Wednesday, June 18, 2025



We've already discussed the idea of community as an essential concept in building a moral society. A community can give people the incentive to act responsibly, as part of a covenant between them and others, in a practical and non-abstract way.

But community is also a pillar of a universal ethical system in another essential way. It can provide an answer to the basic philosophical  question of how to have an ethical system while respecting autonomy and pluralism.

Pluralism is not merely the reality of difference. It is the challenge of living with difference ethically. we live in a world where cultures, religions, and ideological tribes hold radically different views of right and wrong. We need a way to preserve those distinct ways of life without descending into either relativism or authoritarianism. 

Most modern ethical frameworks fail at this task. They either flatten all traditions into interchangeable preferences, or they impose a rigid universalism that denies communal identity.

Jewish ethics offers an alternative: a framework that honors the moral agency of communities while preserving universal ethical boundaries. 

Here's how it works: A community - whether religious, cultural, national, or ideological - may define obligations for its members. These obligations and priorities may, and inevitably will, not be identical to the triage rules and priorities we've defined in the Jewish ethical framework project. Each community will have its own customs, standards and priorities. But, crucially, these community standards must not violate what we've defined as the universal Tier 1 ethical values: life (Pikuach Nefesh), dignity (Kavod HaBriyot), communal responsibility (Areivut) and justice (Tzedek). These values serve as a kind of moral firewall: they do not dictate outcomes, but they delineate the space within which moral diversity can operate.

This boundary applies both across communities and within them. Communities are allowed to enforce internal norms, like rituals, roles, customs, so long as they do not cross the moral firewall. But they must also allow room for legitimate sub-communities or dissenting voices within. A community that demands total agreement and suppresses all variation ceases to be morally defensible. It cannot demand community autonomy while being intolerant of individual autonomy. It can provide communal pressure to conform, but it cannot coerce. Individuals who disagree with specific community standards but who do not want to secede from the community at large may create their own sub-communities: no one should be deprived of the enormous benefits of belonging to a community. 

In this model, "community"  is not a rigid, top-down unit. It is dynamic, overlapping, and contextual. Individuals are not members of a single moral collective - they inhabit many at once. A person may belong simultaneously to a religious community, a profession, a family, a nation, and a culture. Each of these may exert moral claims on them, and at times those claims will conflict.

This moral complexity does not have to result in chaos. It requires structure. This framework responds by offering a consistent process for evaluating competing communal obligations: one that begins by honoring community autonomy but draws clear boundaries around what communities may not do. A person who needs the Internet for work but does not want it in their home can navigate a solution to work from home with a minimum of violating community standards. We make these sorts of decisions every day; this system makes it easier to define the issues at stake and therefore to find the best solutions.

Critically, this framework does not prescribe coercive enforcement against communities that cross the line. It is not a court of law. Instead, it prescribes clarity: moral violations should be named, public accountability asserted, and complicity avoided. Intervention, if warranted, should be rare and proportional, focused on egregious harm, not normative difference. The goal is not control, but conscience and transparency. If a community can defend its own moral standards, let it - but it should use the universal grammar this framework provides so everyone can understand and debate the issues fairly and not talk past one another. 

In this way, Jewish ethics affirms that communities are the laboratories of moral diversity. But they are not moral kingdoms. Communities are responsible to their members, to each other, and to shared ethical values that apply across all communal lines.

Handling Conflict and Dissent

If individuals belong to multiple communities at once, then dissent is not only possible: it is inevitable. A person may find that their professional ethics contradict a religious expectation. Or that their national duty clashes with a communal norm. Or that their conscience diverges from a family tradition.

The question is not whether communities should have norms. They must. The question is how they treat those who live within them but do not fully conform.

A community that preserves dignity allows disagreement. It offers space for sub-communities to evolve, for members to question, and for roles to be negotiated. It does not resort to coercion, humiliation, or excommunication as the price of staying. Community identity is not brittle; it can stretch to accommodate diversity without losing integrity. And it invariably changes over time. 

This principle is deeply rooted in Jewish tradition. The Talmud records minority opinions with care. Prophets rebuke kings and priests in the name of justice. Halachic disputes remain preserved for future generations to study. The Jewish people has always contained internal plurality, not as a weakness but as a sign of moral seriousness. 

This universal ethical framework builds on this tradition. It asserts that a moral community is defined not just by what it expects of members, but by how it handles dissent. It allows communities to maintain standards - even strong ones - but only if they are enforced without degrading human dignity or suppressing moral conscience.

When internal dissent becomes widespread, it may catalyze a transformation. Sometimes a sub-community becomes the new center; sometimes the community divides into branches; sometimes it evolves. The framework does not fear this. It recognizes that ethical evolution, when conducted transparently and with respect for life, dignity, and justice, is not fragmentation. It is growth.

Belonging is not conditional on total agreement. It is conditional on mutual responsibility, respect, and an open structure of moral reasoning. A community that makes no room for principled difference is not a strong community. It is a brittle one.

In a world where individuals live in multiple moral spaces - between work and home, prayer and politics, culture and conscience - this system does not ask them to be morally seamless. It asks them to be morally honest. And it gives them the tools to weigh those obligations with integrity and with a clear ethical prism to navigate these different obligations. 

Case study: Modesty

Few communal norms are as emotionally charged as modesty. In many traditional societies, expectations around dress, behavior, and gender separation are seen as essential expressions of identity, reverence, or sanctity. For outsiders, however, these same norms can appear restrictive, coercive, or degrading.

This makes modesty an ideal case study for how to balance morality with pluralism. It is a genuine communal value, but one that frequently intersects with questions of autonomy, dignity, and inclusion. The question is not whether modesty can be a legitimate moral norm: it certainly can. The question is how it is taught, enforced, and negotiated.

The Jewish ethical system permits communities to uphold standards of modesty as internal expressions of sacred value. A house of worship may require covered shoulders; a school may have a dress code aligned with its ethos. These are legitimate within the boundaries of community autonomy.

But the moment modesty is used as a weapon - to shame, to exclude, to dominate - it crosses the line. A woman who wears red is not inviting exile. A man who wears jeans is not rejecting tradition. Enforcement that humiliates or silences violates human dignity, even if done in the name of religion.

Additionally, this distinction between universal dignity and community standards can help clarify even issues even within religious communities. Modesty is seen in religious communities as a means for protecting dignity, but each religious tradition also emphasizes human dignity as a separate standalone obligation. Modesty in principle can protect dignity, when it is enforced by using humiliation or public denigration as enforcement mechanisms, the claim to protect dignity becomes hypocritical. 

