Bret Stephens: The Paradoxes of Benjamin Netanyahu
Netanyahu is hardly Tolstoy. Still, he’s a man of formidable ambition and talent who entered the political fray looking for the harmonious universe in which a Jewish state—recognized, whole, and secure—could take its rightful place among the nations. What he found instead was that there was no straight way to get there, and perhaps no way at all, given the implacability of many of its enemies and the faithlessness of some of its friends. The two great “solutions” are equally false. There is no plausible Palestinian state that can satisfy Israeli security requirements and Palestinian desires. There is also no map of Israel that can simply swallow the Palestinians without risking being swallowed by them in turn.Danny Danon: Thank You Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu
What there is, then, is a muddled reality that must deeply disappoint idealists of every stripe. But it’s also a reality that beats every conceivable alternative. Netanyahu understands this, even if it’s not something he would say out loud. The criticism that he does nothing but kick cans down the road ignores the fact that, when it comes to Israel’s major strategic challenges, at least for now, that’s the only thing an Israeli prime minister can do. The question is how far the can gets kicked, and how much power and flexibility Israel can gain—militarily, economically, demographically, and so on—before it needs to kick it again. As Michael Oren, the historian and former Israeli ambassador to the U.S., has pointed out to me, Israel’s entire history is one long “war of attrition” or “war between the wars.” Still, it’s a war that Israel can fight for the long term while its people continue to flourish.
The paradox of Benjamin Netanyahu is that a man who rose to power on the strength of a certain vision of Israel held on to power at the expense of that vision. It’s that a man who did much to strengthen Israel’s position in the world through the bullishness of his personality also did much to damage to Israel’s politics through the same bullishness. It’s that a man whose thoughts, ambitions, and actions always seemed to have the broadest sweep could become the agent of his own political undoing thanks to a succession of small grievances and petty power plays.
There’s no reason to search for definitive answers anytime soon. The coalition that succeeds Netanyahu is fractious and thin, held together by little more than its loathing for a singular man. Nobody knows this better than Netanyahu himself, which is why the thought that must surely run through his head, rightly, is, “I’ll be back.”
Throughout his tenure, Netanyahu’s perceptive policies and informed approach led to a transformation of Israel’s economy. Despite recently experiencing an economic downturn due to COVID, we in Israel have found ourselves better prepared and equipped to deal with the economic situation compared to many other countries. Netanyahu shifted the country’s focus to more liberalized markets, drastically reduced taxes, and increased competition in a market that was largely run by monopolies. The stability and growth we see today have been a direct result of Netanyahu’s approach to economic advancement.Ruthie Blum: Comic relief from a serious Israeli drama
One of the most conspicuous outcomes of his growth plans was the miraculous phenomenon of Israel’s catapult to the position of global high-tech powerhouse. With the largest number of startups per capita in the world, that’s around one startup per 1,400 people, it is hard to imagine how our tiny nation, in constant war since our founding and with limited natural resources, was able to reach such heights. Netanyahu was instrumental in establishing export channels across the world for Israel’s high-tech innovators and encouraging the world’s technology giants to invest billions in Israel’s R&D centers. This created one of the world’s most concentrated high-technology sectors, only second to Silicon Valley. There is a saying in Proverbs 29:18 that “where there is no vision, the people perish.” Netanyahu had vision and this last decade we have seen it becoming a reality.
Despite all of Netanyahu’s striking achievements, it is natural within a strong and vibrant democracy that alongside his ardent fans there will be many adversaries. While there will always be those who criticize his leadership and who are not in agreement with his policies, the majority will agree that he was an exceptional and visionary leader, whose brilliance and strategic vision transformed the landscape and our nation’s path. Today we are stronger militarily, technologically, economically, and diplomatically.
President Teddy Roosevelt once said that “Far and away the best prize that life has to offer is the chance to work hard at work worth doing.” Netanyahu has accomplished a lifetime of hard work already and I am sure he will confirm that every minute was precious. His impact will be felt for decades to come. We don’t know what the future holds for him but I can say for certain that Israel is eternally grateful for his service as our prime minister.
Yamina enthusiasts are split. Some feel duped by Bennett for his broken promises. These include a vow not to join forces with Lapid and never to accept backing by Ra'am, let alone sit with it in a government.
Others are consoling themselves that at least their candidate will be prime minister for two years and lead a government that consists of a number of like-minded right-wingers. The people in this category, who wanted Bennett to replace Netanyahu, say that they're willing to give him a chance. What they mean is that they're hoping he won't cave, where it counts, to the leftists and Islamists.
The latter seem to be assuming that he will, or at least are planning to bide their time until Lapid takes over in 2023 to get to work reversing Netanyahu's policies. Despite their carry-on about his criminal charges, which are trumped up at best – and aside from their assertions that "most Israelis" voted against him – his successes are the bane of their existence far more than his failures.
The opposite is true of Bennett, who has been contending that he could do a better job than Netanyahu at implementing the ideas that they share. In other words, the difference between the two "anybody but Bibi" groups now occupying the same rows of Knesset benches is stark.
No wonder the public harbors little faith in the longevity of the so-called "pro-change coalition." But the Left, whose La La Land ideas about Palestinian victimhood at the hands of Israeli "occupiers" have become so unpopular, appears to believe that the absence of Netanyahu and an administration in Washington anxious to return to the Iran deal are its ticket to resuscitation.
Boy, is it ever in for a surprise.
The irony lies in the thrill its members are exhibiting at having the likes of Bennett serve as their savior. Bets are on about how soon their literal and figurative parties will be over.
The Israeli electorate may have been slightly divided for the past two-and-a-half years over Netanyahu's continued rule after well more than a decade. But it's been crystal-clear about where it stands on Iran, Hamas, the boycott divestment and sanctions movement and the International Criminal Court, to name but a few issues liable to put a damper on the kumbaya coalition.
I, for one, pray that Bennett remembers and acts on this. If he does, a whole different crowd will be descending on Rabin Square and elsewhere to applaud. In the event that he doesn't, the next election might just see Netanyahu return from opposition exile.