Ruthie Blum: Philadelphi tunnel vision
It is thus a relief and an expression of his leadership that Netanyahu is not budging on key conditions for a deal with the devil. One of these, which Hamas has nixed, is a list of the hostages still alive.Col. Kemp: Labour’s naivety is now a danger to Britain
Another is Israeli control over the Philadelphi Corridor along Gaza’s border with Egypt and the Netzarim Corridor, which cuts the Strip in two, from the Israeli border to the Mediterranean Sea. Naturally, neither Hamas nor Cairo agrees to this stipulation.
That Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, Israel Defense Forces Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Herzi Halevi, Israel Security Agency director Ronen Bar and Maj. Gen. (res.) Nitzan Alon, head of the IDF’s Missing and Captive Soldiers Division, consider it an obstacle to a deal they fear will evaporate if it’s not reached immediately is a travesty.
Apparently, Mossad chief David “Dadi” Barnea isn’t on board with that assessment, though he’s lumped in with the rest of them in reports on the “rift” between Netanyahu and his “defense chiefs.”
According to the press, citing anonymous officials, the latter feel that the prime minister “doesn’t care about the hostages.” Channel 12’s Guy Peleg, a leading Bibi-basher, went as far as to say in a radio interview that Netanyahu wants them dead.
The public isn’t buying it, particularly not now, with the exposure on Sunday of a huge terror tunnel under the Philadelphi Corridor. A fraction of the sprawling network of cross-border tunnels in the area, this one is 10 feet high and equally wide—massive enough to enable Humvees and other large vehicles to transport weapons, building materials and terrorists from Egypt to Rafah.
This is why Cairo was so opposed to the IDF incursion into Rafah. It knew full well what it’s been hiding for all these years from its Israeli peace partners.
The tunnel in question was discovered by the fighters of IDF Division 162 and is being examined by the Yahalom Unit of the Engineering Corps. Plans for its destruction are underway. Part of it will be blown up and the rest sealed with concrete and iron.
Disturbingly, the IDF brass didn’t publicize the finding until a photo of the tunnel was posted online by one of the soldiers in the field. It was only after the image began circulating on the internet that the IDF Spokesperson’s Unit had to come clean with inquiring journalists.
This probably won’t stop Netanyahu’s critics from insisting that he’s sentencing the hostages to death by not giving in to Hamas. But most Israelis aren’t that stupid or wicked.
The picture of the tunnel was sufficient for most of the populace to grasp its greater significance. It was the only “leak” this week worthy of praise rather than censure.
It increasingly appears that the Labour Party and its supporters are less changed than many hoped after Jeremy Corbyn’s days as leader. Mollifying anti-Israel supporters now seems to transcend sticking up for our most important ally in the Middle East and, by doing so, supporting our own national interests.Europe’s Israel betrayal is a disaster for Ukraine
The Government’s stance is also a counterbalance to the Royal Air Force’s probable role in defending Israel if the expected large-scale attack comes from Iran and its proxies in the coming days. RAF jets are preparing now to take to the skies to help intercept the missile and drone barrage Israel is bracing for. The Government will not order this willingly but because the United States demands it. If it happens, it will provoke anger among the anti-Israel mobs. But Labour may soon be able to point to arms restrictions, not to mention the other measures it has taken in the four weeks it has been in power.
That includes restoring funding to UNRWA, which the previous government withdrew following allegations some employees were linked to the October 7 massacre. It also includes cancelling the Conservatives’ formal objection against the International Criminal Court’s plans to issue arrest warrants for the Israeli prime minister and defence minister. Just as arms restrictions against Israel risk fracturing a military and intelligence relationship that would be more damaging to us, this virtue signalling over the ICC works against our own national security interests. The jurisdictional overreach by the court could be turned on our own political leaders and Armed Forces in the future.
Labour’s approach of appeasement is also extremely dangerous internationally. Together with a similar posture across the Atlantic, it encourages Iranian aggression against Israel as well as other friendly countries in the region.
The same applies to the jihadist threat more widely. If Israel does not prevail against its enemies, this will inspire greater extremist violence from those who want to attack us directly. After his meetings in Israel, Healey called for an immediate ceasefire, but that is the only way for Hamas to ensure its survival. Likewise his talk of a two-state solution in the aftermath of October 7, and his party’s declared intent to recognise a Palestinian state without conditions, will be seen as rewarding terrorism.
What is actually needed at this moment is full backing for Israel and the hardest line against Iran. Too many Western politicians think the ayatollahs and their proxies think like us. They don’t. They despise and exploit weakness and they respect strength. Labour has yet to grasp that staunch support for our allies and strong opposition to our enemies will be more likely to contain violent escalation both in the Middle East and at home.
After the October 7 massacre, the European Union was quick to condemn the “indiscriminate attacks”, assure Israel of “solidarity” and endorse its right to defend itself.
But it wasn’t long before European governments retreated from their staunch promises and moved toward equivocation. Some have now settled on a new playbook of moral inversion that would once have been unthinkable among Western nations.
What European leaders do not appreciate is how changing attitudes towards Israel could backfire by laying the groundwork for a parallel turn against Ukraine by the United States. In Washington, critical members of the coalition supporting Kyiv expect reciprocal support for Jerusalem on both sides of the Atlantic.
So far, European governments have resisted moves to stop supplying the Israeli military with armaments, but some leaders are building the foundation for such a betrayal.
The EU foreign affairs chief, Josep Borrell, said the Union now faces a “difficult” choice between support for Israel and respect for the rule of law. His comments reflect a misguided ruling by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) which found that Israel’s offensive in Rafah was putting Palestinian civilians at risk. But Hamas uses these civilians as human shields.
In May, Spain, Norway and Ireland chose to recognise the state of Palestine, violating the long-established principle that recognition must await a bilateral peace agreement in which Palestinians recognise the Jewish state. Borrell seemed to scoff at the notion that this premature recognition was in any way a reward for Hamas terror.
Testiness and chastisement have also characterised the rhetoric from Europe’s leaders towards Israel, led by French President Emanuel Macron’s insistent calls for an immediate and permanent ceasefire that would allow Hamas to retain power in Gaza.
A far greater betrayal of Israel may still lie ahead as some call for Western governments to halt arms exports to the country. Though Britain’s exports are relatively small (the US is by far the biggest supplier, accounting for over 60 per cent of Israel’s imports of major conventional arms between 2019 and 2023), we may soon lead the way.