A community that values modesty must also uphold dignity. The tension between them is not a weakness in religious systems  - it is the essence of ethical judgment. This ethical framework provides a language and tools for competing values to be surfaced and debated even within communities, and it can act as a powerful tool against those who use religion to give themselves power.

Case study:  Polygamy and Child Marriage

Some of the hardest ethical tensions arise from ancient traditions that communities insist are normative. Marriage norms are one of the clearest examples. While Western liberal societies treat monogamy and adulthood as unquestioned prerequisites, other cultures maintain different traditions: polygamy, child marriage, and patriarchal household structures. 

Can these be morally acceptable under a pluralistic framework? Or are they violations in disguise?

The Jewish ethical framework does not begin by assuming that unfamiliar customs are wrong. But it also does not excuse serious harm just because it is wrapped in tradition. The key question is always the same: Does this structure uphold or undermine the top values of life, dignity, responsibility and justice?

Polygamy, for instance, is not inherently immoral. In certain historic or resource-scarce contexts, it may even have served a protective function. While it appears to Western eyes - correctly - as being difficult to implement fairly and with respect to all parties, it is certainly possible that the wives prefer this arrangement to alternatives available to them. But when polygamy becomes a tool of control, emotional harm, or coercion - especially toward women who have no say in the arrangement - it violates dignity and justice. Polygamy isn't the issue - it is the way power and choice are structured. 

The same principle applies to child marriage. A culture may claim that early marriage is traditional, or that it is voluntary. But if the girl lacks meaningful choice, access to education, or power to refuse, the practice violates justice and dignity, even if her community deems it normative. Consent must be real, not performative. Tradition cannot shield harm. As with polygamy, context is crucial:  a 20 year old forced into a marriage she is not prepared for is ethically more problematic than a physically and emotionally mature 16 year old who enthusiastically wants to get married to her beau.

Even well-meaning communities can uphold unjust structures without realizing it. Norms may be internalized. Roles may be reinforced by theology or law. But none of that excuses ethical evaluation. The moment a structure degrades dignity, suppresses justice, or risks life, it becomes subject to moral scrutiny, no matter how longstanding or sacred it may be.

That scrutiny does not require violence, sanctions, or conversion. It requires naming the harm, refusing to enable it, and supporting those who resist it. If a woman trapped in a coercive polygamous marriage seeks support, the ethical system demands she receive it. If a tradition silences dissent by invoking holiness, the ethical system must protect the dissenter.

The Jewish ethical framework we are presenting does not flatten cultures. It does not demand universal sameness. But it names injustice wherever it hides - even inside sacred institutions and even inside Jewish communities. 

Case study: Circumcision and female genital cutting

Of all culturally charged practices, bodily rituals involving children test the limits of ethical pluralism most acutely. Circumcision, celebrated in many Jewish and Muslim communities, is viewed by others as a violation of bodily autonomy. Female genital cutting (FGC), practiced in some parts of Africa and the Middle East, is widely condemned in liberal societies as inherently harmful. Can a pluralistic moral framework accommodate such practices? Where do we draw the line between tradition and harm, between identity and integrity?

This framework navigates this terrain. It does not begin by assuming that all bodily rituals are equal. Nor does it dismiss cultural meaning as irrelevant. Instead, it asks: Does the practice violate Tier 1 values? Does it degrade dignity, endanger life, or subvert justice? And how does consent factor into the picture, especially when the subject is a child?

Take male circumcision. In the Jewish tradition, it is not merely a custom but a covenantal act—one that links generations, sanctifies the body, and expresses belonging. Medically, it involves minor and well-studied risks, and the child typically suffers no long-term harm. While the child cannot consent, the act is framed by communal responsibility and love. Not to mention, most Jewish adults would prefer to have been circumcised when they were very young to making that choice in adulthood. In this framework, this is a case of legitimate intra-community practice. It may be questioned, but it does not clearly violate Tier 1 ethics.

Female genital cutting, by contrast, involves greater harm: pain, medical complications, long-term trauma, and reduced bodily function. Even where culturally accepted, it raises serious questions of coercion and silence.  The procedure typically aims not at covenant, but at controlling sexuality. In the Jewish ethical framework, this violates both dignity and justice. It may be culturally meaningful, but that meaning cannot outweigh the harm.

The distinction, then, is not purely anatomical. It is ethical. It rests on purpose, harm, agency, and context. A ritual that causes minor physical change for profound communal meaning may be permitted. One that imposes significant and irreversible harm - especially to restrict freedom - must be challenged. (Incidentally, ear piercing babies for purely cosmetic reasons must be evaluated under the same ethical standards.) 

This analysis gives religious communities a test they can apply to themselves. Not: Is this sacred to us? But: Does this uphold the dignity of the person undergoing it? Is harm minimized? Is the act consistent with our own highest moral claims? Grappling with these questions with honesty and integrity is itself a moral obligation. A tradition that refuses ethical scrutiny will eventually lose both its authority and its adherents. A tradition that asks hard questions about its practices is not weakened. It is purified.

And for the broader society, this framework provides a way to intervene without imposing. When FGC is clearly harmful, it may be restricted. But male circumcision, where harm is minor and meaning is deep, should be respected. The standard is not cultural preference. It is universal dignity.

This is what principled pluralism looks like: not avoiding controversy, but engaging it—openly, rigorously, and with the moral clarity that only a structured framework can provide.

Case study: Abortion

Few moral disagreements cut as deeply across communal lines as abortion. But when looked at through this framework, it is a different type of issue than what we have been discussing so far.

All major moral traditions agree with the sanctity of human life. In the case of abortion, the question is not this sanctity but the very definition of life itself. 

For some communities, life begins at conception, and any termination is tantamount to murder. For others, fetal life is a continuum - biologically real but morally emergent, gaining weight as gestation progresses. For still others, the moral agent is not the fetus but the woman, whose bodily autonomy and lived experience take ethical priority.

This framework does not aim to resolve the metaphysical question of when life begins. Instead, it offers a structure for navigating communities with different answers to that question. And it insists that moral pluralism must still respect Tier 1 values: life, dignity, and justice.

If a community defines life as beginning at conception, it may restrict abortion among its members, treat the fetus as full human being, and uphold a culture of life. But it may not enforce those views beyond its own borders through coercion, shame, or violence. Nor may it treat miscarriage or contraception as criminal acts if doing so undermines dignity and justice.

