Disclaimer: the views expressed here are the sole responsibility of the author, weekly Judean Rose columnist Varda Meyers Epstein.
President Trump chose an odd venue as the platform for his
bout of historical revisionism.
Standing at the World Economic Forum in
Davos, he told the assembled global elite that Israel’s Iron Dome was not
really Israel’s achievement at all.
“That’s our technology, that’s our stuff,” he
said, recounting a conversation in which he claimed to have told Prime Minister
Netanyahu to stop taking credit for it.
Trump on the Iron Dome:
— Jacob N. Kornbluh (@jacobkornbluh) January 21, 2026
“What we did for Israel was amazing…We did it for Israel. And by the way, I told Bibi, ‘Bibi, stop taking credit for the dome. That's our technology, that's our stuff.’ But they had a lot of courage, and they were good fighters, and they did a good job.” pic.twitter.com/tm9G9uHdK5
It was a striking
claim—and it was untrue. The Iron Dome was conceived, designed, and engineered
by Israeli companies—Rafael, Israel Aerospace
Industries, and mPrest—and first
deployed at Israeli air bases in southern Israel in response to Israeli
civilians being shelled by Hamas, Hezbollah, and other terrorist entities in
Gaza and Lebanon. No American president invented it. No American laboratory
designed it. No American general figured out how to intercept rockets fired at
Jewish homes, schools, and kindergartens.
But here is the part
Trump was almost certainly leaning on in making his boastful claim: while the
United States did not invent Iron Dome, it did provide a great deal of the
funding for it, beginning under President Obama.
That funding was critical.
It expanded the number of Iron Dome batteries, ensured a steady supply of
interceptors, and later tied production to American contractors. American funding was framed as an act
of alliance. The expectations attached to that funding constrained Israel’s
ability to respond to attacks.
I was angry at the time—more
specifically, angry at President Obama. His administration would fund the Iron
Dome, but it would not allow Israel to stop the missiles at their source.
Israel could intercept, absorb, and endure—but no more than that.
We were given the
umbrella and told to crouch beneath it, intercepting rockets while Arab
terrorists were allowed to continue firing at Jews. Terrorists were permitted
to keep shooting at Jewish civilians, while Israel was denied the right, as a
sovereign nation, to put an end to it. We did not create a Jewish state so Jews
could cower under American protection.
Israel was founded to be a sovereign nation, capable of determining its own
responses to threats. It was meant to be a safe haven for Jews in a world that
has never needed much encouragement to hate them.
Iron Dome saved lives.
That is beyond dispute. But it was never a clean or consequence-free solution.
Interceptions send debris and shrapnel raining down, often over populated
areas.
A friend’s son learned
this the hard way. He was driving on a highway when the missile alert sounded.
He did exactly what Israelis are instructed to do: pulled over, got out of the
car, lay flat on the road with his hands over his head. An interception
occurred overhead. Shrapnel came down. He was hit badly enough to require
hospitalization.
This risk is well
known, but people don’t much talk about it. Iron Dome has taken on an almost
sacred status, making it easier to celebrate the miracle than to confront the
cost—especially when that cost is borne quietly by civilians already living
under fire.
Which brings us back to Trump.
Trump’s claim in
Davos echoed an assumption long embedded in Washington: that Israel exists with
American permission, and that its power is something to be supervised. Obama
and Trump both like to assume the role of savior. They put on different
performances, driven by the same vanity—the belief that Israel lives or dies
because they say so, and that they deserve all the credit for Israel’s survival
and success.
Israel may be protected. Israel may
intercept. But Israel does not fully control the terms under which it ends
threats to its citizens.
When Jewish self-defense
is treated as something granted rather than owned, it becomes conditional. And
once it is conditional, it can be reclaimed, rebranded, or spoken of—as Trump
did in Davos—as someone else’s “stuff.”
That should trouble anyone who understands why a Jewish state exists in the first place.
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