the Western elites’ self-loathing to the merger of old-fashioned Islamic anti-Semitism with the new version of that prejudice spread by woke identity politics. Deserting Israel now means abandoning our own society’s democratic values, and siding with barbarism against civilisation.
By contrast, Israel at war is democracy in action, a beacon for us all. The people of Israel had to fight to establish the Jewish state in 1948 and have been fighting to defend it ever since. As citizens with an historic, hard-fought stake in their society, they have risen to the challenge despite their deep divisions. It is the common cause which the Israeli people have made in this war that has given the IDF the will to fight on, with more military success than many experts expected.
The link between popular engagement with a war and military success has been a feature of history, ever since the poor sailors of Ancient Athens, the ‘birthplace of democracy’, defeated the mighty Persian Empire at the naval Battle of Salamis in 480 BC. The Israelis are showing it once more. Reports suggest that many younger Israelis, of the peace-seeking generation that was dancing at the Nova music festival when Hamas murderers attacked, have since come round to the view that Israel must defeat its mortal enemies to survive.
Behind their empty words of sympathy for the 7 October victims, Western rulers’ retreat from fully supporting Israel in its wars against Hamas and Hezbollah reflects the elites’ loss of faith in fighting for national sovereignty and democracy at home. Those of us who want to stand up for our democratic civilisation, warts and all, should stand foursquare with the Israelis. To paraphrase the scriptural words Netanyahu used in his speech at the United Nations two weeks ago: Israel is a blessing, not a curse, in the war to defend Western democracy.
Today’s New York Times carries a long reflection on Biden’s inability to control events in the Middle East over the past year, framing the problem as one of “influence” and its limits. “Even as the United States has continued to arm Israel, the administration has been repeatedly thwarted in reining in Mr. Netanyahu, who has sidestepped or dismissed entreaties from the White House to de-escalate the conflict and leave room for a postwar creation of a Palestinian state,” writes reporter Michael Shear. “And with Israel now poised to carry out retaliatory strikes against Iran, the wider war that Mr. Biden sought to avert is at hand.”WSJ Editorial: The Defeat of Hamas and the Iranian Axis Is the Real Peace Plan
Apparently Biden and Bibi haven’t spoken since Aug. 21. The president feels defeated by his inability to solve two riddles, according to Shear: “How do you pressure an ally facing a threat to its existence? How far should you go if that ally ignores your advice?”
Biden, Shear writes, didn’t fulfill his intent to get all the hostages home. His humanitarian interventions in Gaza flopped. He told Israel not to give in to a rage similar to America’s own after the Sept. 11 terror attacks, and yet “decisions by Mr. Netanyahu and his cabinet mirrored those of the post-9/11 American politicians who felt that only war would ensure long-term security.”
But there’s one specific category of failure that, if Biden looks closely enough at, he will discern the root cause of all the others. Shear writes: “Mr. Biden’s message then included a blunt warning to Iran and others in the Middle East not to use the fighting in Gaza as an excuse to attack Israel… In the year since, those warnings have proved ineffective. Iran has twice launched missile attacks directly against Israel, including last week, and Mr. Netanyahu is now weighing options for retaliatory strikes. Hezbollah’s near-constant barrage of attacks from Lebanon over Israel’s northern border has triggered a vast Israeli military response over the past several weeks, including the killing of Hezbollah’s leader.”
Biden’s problem, it turns out, isn’t Israel’s defiance—it’s Iran’s defiance. Israel resisted going into Gaza until Hamas got tired of waiting and invaded Israel instead. Israel didn’t go into Lebanon until Iran made clear that it would be the only way to return displaced Israelis to their homes in the north. Iran-backed attacks have continued also from Iraq and Yemen, as well as from Iran itself.
Nobody has been asking Biden or Harris why the Iranians don’t listen to them, perhaps because, outside of sanctions relief, we aren’t supplying them with foreign aid. But that doesn’t explain why these questions aren’t asked just as pointedly about Qatar. The U.S. is Qatar’s largest foreign investor and largest source of imports. In 2022, Biden designated Qatar a Major Non-NATO Ally, a status that brings with it economic benefits, usually in the areas of trade and loans.
It does not explain why these questions aren’t asked of Egypt, a recipient of U.S. aid that enabled this war in the first place by allowing Hamas to connect Gaza to Egyptian territory via underground tunnels and which has mostly declined to play any number of humanitarian roles in the past year.
Turkey is a recipient of US aid and a member of NATO. Does it take marching orders from Washington? How about the Palestinian Authority? Does the US have no sway over anybody? A major obstacle to getting an answer to the question about US influence is that we only seem to ask it about the one country under assault and surrounded by genocidal enemies: Israel.
Hamas's massacre last Oct. 7 has taught the West forgotten lessons about deterrence, political will, and the illusions of a liberal, peaceful world. The world should never forget the videos of Hamas's atrocities. The terrorists livestreamed as they slaughtered the defenseless. They killed 1,200 people and took 251 hostages, 101 of whom remain in captivity. Hamas is proud of this handiwork and would repeat it if it could.
The reply of respectable liberalism has been to urge de-escalation, ceasefires and a two-state solution, and to blame Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu when they don't materialize. It's as if Hamas, Hizbullah and their patron in Iran don't exist.
As long as Iran pursues war, Israel must defend itself aggressively to survive. Hizbullah fired on Israel for 11 months. After a week of Israeli success in response, Mr. Biden called for a ceasefire there too. But if Hizbullah remains entrenched in southern Lebanon, how can there be peace?
Israel's best option is to degrade the Iranian axis's capabilities and deny it safe havens. Israel will have a better chance at a durable ceasefire when its enemies know they will suffer more than Israel does when they attack. The only path to a ceasefire, and a broader Middle East peace, is an Israeli victory over Iran and its terror network. Iran is bent on America's destruction as much as it is on Israel's. The Jewish state is the frontline of the West, and we can't let it lose.