Conversely, if a community views abortion as permissible until birth, it may support reproductive autonomy. But it must still account for the moral complexity of fetal life. Late-term abortion, while it may be legally justified, must still pass the test of justice and compassion. The fetus is not a nullity. This  framework does not require it be treated as fully human, but it cannot allow it to be treated as worthless, either. A decision for an abortion should be at least as weighty as a decision for amputation or putting down a beloved pet. 

The ethical system permits deep disagreement on the definition of life, but not on the ethical process for weighing competing values. A pregnancy involves two morally significant realities: a developing life and a human in full possession of her own. Ethical clarity does not come from pretending only one exists. It comes from acknowledging both and balancing them with rigor.

Judaism provides a model of this complexity. The fetus is not a person, but it is not nothing. It has potential. Its destruction is tragic, even if sometimes necessary. Jewish law places the life of the mother first, but not without sorrow for what is lost. This middle ground—this refusal to absolutize either side—is not a compromise. It is a moral stance.

Moral pluralism allows communities to adopt different abortion standards. But it requires them to be consistent, compassionate, and transparent in their logic. A community that criminalizes day-after pills while ignoring maternal mortality violates justice. A community that celebrates unrestricted abortion without reflection violates dignity.

In this way, the Jewish ethical system transforms abortion from a binary battlefield into an ethical case study. It asks: What do you believe life is? Why? And how does that belief guide - not override - your commitment to justice and compassion? This is not a dodge. It is moral adulthood.

Conclusion: A Framework for Pluralism Without Relativism

This article has traced some of the most ethically contentious issues of our time - modesty and gender, polygamy and child marriage, circumcision and bodily autonomy, abortion and the moral status of life - and shown how a single ethical framework can hold them all. Not by reducing them to sameness, and not by imposing uniformity, but by offering a method: a way of reasoning that respects community, protects dignity, and navigates difference without surrendering to chaos or coercion.

The strength of this system lies in its refusal to retreat into either pole of the modern moral trap and of falsely defining everything in terms of stark moral binaries.  It does not dissolve all norms into relativism, nor does it enforce a brittle universalism that flattens cultural meaning. Instead, it honors pluralism with structure. It draws a boundary - life, dignity, responsibility, justice - and permits moral diversity within that space. It acknowledges conflict without panic, tension without collapse.

While those Tier 1 values provide a non-negotiable ethical floor, different communities will inevitably prioritize other values - such as modesty, tradition, or equality - based on their own identities. This framework allows for that internal variation, but expects each community to develop a coherent and transparent way of adjudicating and prioritizing those competing values. The Jewish ethical triage system can serve as a model: it has evolved over centuries to balance sacred priorities through structured reasoning. Other communities are invited - not forced - to do the same, and to explain their logic using a shared ethical grammar. 

What emerges is a system strong enough to handle complexity. It can tolerate disagreement on definitions, like when life begins or what modesty requires. It can even tolerate disagreement on prioritization of values or adding additional values.  The reason is because the system is anchored in a deeper agreement on process. That agreement is not abstract - it is functional. It allows communities to govern themselves, to evolve, and to diverge, but it requires them to take moral responsibility for the consequences of their norms and to be consistent in how they apply their own versions of the values and rules. It does not tell them what to think. It requires them to think ethically.

Importantly, this framework recognizes that the moral landscape is not clean. It is human. People belong to overlapping communities. we face real tradeoffs. We  live in gray areas. This system does not pretend to offer perfect clarity. It offers honest tools.

Possibly even more importantly, this system provides a universal moral language that allows ethical debate using a consistent framework where people can engage honestly and without rancor. 

And that is what a working moral operating system must do. Not command, not collapse, but clarify. It gives people and communities the means to speak to one another across difference = not just with passion, but with reason. Not just with identity, but with integrity.

In an age of ideological tribalism and moral exhaustion, this is more than a method. It is a lifeline. It is the beginning of a better conversation. And  while there will always be disagreements, the system allows and even encourages respectful argument based on a shared moral grammar.







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  • Wednesday, June 18, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon


Everyone is wondering what President Trump will decide to do in Iran.

I can guess as well as anyone.

Trump wants to project American power, but he is risk averse. He does not want to put any American lives at risk and he does not want to get involved in wars with no clear way out.

On the other hand, he agrees that Iran should never have nuclear weapons, and he seems to agree that Iran had a clandestine nuclear weapons program.

He also wants to tell the world that when he sets a deadline for action, he means it - including the 60 day negotiation deadline with Iran. He views himself as a master dealmaker, and if he perceives (correctly) that Iran was just using those nuclear negotiations to buy time and had no intention of dismantling its path to an atom bomb, then there must be consequences.

The most important factor is that Israel has already destroyed Iranian air defense systems and has greatly damaged Iran's ability to launch a massive missile attack.

All of this points to Trump deciding to drop a GBU-57 30,000 pound Massive Ordnance Penetrator or two on the Fordow nuclear facility, destroying or damaging most of what remains of Iran's uranium enrichment program.

It is a low-risk move that would support Trump's desire to frame the US as a nation no one wants to mess with. It strengthens the US position in every future negotiation and deal. It makes US threats around the world, a key component of Trump's negotiation strategy, more credible. 

Not to mention that the symbolism of using the largest non-nuclear weapon in the world, dropped by a US-built B-2 stealth bomber that no one else has, fits Trump's personality to a T.

Together with Israel's strikes on Natanz, assassinations of Iran's leading nuclear scientists and attacks on  weaponization facilities, this can virtually end Iran's nuclear program.

The risk/reward ratio is tiny. The worst that can happen is that Iran shoots a few missiles at US military interests in the Middle East, and the chances that they would hit successfully become lower every day that Israel continues to destroy their launchers and missiles. The US would strike back, get some private assurances from Iran that they won't attack the US again, declare victory and go home, sort of how Trump dealt with the Houthis. 

There is also a small chance that Iran's proxies in Iraq and Yemen would attack US interests in the region, but their orbit is around Iran, and a clear defeat for Iran makes them less likely to risk their own power bases with a large US counterattack.. Hezbollah already made its calculation of not supporting Iran militarily in this war. While the Houthis are a wildcard, usually self-preservation wins out over solidarity with an "axis of resistance" that is weakening by the day.

