Wednesday, June 30, 2010

  • Wednesday, June 30, 2010
  • Elder of Ziyon
Wikipedia, in the entry on Silwan, mentions:


In 1882, a group of Jews arrived from Yemen. Initially, they lived in tents. Later, when the rainy season began, they moved into the ancient burial caves on the east side of the valley.[12] In 1884, the Yemenites moved into new stone houses on the eastern slope of the Kidron, north of the Arab village, built for them by a charity called Ezrat Niddahim. This settlement was called Kfar Hashiloach or the Yemenite Village. Construction costs were kept low by using the Shiloach as a water source instead of digging cisterns. An 1891 photo shows the homes on an otherwise vacant stretch of hillside.[13] An early 20th century travel guide writes: In the “village of Silwan , east of Kidron … some of the fellah dwellings [are] old sepulchers hewn in the rocks. During late years a great extension of the village southward has sprung up, owing to the settlement here of a colony of poor Jews from Yemen, etc. many of whom have built homes on the steep hillside just above and east of Bir Eyyub,”[14]
The Yemenite Jews fled for their lives from Silwan during the 1936–1939 Arab revolt in Palestine and non-Jewish Arabs moved into the vacated buildings. After the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, Silwan was annexed by the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.[15]

Thanks to efforts by Robert Avrech of Seraphic Secret, here is a copy of the photograph of the Yemenite village of Kfar HaShiloach taken in 1891 (click to enlarge):

Its caption:
YNet, in a historic photo essay earlier this year, fills in some blanks and shows us a photo of the exact same area in 1932:
In 1882, Jews emigrated from Yemen to Jerusalem. As they failed to find room in the city within the walls, they resided in caves on the Mount of Olives slopes. The city's Jewish dignitaries rushed to help the Yemenite families, and Yisrael Dov Frumkin, owner of the Havatzelet newspaper, established the "Ezrat Nidachim" association which raised funds for the families.
South of the village of Silwan were non-constructed areas owned by Boaz the Babylonian, who donated them in order to build houses for the Yemenite Jews (marked with yellow arrows). The houses were named Kfar Hashiloach. Additional Jewish families gathered in the area, which housed up to 200 families.
In the 1921, Arabs attacked the neighborhood's residents, killed some of them and torched houses. They "completed" their work in the 1929 riots. The British Mandate authorities, which did not want any conflicts, ordered the residents of Kfar Hashiloach to evacuate themselves from the area.
Notice how much the neighborhood grew between 1891 and 1929.

So Jews were in this specific area for the 47 years from 1882 to 1929. They were expelled for the 38 years between 1929 and 1967. Israel has controlled the area now for 43 years. At least this part of what is now considered Silwan is being claimed by Arabs as their own, exclusive, area, and most of the world seems to agree.

Why does the world consider the anomalous 19 year period of when Jordan made the eastern part of Jerusalem Judenrein, or the scandalous time period when even relatively new immigrant Jews were forced out of their homes in the 1920s and 1930s, to be the "status quo?"
  • Wednesday, June 30, 2010
  • Elder of Ziyon
As night follows day, the number of rocket and mortar attacks are increasing as Israel continues to loosen restrictions on Gaza.

Today, Israel plans to send more than double the amount of aid to Gaza that it has been sending - some 350 trucks. The types of items being sent in has also increased dramatically - here are the figures from last Thursday (via email):


Merchandise
Truckloads
Weight (tons)
Private Sector
Food
Rice
1
40
Candies
6
112
Produce (Fruits and Vegetables)
13
260
Meat, Chicken and Fish Products
4
58
Cakes
4
41
Dairy Products
5
66
Mixed\ Additional Food Products
16
339
Candies and Cakes
1
12
Sugar
3
103
Education items
Equipment For Schools
15
304
Toys and Equipment for School
1
7
Inputs to Agriculture
Fishing weirs
2
26
Wood Profiles for Hothouses
5
124
Parasols
1
15
Other
Aluminum
1
13
Bags
1
10
House wear
1
20
Kitchen wear
9
115
Wood Profiles
4
127
Medicine and Medical Equipment
3
21
Input to Agriculture
4
74
Glass
1
30
Toys
2
15
Hygiene Products
3
25
Clothing and Footwear
5
51
International Organizations
WFP
Dairy Products
1
14
UNRWA
Juice
2
50
Cooking Oil
13
230
ICRC
Hygiene Products
1
5
Overall Total
128
2,307

At the exact same time, the number of rocket and mortar attacks has increased just as dramatically:

6/21 Two attacks, at least 5 mortars
6/24 12 mortars (3 fell short) and one Qassam rocket
6/28 - 1 mortar
6/29 - Two mortars claimed
6/30 - Qassam, causing damage

Think there is a causal relationship?
  • Wednesday, June 30, 2010
  • Elder of Ziyon
UNIFIL has been doing a capacity testing operation across southern Lebanon, to see how well it could deploy troops if needed. Some southern Lebanese protested, throwing rocks and injuring one UNIFIL peacekeeper.

Interestingly, Hezbollah protested the operation itself, saying it was a violation of UN resolution 1701 - the resolution that expanded UNIFIL responsibilities. Hezbollah is apparently considering itself to be the only army with a right to work in southern Lebanon.

