Thursday, October 16, 2025

 Our weekly column from the humor site PreOccupied Territory.

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Gaza City, October 16
- The systematic destruction of Palestinians and Palestinian culture by Israeli forces has not let up, at least according to reports from the fever dreams of losers who despise the Jewish State and will both generate out of whole cloth and uncritically swallow accusations of atrocities by Jews.

Gaza ceasefire or no Gaza ceasefire, the systematic Israeli extermination of Palestinians continues without interruption in the imaginations of people predisposed to believe the worst about Israel and about Jews, without evidence, with only the argument that it has to be true because of [insert previous slander of Israel/Jews] has already established the credibility of such accusations.

"This must stop!" demanded former UN Rapporteur Francesca Albanese. "The suffering is intolerable, and the world's inaction will go down in history as a compounding of the worst crime in history!" She pointed to reports originating in the hateful fantasies of those who purport to support Palestinians, but who urge Palestinians not to yield to pressure to stop the war, to keep the genocide going.

The imaginary realm in which the Israeli genocide of Palestinians is taking place also features several conditions that do not obtain in the current reality, such as Jewish/Zionist control of the banking system - with the Rothschild family dominating in ways not possible or plausible in our world - and the 8.25 billion non-Jews of that other, fantastical, dimension remain too stupid, weak, and weak-minded to do anything about it.

Similarly, in the there's-a-genocide-of-Palestinians-happening universe, there exists a tangible, meaningful difference between anti-Zionism and antisemitism, with anti-Zionists taking pains to ensure that Jews, qua Jews, do not become targets for violence or verbal assaults, regardless of Israel's behavior, because non-antisemitic anti-Zionists steer the movement in that imaginary place, and they understand that attacks on Jews outside Israel actually strengthens the case for Israel as a homeland and refuge for Jews - as opposed to in this reality, where anti-Zionism functionally invites antisemites to incite and perpetrate violence against Jews, with the tiny-minority non-antisemitic anti-Zionists powerless to curtail the phenomenon or apathetic to it.

That genocide fantasy world appears to overlap in some imaginations with a cognitively-dissonant realm where Jews are fleeing Israel in response to noble Palestinian resistance, resistance that appears unable to prevent a genocide by Jews who manifestly are not fleeing, and who, in this same imaginary realm, continuously expel Palestinians, who cannot return to their homes despite the mass flight of Jews from the land.




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"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 

  • Thursday, October 16, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon

In today’s New York Times, 
E.J. Dionne writes a love letter to Zohran's Mamdani's supposed  redemption.

He casts Mamdani as a once-fiery socialist who has matured into a pragmatic reformer -  a politician who fixes sewers instead of preaching revolution. It’s a story tailor-made for the weary center-left: the radical who grows up without selling out.

He emphasizes that Mamdani is not the same firebrand he was before. 

It’s worth noticing that Mr. Mamdani’s critics are focused largely on the past: the 33-year old’s most incendiary statements, and the most extreme components of the Democratic Socialists of America, the organization to which he proudly belongs and that initially powered his political career.

Those on the moderate left who see Mr. Mamdani’s upside look instead to the present and the future. They notice how he’s distanced himself from his more controversial statements (particularly about the police and the Middle East), insisted that he’s not running on the D.S.A.’s national agenda, and painted himself as a realistic visionary trying to solve the city’s current problems.

In short, Dionne thinks that Mamdani has modified his values and grown.

I've been thinking a lot about values in recent months, and in the course of my writings I came up with a moral analysis method I call "Derechology." It looks at a person's values and how or if they change over time - their "derech," or moral path.

By that standard, Mamdani’s “growth” narrative doesn’t hold up.

In Jewish ethics, genuine change - teshuvah - requires renunciation, reordering, and repair. Mamdani has done none of these.

He hasn’t withdrawn his most divisive statements or broken with the ideologies that produced them. He hasn’t offered moral clarity or taken responsibility for harm. What’s changed is presentation, not principle.

In other words, his derech hasn't changed at all. His optics have. 

“The good thing about my youth,” Mamdani told The New Yorker, “is that I grow older every day.”

It’s clever. It invites every listener to project what they want to hear  - to progressives, perseverance; to moderates, moderation.

But growth without repentance is adaptation, not evolution. Jewish ethics judges deeds, not vibes.

If you look carefully at his statements, there is no regret for his "youthful" positions. He regrets how they might impact his chances for election, not his opinions themselves. 

Judaism teaches dan l’chaf zechut  - giving others the benefit of the doubt  - but it never asks us to suspend judgment entirely. 

When moral recalibration arrives only on the campaign trail, skepticism isn’t cynicism. It’s accountability.

Optics aren't ethics. As a public figure, Mamdani’s words shape the moral credibility of the movements he represents. A politician who markets “growth” without showing teshuvah risks more than hypocrisy. He cheapens the very idea of moral change.