Using America's muscle in such a spectacular and public way would not only cripple Iran’s nuclear ambitions but also signal to North Korea, Russia, China and others that Trump’s deadlines are non-negotiable. 

Trump isn't interested in regime change or giving Iranians freedom. But virtually destroying what is left of Iran's nuclear program with US-made bombers and bombs definitely fits in with his America First philosophy. 







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  • Wednesday, June 18, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon
In my last post I described how Iran, which has been all but defeated militarily, has been relying more and more on operations to influence Israeli public opinion by exhausting Israelis with smaller but more frequent barrages of missiles, which have become increasingly ineffective as weapons but cause Israelis to run to shelter more often.

This is only one component of Iran's psychological operations, which have become essentially their entire war plan. Much of the psy-ops are aimed not at Israel but at the US and the world, as well as the Iranian people. And the messages are often contradictory depending on the audience.

In Farsi, the IRGC tries to convince Iranians that they are winning the war and that the Muslim world is behind them (Defa Press current headlines):


To Israel, Iranian state media has been sending a message that maybe Iran already has a nuclear weapon that they are just itching to fire at Tel Aviv:




At the UN, Iran emphasizes not its supposedly massive attacks on Israel but its victimhood, saying that this is a defensive war and Iran's attacks have been limited. 



For the US, Iran says that it will strike hard if the US enters the war, using advanced technology that it claims has sent cowardly Zionists scurrying to shelter in fear:


On X, Khamenei threatened a massive and devastating attack on Israel - on the first day of the war.


The message hasn't changed. At all. 



A more sophisticated message was sent to Reuters, using anonymous Iranian insiders to warn that Khamenei is increasingly unstable and might do something unpredictable and "extremely dangerous" if the war continues:

Iran’s 86-year-old Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei cuts an increasingly lonely figure.

Khamenei has seen his main military and security advisers killed by Israeli airstrikes, leaving major holes in his inner circle and raising the risk of strategic errors, according to five people familiar with his decision-making process.

One of those sources, who regularly attends meetings with Khamenei, described the risk of miscalculation to Iran on issues of defense and internal stability as “extremely dangerous.”
This source is obviously loyal to Khamenei- he wouldn't be in his inner circle if he wasn't - which means that this message of Khamenei's supposed instability and unpredictability is approved by Iran's Supreme Leader himself. He is adapting Trump's "I'm crazy, so you better not mess with me" tactic. 

Notice that the specific nature of the threat is left unsaid, to use Western imagination as the weapon itself. But what can Khamenei do that he hasn't tried already, when his armed forces have lost and are reduced to crowing over shooting down a single drone while IAF planes have unchallenged dominance over the skies of Iran?

Last night Iran promised a huge attack on Israel. There was no damage from a couple of dozen missiles. The threats are becoming increasingly desperate and geared towards making the war end, keeping the regime in power and saving at least parts of its nuclear program.

And if that is what this genocidal regime wants, it is the exact opposite of what must happen.





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Tuesday, June 17, 2025

  • Tuesday, June 17, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon
Times of Israel reports:
Iran fired a pair of ballistic missile barrages at Israel early Wednesday, as Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei declared “the battle begins” and called to show “no mercy” toward Israelis.

The first salvo began to trigger sirens across a large swath of Israel shortly after 12:40 a.m., and included some 15 projectiles. The next barrage of approximately 10 rockets began around 40 minutes later and triggered alerts in central Israeli communities and a number of West Bank settlements.
Last October, Iran shot nearly 200 missiles at Israel. In the first two days of this war, it shot about 100 a day.

Each succeeding barrage has had fewer and fewer missiles.


Iran clearly wants to cause as much damage to Israel as possible, but the best way to do that is to send as many missiles as possible and hope to overwhelm Israel's (and its allies') defenses to intercept them.

But as Israel has been taking out missile launchers, as well as attacks on Iran's infrastructure (we can assume communications included), Iran's ability to shoot large numbers of missiles from multiple locations simultaneously has gone down dramatically.

Most of the recent barrages (as of this writing, midnight Tuesday night) have had little destructive effect in Israel.

It means that Iran has mostly given up on trying to hurt Israel. It will still try but it simply no longer has the ability.

That's why it has changed its strategy from kinetic to psychological. Iran's current war is geared towards making Israelis' lives miserable with disruptions in the middle of the day - because even a few rockets cause a Red Alert and force millions of Israelis to shelter. 

They are hoping, probably based on their own readings of Haaretz and the New York Times, that Israelis are sick and tired of war and will pressure Netanyahu to ask for a ceasefire. 

This is part of their strategy to place absurd claims of victorious attacks and shooting down Israeli planes into social media via Western useful idiots. Add to this their attempts to claim that Israel is violating international law, hoping for UN resolutions against it. 

Iran has all but given up trying to damage Israel physically. All it has left is psychology. And in the meanwhile its own citizens are getting closer and closer to overthrowing their own leaders - the scenario they have been expecting to happen in Israel for several years. 





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From Ian:

Garry Kasparov: Israel Won’t Fall for the Illusion of Stability
Pour one out for Ben Rhodes. In some ways, The World as It Is is a perfect title for the longtime Obama foreign policy adviser’s memoir, because the illusion of the status quo is all that Rhodes and his fellow travelers could ever stomach in geopolitics. But it was always just that: an illusion. Rhodes never really looked at the world as it is; he simply imagined a facade of post–Cold War stability. The historic Israeli military campaign against Iran that began last week represents another crack in that facade, joining the October 7, 2023, attack on Israel, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the annexation of Crimea, and the Arab Spring.

After spending the past year and a half knocking out one Iranian proxy after another, Israel has dealt the Islamic Republic a heavy blow in recent days. Not just militarily, but politically too. Israeli forces killed a number of senior officials in Tehran, including the chief of staff of the military, the head of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the commander of the IRGC’s Aerospace Force, and a senior adviser to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. And that was just in the first few hours. I suspect that the occupational hazards associated with employment in the Iranian government will continue to grow with each passing day.

Now that the Islamic Republic is severely weakened, the alarmist foreign policy commentariat is apprising us of the unacceptable risks, raising their well-worn red flags. (Or should I say white flags?) “Escalation!” “Global war!” And the ultimate enemy of the status quo: “regime change!” In the shadow of the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq, I don’t doubt that Rhodes and some like him had good intentions, but we all know what the road to hell is paved with.