UNIFIL responded, saying that this was coordinated with the Lebanese army and is quite legal.
PA prime minister Salam Fayyad, in his weekly radio address, spoke about the growing movement to give more rights to Arabs of Palestinian descent who are stuck in Lebanese "refugee" camps with few rights.

While he said that he supported giving them more civil rights, he stopped well short of asking that they should have the rights of other refugees worldwide - the right of citizenship in the country in which one is born. Instead, he called for UNRWA to continue to perpetuate the issue of being a caretaker for them, insisting that people who have been stateless for decades remain so until a complete solution is found for these "refugees," which he called "the core of the Palestinian issue."

He pointed out that the PLO is responsible for the political life and security in the camps, which helps explain why no Palestinian Arab leader is keen on actually helping these people/pawns and why no one is even beginning to talk about what would happen to millions of these people if a Palestinian Arab state is declared - for they certainly cannot all fit in the West Bank and Gaza.

Inevitably, they would have to become citizens of Arab countries, and there is no reason why those who choose to do so today cannot start the process.

Well, there is one reason: because the Arab leaders and the PA all agree that it is better to leave them as pawns rather than give them the basic right to choose what to do with their own lives. A lot of the loud complaints about Israel is a smokescreen to hide this 60 year Arab conspiracy to deny millions of people their basic rights.

Tuesday, June 29, 2010

  • Tuesday, June 29, 2010
  • Elder of Ziyon
Excerpts of a new article from the Carnegie Council:

Putting aside overheated rhetoric and pseudo-legal analyses, I asked a group of international law experts about the blockade of the Gaza Strip and the methods employed by Israel to enforce it. These are their answers:

Q. Did Israel commit piracy?
The short answer is no, states U.S. Navy Commander James Kraska, who teaches international humanitarian law (IHL, otherwise known as the Law of War) at the U.S. Naval War College. Article 101 of the United Nations Convention on the Law of Sea defines piracy as "a private act, typically with some sort of pecuniary interest. And by private, that means it's not going to be a governmental act," he explains.

Q. Are naval blockades a legal form of warfare?
Though it has a negative impact on enemy civilians and neutral third parties, blockading a state is a "legitimate method of naval warfare," says Marko Milanovic, a legal scholar at Cambridge University. However, the San Remo Manual on International Law Applicable to Armed Conflicts at Sea (1994), considered to be the consensus view of customary law on the issue, does contain a few caveats.

Q. Can Israel blockade a foreign, non-state entity like Gaza?
In August 2005, Israel withdrew its soldiers and settlers from the Gaza Strip. However, since then, no independent state of Palestine has emerged—leaving the small evacuated territory in a weird legal limbo. This, in turn, makes adjudicating the Israeli naval action tricky because, while blockades clearly apply in the case of two states at war, the law falls silent with regard to non-state combatants like Hamas, notes Milanovic.

Now, were Gaza still under military occupation (as the UN considers it to be), there would be no problem blockading it. Indeed, Common Article 2 of the Fourth Geneva Convention states that IHL extends to undeclared wars and occupied territory, says Wolff Heintschel von Heinegg, a law professor at the Viadrina European University. This being the case, the IHL rules governing naval blockades also apply to Gaza.

However, if Gaza is not occupied, as Israel claims, things get messy again......

...Just as it is not a foreign state, Gaza is also not an Israeli province in rebellion. Still, he says one could argue that if a state can employ a naval blockade in such radically different cases, then "you must also be able to blockade territory that is somehow in the middle..."


Q. Is the Israeli blockade a form of collective punishment?
Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and the International Committee of the Red Cross have all decried the Gaza blockade as collective punishment. In doing so, they all look to Article 33 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, which states, "No protected person may be punished for an offense he or she has not personally committed. Collective penalties and likewise all measures of intimidation or of terrorism are prohibited…"

This prohibition has its roots in the experience of German reprisal killings during World War II, Bell notes. Keeping that in mind, to then argue that Article 33 applies to the Israeli naval blockade of Gaza is "bizarre," he says, adding that there "has never even been a claim in any legal forum … that economic sanctions of any kind or blockades of any kind constitute collective punishment."

The collective punishment argument is likewise critiqued by other academics. Von Heinegg, for example, contends that it "has no basis in the law" because the only limits set for blockades are in San Remo. To be illegal, the Israeli blockade would have had to be instituted—not to stop the importation of rockets—but just to starve Gazans. Or, if, intentions aside, the blockade were to kill hundreds of innocent Palestinians.

Neither is the case, he explains.

Q. Can Israel intercept a blockade-runner in international waters?
Speaking in a private capacity, Major John Dehn, a law professor at the West Point Military Academy, says that, if a state has instituted a legal blockade, then it can board neutral ships in international waters. However, there must also be a reasonable belief that "the vessel is trying to breach a blockade, and after prior warning they intentionally and clearly refuse to stop, or intentionally and clearly resist visit, search or capture."

In radio exchanges with Israeli navy personnel on May 30, the flotilla crew made it clear that they intended to run the Gaza blockade. Therefore, Israel was well within its rights to stop the boats.
Read the whole thing.

(h/t Yaakov Lozowick)

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