Under President Obama, American officials frequently stared down the nastiest offenders in the international rogues’ gallery and insisted that there was “no military solution.” “No military solution” might sound nice to enlightened ears. Unfortunately, it’s a meaningless slogan. Tellingly, Russian officials repeat it all the time too. The Russian ambassador to the UN used that Ben Rhodes-esque turn of phrase at the Security Council, declaring that “no military solution can be legitimate or viable” in Iran. But Russia does believe there are military solutions to its problems—ask any Ukrainian, Syrian, or Georgian. Yet too many in Washington remain determined to fight armed marauders with flowery words.

The initial takeaway from Rhodes on the well-earned battering that the Iranian regime has received was that “this war will above all harm innocent people for no good reason.”

In the shadow of the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq, I don’t doubt that Rhodes and some like him had good intentions, but we all know what the road to hell is paved with.

Notice the reliance on the future tense. Status-quo huggers hide behind fear of what might happen instead of confronting the brutal truth of what’s actually happened or is happening. Call it a preference for deadly reality over frightening uncertainty.
Andrew Fox: Israel’s bold, and dangerous, gamble
So what does ‘success’ look like for each side? For Israel, the best-case scenario in Iran is that a combination of internal unrest, elite fragmentation and sustained sabotage, along with airstrikes, either collapse the regime or force it to retreat from its nuclear programme. The second-best outcome would be a significant delay to Iran’s nuclear programme, perhaps buying a decade or more. The worst-case scenario is that Iran weathers the storm and sprints for a bomb.

For Iran, ‘success’ means surviving the onslaught while projecting strength, deterring future attacks through visible retaliation and perhaps leveraging the threat of nuclear capability to force concessions. If Tehran can maintain regional influence, continue enrichment and keep Israel guessing, it will consider that a strategic win. The Iranians may accept Trump’s offer of a deal to reconsider their nuclear ambitions, although this would represent a humbling strategic defeat.

There is a darker prospect, too: unending escalation. This cycle could spiral into a painful and damaging campaign of attrition for both sides. Should Iran refuse to compromise, firmly on the back foot and battered from the skies, it is conceivable that Israel will escalate. This could mean striking at the political leadership itself, and forcing the regime change Israel is currently only hinting at.

Which brings us to the crucial question: how does this de-escalate? At present, it does not. Neither side is incentivised to back down. Israel views a nuclear Iran as an existential threat; Iran perceives Israeli aggression as justification for doubling down. The lack of a credible mediator and the erosion of American deterrence highlight just how fragile the situation is.

One path to stability may lie in backchannel diplomacy, particularly if the US and Gulf states can persuade Iran to halt enrichment in exchange for an end to hostilities. However, Israel’s leadership seems to have little faith in diplomacy and no desire for a pause. They believe time is not on their side.

Israel’s absolute penetration of Iran’s security environment and its total air supremacy over its enemy’s capital city should be understood as both a message and a warning. It says: ‘We are inside your defences. We can strike you at will.’ It also reveals a strategic conundrum. Israel has embarked on a campaign that may be beyond its means to finish. Effective as these strikes are, they may not stop Iran’s nuclear drive and might even accelerate it.

What began with a covert drone strike has now turned into open conflict. Rockets are being fired at Israeli cities and airstrikes are lighting up the skies over Tehran. Israel is gambling on precision, pressure and psychological warfare to bring down a regime it hopes to bomb into submission. Iran is betting that it can absorb the blows, outlast its enemies and emerge nuclear-armed. Both sides are pushing the boundaries of strategy and restraint.

Right now, neither side has the option to stop. Both are willing to find out what happens when they do not. Whatever happens next could shape the Middle East for decades.
Michael Oren: Trump: Greatest Peacemaker of the Century
For many years now, under both Republican and Democratic administrations, American diplomacy on Iran has focused on curbing its nuclear program. Successive presidents have pledged to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. But that approach, however admirable, did not seek to deny Iran the ability to make nuclear weapons nor did it address what was euphemistically called Iran’s “malign behavior.”

That behavior includes Iran’s status as the world’s foremost state sponsor of terror attacks that have claimed countless lives on multiple continents. The regime has murdered Iranian dissidents around the world and tried to assassinate senior American officials, among them President Trump. The Islamic Republic has supplied the missiles and drones used to kill thousands of Ukrainians and helped ignite the current disastrous Middle East war by backing Hamas and Hezbollah. The regime enabled Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad to massacre a half million of his own countrymen and the Houthi terrorists in Yemen to block international shipping. Pro-Iranian militias launched dozens of attacks against US bases in Iraq, Jordan, and Syria killing and wounding American soldiers. And the Ayatollahs did all this while brutally oppressing their own people, women, LGBT+, and ethnic minorities especially. Malign behavior indeed.

By insisting that Iran not only limit its nuclear program but dismantle it, President Trump is the first world leader to ensure that the regime will neither have nuclear weapons now nor the means to produce them in the future. But once the Ayatollahs are defeated or overthrown, the president can achieve vastly more.

The president can end Iran’s support for global terror, its backing of Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis, and its supply of the weapons that kill Ukrainians. The president can guarantee the sovereignty of Syria and Lebanon and the demilitarization of Yemen and Gaza. Through President Trump’s diplomacy, Iranians can once again enjoy freedom.

The fall of the Islamic Republic’s empire can give rise to peace between Israel and Lebanon, Syria, Saudi Arabia, and possibly Iran itself. A ceasefire deal can be achieved in Gaza and all of the Israeli hostages released. The Middle East will be thoroughly and stunningly transformed. President Trump will be hailed as modern history’s greatest peacemaker.
David Harsanyi: Iran is nothing like the Iraq War
Iran, of course, has been an enemy of the U.S. for over four decades, regularly taking American citizens hostage, hatching assassination plots against U.S. leaders, undermining U.S. interests in the Middle East, and threatening Gulf allies and international shipping lanes. Iran is responsible for the death of over 600 American troops, or approximately 1 in every 6 combat fatalities in Iraq, maiming thousands of others. Imagine how fundamentalist Islamic leadership would conduct itself with nuclear warheads.

It is, in case anyone has forgotten, the longtime position of the U.S. that Iran should not possess nuclear weapons. This was, ostensibly at least, the purpose of former President Barack Obama’s deal with the mullahs. Remember that Ben Rhodes’s “echo chamber” narrative was conceived to gin up support for the failed Iran deal. Trump, who backed out of that disastrous agreement, has on multiple occasions not only unequivocally stated that Iran would be denied nuclear weapons, but that he would allow Israel to take out the program. “Hit the nuclear first and worry about the rest later” does not sound like the sentiments of a neoconservative nation builder but a pragmatic Western leader.

Though Israelis have likely funded and employed public relations efforts to boost the prospect of internal opposition groups, not one leader has ever expressed any interest in landing troops on Iranian soil for any occupation to make it happen. If Iranians want to depose the Khamenei regime, and they have shown repeatedly that they do, they will have to do the hard work themselves.

For Israel, the strategic goal is clear: degrade, hopefully destroy, Iran’s ability to produce a nuclear bomb. Israel is trying to win a war of survival, not remake the Middle East. Numerous outlets have reported that Israel has asked the U.S. to participate in strikes. This might be true, or it might be information warfare. Perhaps the story was planted to scare the Iranians into surrendering. Perhaps Israel could use help destroying the Fordow nuclear facility, buried deep under the mountainside. Doing so would be in our best interests as well.

As of this writing, however, there is no evidence that the U.S. has engaged in any combat missions. The Iranians, thus far, haven’t attacked any American bases in the region because the last thing they need is further pulling us into the conflict.

And it’s about time rogue terrorist regimes were terrified of the U.S. again.
From Ian:

Armin Rosen: Can Israel End Iran’s Nuclear Program?
The United States is the only country in the world with the ability to destroy the Fordow nuclear facility quickly from the air, something we could accomplish by dropping a couple 15-ton Massive Ordnance Penetrator bombs on the most important and heavily protected piece of Iran’s nuclear infrastructure. Such a strike would potentially reset the entirety of international arms control.

Since the early 1970s, the world has depended on the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) regime, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), and the U.N. Security Council to maintain a global system that regulates the spread and development of nuclear weapons technology, placing American adversaries like China and Russia at the apex of the arms control system and creating layers of bureaucracy and diplomacy that would-be proliferators have learned to exploit. Pakistan, India, and North Korea have all built nuclear arsenals in defiance of the NPT. Until this week, Iran was very close to joining them.

The global arms control regime never considered Fordow—or, for that matter, Yongbyon, the site of North Korea’s nuclear breakthroughs in the mid-’90s—to be sufficiently serious a threat to global peace to warrant military action. Interestingly enough, the three most recent instances of a country using force to stop an in-progress nuclear program—namely, the Israeli attacks on Iraq, Syria, and Iran—were launched by a state that isn’t a signatory to the NPT. So far the United States has declined to attack North Korean and Iranian nuclear sites. If Donald Trump were to reverse course and bomb Fordow, he would reorient all of global nonproliferation around American strategic judgment and leadership. A successful U.S. attack on Fordow would establish a precedent that a would-be atomic scofflaw couldn’t ignore, with Washington acting as the final bulwark against the spread of nuclear weapons in cases where the NPT regime failed.

But what if Trump decides stanching the tide of nuclear weapons is a job better left to the Chinas and Russias of the world? What if the Israelis are really on their own here? One of the big unknowns of Operation Rising Lion is the extent of the damage Israel has been able to inflict on the Iranian nuclear program so far. Clarifying the issue requires both scientific expertise and deep knowledge of the entire Iranian nuclear-industrial complex.

Almost no one on earth is more qualified to talk about Israel’s progress against the Iranian bomb than the physicist and former IAEA inspector David Albright, founder and president of the Institute for Science and International Security (ISIS). The institute has already published a detailed summary of the likely impact of Israeli strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities. I spoke to Albright on Monday afternoon to get an update on where things stand. The conversation has been edited for length and clarity.
Israel cannot settle for a temporary military win, it must topple the Islamic regime
Israel’s immediate military actions have, by all accounts, been successful in degrading Tehran’s most critical threats. The three pillars of the regime's threat – its nuclear program, its ballistic missile arsenal, and its global terror network – have been shaken. But to believe these setbacks are permanent is to ignore decades of history. The Islamic Republic’s ambition is resilient. Its nuclear program, though damaged, retains its most crucial asset: the knowledge to build a bomb. The scientists may be gone, the centrifuges shattered, but the blueprints remain. History shows us that after every setback, Tehran has rebuilt its program with greater speed, sophistication, and secrecy. To allow this regime to survive is to guarantee that it will rise from the rubble more determined than ever to cross the nuclear threshold, this time building deeper, more fortified sites, and learning from every Israeli success.

Similarly, its ballistic missile program is not merely a strategic asset; it is a core pillar of its regional dominance and its primary threat against the Israeli home front. While stockpiles can be destroyed and launch sites cratered, the industrial base and the engineering expertise remain. The regime’s leaders are driven by ideological and strategic imperative to maintain and advance this capability. They will rebuild, and they will aim for missiles that are faster, more precise, and capable of overwhelming any defense system.

Finally, the regime’s tentacular support for terrorism has been its primary method of waging war for decades. From Hezbollah in Lebanon to the Houthis in Yemen and militias in Iraq, this proxy network is Iran’s way of bleeding its enemies without risking a direct state-on-state war. Disrupting weapons convoys and eliminating commanders are necessary tactical actions, but they do not address the source of the cancer. As long as the head of the snake remains in Tehran, it will continue to fund, arm, and direct its legion of proxies to sow chaos and violence on Israel’s borders.

The nature of this regime is not subject to negotiation. It will not be pacified by diplomacy or deterred by temporary military defeats. Its commitment to regional hegemony and the destruction of Israel is woven into its very DNA.

Therefore, Israel faces a stark choice. It can heed the calls for de-escalation, enjoy a fleeting moment of victory, and allow a wounded and vengeful regime to reconstitute its strength for the next, more lethal, round. Or, it can commit to a policy that sees this conflict through to its only logical conclusion: to topple the regime once and for all. It is time to stop trimming the branches of the poison tree and focus on uprooting it entirely.
Andrew Fox: How This Phase of the Israel-Iran War Will End
With that being said, Andrew Fox is fairly optimistic, writing that “this war is won already.” He explains:

Israeli air supremacy has decimated Iran’s military infrastructure. At the same time, Iran’s missile salvos appear to be diminishing in scale daily as the IDF degrades Iranian launcher capability. Missiles have been intercepted for the most part, although they continue to inflict casualties.

Although Iran insists it will not negotiate under fire, its backchannel diplomacy conveys a different narrative. The regime seeks a face-saving way out. This is a surrender.

But the details of a negotiated peace could vary, and in the worst-case scenario, Fox writes,

the regime would frame it as a heroic stand: Iran “resisted Zionist aggression,” inflicted damage on Israel, and emerged intact. State media would highlight Israeli casualties and missile damage as proof of Iranian strength, while portraying international ceasefire efforts as evidence that the world fears Iran’s power. This narrative of resilience could temporarily bolster the regime’s fragile legitimacy.

However, this “victory” would be highly costly and precarious. Israeli strikes have devastated Iran’s military infrastructure, degraded the leadership of the [Revolutionary Guard], and set back its nuclear program, albeit not permanently. The economy, already crippled by sanctions, would be in an even worse condition, with oil facilities, airports, and industrial sites all damaged. Rebuilding would take years.

If Iran does not find a way to reach a deal, Israel will capitalize on its advantage and try to collapse the Iranian regime. The IDF, having achieved air supremacy, will target the regime’s backbone: command bunkers, nuclear facilities, oil infrastructure, and symbols of state authority.

At this stage, there is nothing at all to stop Israel from relentlessly pounding Iran until it surrenders. There seems to be no shortage of ammunition, and American resupply can happen at will. Despite international media attempts to portray a tit-for-tat scenario, it has been an overwhelming victory for Israel. This is not even a debate.
  • Tuesday, June 17, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon
The IRGC-linked Defa Press (Farsi) headlines show a very different war than the one everyone else is seeing.

The head of the National Security and Foreign Policy Committee of the Parliament, in a conversation with the head of the Security and Defense Committee of the Iraqi Parliament, said: "Contrary to the enemies' imagination, the field process is in favor of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and with God's grace, the defeat of the Zionist regime will be close."

After Operation True Promise 3 entered its strategic stages and the regime's army was placed in a completely defensive position, Israeli officials indirectly sought a ceasefire or compromise, not from a position of power, but out of necessity and to prevent internal collapse and desperation.

The commander of the Army Ground Forces said: "Over the past 24 hours, various types of destructive drones have destroyed the strategic positions of the Zionist regime with their destructive and pinpointing power."

The head of the country's Passive Defense Organization stated that the image of Iran's national power is being restored, and said: "Certainly, in the coming days, political and military equations will be in Iran's favor."

A significant number of Israeli intelligence officers and commanders were killed in today's attack by the IRGC on Israeli intelligence centers.

The country's integrated air defense network destroyed 28 types of hostile aircraft over the past 24 hours.

During the Zionist regime's invasion of our country, the Secretariat of the National Congress of Foreign Martyrs in Captivity issued a statement announcing that we are responding to the Leader of the Islamic Revolution.

The commander of the Khatam al-Anbiya (PBUH) Central Headquarters said: "In the continuation of the proud operations of the powerful and prepared armed forces of Islamic Iran, the series of operations will continue until the Zionist enemy completely repents."

The Commander-in-Chief of the Army emphasized in a message: The Army of the Islamic Republic of Iran has made effective efforts to defend the sacred territory of dear Iran, and from now on, with full readiness, it will deal severe blows to the fake and child-killing Zionist regime.

Imam Khamenei: Armed forces will impoverish the scoundrel Zionist regime (6/13)
The Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution said: The Zionist regime will not escape this crime unscathed, and the Iranian people can be assured that there will be no letup in this regard.

There are always new weapons, new surprises, around the corner that will teach the Zionists their lesson. And there have been these promises since the fighting started.

The Iranian people know they are being lied to. I think the only people believing these stories are Western antisemites. 

But it is a strategy, as government spokesperson Fatemeh Mohajerani said in her daily TV broadcast: "We are in a hybrid war, part of which is taking place in the sky and part through the media."

Since Iran already lost the first war, they have no choice but to spend all their energy on the second.





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  • Tuesday, June 17, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon


Iran's Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmaeil Baqaei accused Israel of bombing the Hakim Children's Hospital in Tehran.

I tried to trace down this story and found nothing.

Tehran Times illustrates its story about this supposed bombing with three images of twisted metal, not showing where the photos were taken.


The story does not describe any damage or witnesses, only how terrible Israel is for doing it.

The source appears to be Sana Saeed, a former Al Jazeera reporter who made the claim with no evidence. A social media influencer in Iran said that she checked it out, asked hospital officials and was assured that the hospital was fine.



Most lies aren't so blatant. For example, there are accusations of Israel also targeting the Farabi hospital in Kermanshah. The damage shown in the hospital is real but all appears to be secondary - if Israel wanted to destroy the hospital, we'd see more than ceiling tiles being damaged and windows blown out.



Luckily, Iranians aren't as controlled as Gazans are, and are willing to tell the truth with little fear of being killed for doing so. One reporter said that this was collateral damage from Israel directly targeting a factory nearby that was probably an IRGC installation. 

Or the story of a female reporter killed by Israel, who happened to be in the same house as her father and uncle. Her father was Chief of the General Staff of the Iranian Armed Forces and her uncle was a commander. 

Experience shows that when enough lies are thrown out, eventually some of them go viral and debunking them becomes almost useless. 

Which is exactly the point. 






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  • Tuesday, June 17, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon


It's bad enough that the New York Times Tom Friedman is ignorant. But the fact that he thinks he is brilliant is what makes his columns so terrible. He is more interested in play-acting being an expert than in actual analysis.

Iran’s flawed strategic doctrine, which was also practiced by its proxy, Hezbollah, to equally bad results, is a doctrine I call trying to out-crazy an adversary. Iran and Hezbollah are always ready to go all the way, thinking that whatever their opponents might do in response, Hezbollah or Iran will always outdo them with a more extreme measure.

[W]here it fell short was Iran and Hezbollah thinking they could drive Israelis out of their biblical homeland. Iran and Hezbollah are delusional in this regard — Hamas, too. They keep referring to the Jewish state as a foreign colonial enterprise, with no indigenous connection to the land, and therefore they assume the Jews will eventually meet the same fate as the Belgians in the Belgian Congo. That is, under enough pressure they will eventually go back to their own version of Belgium.

But the Israeli Jews have no Belgium. They are as indigenous to their biblical homeland as the Palestinians, no matter what “anticolonial” nonsense they teach at elite universities. Therefore, you will never out-crazy the Israeli Jews. If push comes to shove, they will out-crazy you.

They will play by the local rules, and yes, those are not the rules of the Geneva Conventions. They are the rules of the Middle East, which I call Hama Rules — named after the Hama attacks perpetrated by the Syrian government of Hafez al-Assad in 1982, the aftermath of which I covered. Al-Assad wiped out the Muslim Brotherhood in Hama by mercilessly leveling whole swaths of the city, whole blocks of apartments, into a parking lot. Hama rules are no rules at all.

Friedman makes it sound like he is pro-Israel - he admits Jews are indigenous to the land. (Stating the obvious is not exactly groundbreaking.) But he insists that they are no better than Syria was in Hama - that they disregard the Geneva Conventions, and human rights. This is a blood libel, one that is currently on the front cover of the New York magazine.

Israel follows the rules of international law. The IDF has lawyers embedded in all levels of decision making. The average IDF soldier has studied the laws of war when he or she is 19 more extensively than Tom Friedman has in fifty years. 

The problem is that Western self-declared experts don't know the first thing about the Geneva Conventions, which are quite reasonable in how they allow wars to be waged. They don't know how independent tribunals have defined "proportionality" and "distinction" in ways that would allow Israel to go way beyond what it has done in Gaza. They don't know that the laws of war give Israeli military commanders latitude to decide to attack based on the best current intelligence information, even if it is found out to be flawed later (for example, not knowing about an explosives cache hidden among the target that makes the resulting secondary explosions kill many civilians.) 

I wish I had a dollar for every time, after some murderous attack on Israeli Jews by Palestinians or Iranian proxies, the Israeli government declared that it was going to solve the problem with force “once and for all.”

There are only two ways to finish off this problem once and for all. One is for Israel to permanently occupy the West Bank, Gaza and all of Iran, as America did to Germany and Japan after World War II, and try to change the political culture. 
Really? Israel would need to occupy Iran? Does Friedman really think Iranians love their government and will defend it until forced to change it? What planet does he live on? Iranians do not want to live under the mullahs. Can he really be so clueless?

Ah, but Friedman lives on a planet where he is the wise decisionmaker and can solve all problems.

Which brings me to what Trump should do now regarding Iran. He says he still hopes “there’s going to be a deal.” If he wants a good deal, he should declare that he is doing two things at once.

One, that he will equip Israel’s Air Force with the B-2 bombers and 30,000-pound bunker-buster bombs and U.S. trainers that would give Israel the capacity to destroy all of Iran’s underground nuclear facilities unless Iran immediately agrees to allow teams from the International Atomic Energy Agency to disassemble these facilities and to have access into every nuclear site in Iran to recover all fissile material that Tehran has generated. Only if Iran completely complies with these conditions should it be allowed to have a civilian nuclear program under strict IAEA controls. But Iran will comply only under a credible threat of force.
So simple! Just offer to give Israel B-2s!

Except that even highly trained pilots need 6-9 months to learn how to fly a B-2. It would take an additional 6 months at least to train for a specific mission like bombing Fordow. And that is just for starters - a B-2 is a strategic stealth bomber, not a fighter, which is an entirely different mindset than Israeli pilots are used to. Beyond that, the US is unlikely to share the B-2 with anyone for security reasons. 

In other words, if Trump would make that offer, Iran could breathe a sigh of relief knowing that he just gave them at least 15 months to plan and pressure Israel to end the war, and they would make a  reasonable assumption that Trump is bluffing anyway.

But Friedman's delusions are only starting:

At the same time, Trump should declare that his administration recognizes the Palestinians as a people who have a right to national self-determination. But to realize that, they must demonstrate that they can fulfill the responsibilities of statehood by generating a new Palestinian Authority leadership that the United States deems credible, free of corruption and committed both to effectively serving Palestinian citizens in the West Bank and Gaza and to coexisting with Israel.
Oh, remember linkage? The idea that the Palestinian issue is the linchpin to the entire Middle East, and if Palestinians get a state then all the other problems go away? It was never true, and the Abraham Accords proved it. (So does Iran’s nuclear weapons program. So does Hezbollah’s use of the Shebaa Farms as an excuse to continue to exist after 2000. So does the Houthi missiles and drones aimed at Israel.) Friedman thinks that Iran's animosity towards Israel is because it cares so much about Palestinians, when in fact those nuclear bombs that they were secretly working on would have killed tens of thousands of Palestinians along with Jews.

“Palestine” is not what causes antisemitism. It is simply today/s excuse for antisemites. 

Not to mention that a Palestinian state would not bring peace. It would invite more war. Because the entire purpose of a Palestinian state in part of the British Mandate area, as Arafat said repeatedly, is a stage to get in a better position to take over all of Israel. 

There are plenty of bad Middle East analysts. But few of them have Tom Friedman's smug self-assurance that their ideas are so brilliant that they outlast events that prove them wrong. 



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  • Tuesday, June 17, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon
As of this writing, 24 Israeli civilians have been killed in this war. And no Israeli soldiers.

By now, with the Iranian missile hits in Bat Yam, Ramat Gan, Tamra, Rishon LeTzion and elsewhere, that Iran is aiming at least as much at civilian areas as at military targets. It missiles are accurate and Iran itself claims that its uses missiles that can be steered when they re-enter the atmosphere. The damage done to the buildings that have been hit come from direct explosions, not merely kinetic energy of large parts of a missile speeding towards the ground after being hit by Israeli defenses.

The first Israeli civilian death was on June 13, so it has been over 3 days since Israelis have had to hide in shelters since Iran is aiming at them.

If Iran is aiming at residential areas, it is performing war crimes. If its missiles are inaccurate, then they are guilty of firing the missiles indiscriminately, which is still against international law and a human rights violation. 

And yet, not a word from Amnesty International nor Human Rights Watch and Iran killing two dozen Israeli civilians, from young children to senior citizens. 

We've seen this show before, and I made a cartoon explaining how Amnesty and HRW treat situations like this where Israeli civilians are being targeted:


This is their playbook. They refuse to condemn anyone who targets Jews until they can primarily blame Israel for targeting civilians, true or not. 

They then write reports about the supposed Israeli war crimes, treating sketchy "witnesses" as reliable. And in the middle of the report, they will mention in a throwaway sentence, "We also condemn indiscriminate Iranian missile attacks." 

That way they can claim to be "even handed." 

These Iranian attacks are of the type that both HRW and Amnesty would quickly and clearly condemn anywhere else in the world. But when Jews are victims, they bend over backwards to find ways to exonerate the murderers and to blame the victims. 



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