Dionne sees (or chooses to see) a young idealist maturing into responsibility. Derechology sees a consistent derech of committed far-Left principles and ambition where Mamdani will say different things to different crowds, and who will happily repackage his image for a wider audience without changing his actual positions in the least.

Until we see renunciation, reordering, and repair, “growth” is only a slogan, not a virtue. Mamdani's only real growth is in how to present himself to be more palatable to the center-left voters he covets. 

His childish, simplistic and ultimately immoral and antisemitic socialist ideals have not changed at all. 




Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 

  • Thursday, October 16, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon
Rabbi Meir Soloveitchik wrote in the Washington Free Beacon:
It was one small meal for Jews, but a political leap forward for Jewish history. In 1788, Philadelphia hosted a parade celebrating Pennsylvania's ratification of the Constitution, and the procession was followed by a feast. An eyewitness reported that "there was a number of long tables loaded with all kinds of provisions, with a separate table for the Jews, who could not partake of the meals from the other tables." It is difficult to find a prior civic celebration in Jewish diaspora history that is its like. In a single setting, Jews were embraced as equals by their fellow Philadelphians, as full partners in the nascent constitutional republic, while at the same time feeling entirely able to observe the dietary habits that set them apart.

That single kosher table, prepared for observant Jews amid a patriotic feast, symbolized the new republic’s promise of inclusion. What most people don’t know is that the man behind that table, Isaac Moses, was far more than a caterer - he was one of the men who financed the Revolution that made such a celebration possible.

The full story of the kosher table is in a letter written by  95-year old  Naphtali Phillips in 1868. He wrote:

The procession then proceeded from about Third Street near Spruce, northward towards Callowhill Street, then wheeled towards Bush Hill, where there was a number of long tables loaded with all kinds of provisions, with a separate table for the Jews, who could not partake of the meals from the other tables; but they had a fill supply of soused [pickled] salmon, bread and crackers, almonds, raisins, etc. This table was under the charge of an old cobbler named Isaac Moses, well known in Philadelphia at that time.


A 1975 article (really, a 150 page book about Jews and the American Revolution) from the American Jewish Archives tells us more about this "old cobbler:"

The fact that 100 or more American Jews may have served in the armed forces is of no great historic significance. Their commercial activities were far more important in an agrarian economy where industry and manufacturing were minimal and the coasts were blockaded by the powerful British fleet. The farmers and townspeople had to have yard goods and tea; it was imperative that the soldiers be supplied with uniforms, blankets, and shoes. One way to relieve the shortage was to arm merchant ships and send them out as privateers to prey on enemy commerce. This Jews did, arming small ships heavily and packing them with large, tough crews who scoured the seas for valuable British cargoes. 

....After a fashion, privateering was a form of blockade-running. Many American ships got through the English naval barrier, for the enemy could not guard every cove and inlet of the long coast. Certainly one of the most daring of the blockade-runners was the firm of Isaac Moses & Co. Its three partners Isaac Moses, Samuel Myers, and Moses Myers had an Amsterdam buying office which shipped their goods to Dutch St. Eustatius in the Caribbean. From there the company's ships made the run to an American port, trusting to fate that they could slip past the cordon set up by the English cruisers. Isaac Moses and his associates were great Whigs. Shortly after the War broke out in 1775, when the Americans set out to conquer Canada, the three partners voluntarily offered the Congress $20,000 in hard currency in exchange for Continental paper which-as they might have foreseen-ultimately proved worthless. If it was any consolation, they received the grateful thanks of John Hancock for their generous gift. 

 Moses was the president of both New York's Shearith Israel synagogue and, after he moved when the British occupied New York,  Philadelphia's Mikveh Israel. 

Moses wrote a letter to the Continental Congress in 1779 asking for gunpowder to protect his ships as they attempted to evade the British blockade.  His humility in this request is something to behold.

To the Honorable the Congress of the United States of North America: 

The petition of Isaac Moses, now of the city of Philadelphia, merchant, most humbly sheweth: 

That your petitioner, having loaded a schooner, letter of marque, and fitted her with every necessary but gun powder, in a warlike manner, has made all the search in his power for that article, but finding himself every where dissappointed, is now under the dissagreeable necessity of troubling Your Honours, and to pray that you would be pleased to spare him, out of the public stores, two or three hundred weight of powder. 

He flatters himself his principals as a true Whig and friend to the liberties of this country are so well known to some of your members that it is needless to mention them here, or to remind your body of the assistance he has afforded these United States from time to time in the importation of divers articles which he spared them, but particularly when he and his partners spared these states upwards of twenty thousand dollars in specie, in exchange for Continental dollars...

Your petitioner submits to your honourable House to consider how unsafe it would be in him to risk his property at these times on the high seas without having proper means of defence with it, and pledges himself either immediately to pay for the powder, or to reemburse the public with an equal quantity of that article, and that either on the return of his vessel, or at the time that she ought to return. Your petitioner therefore flatters himself your honourable House will be pleased on these considerations to grant him his request; 

And he, as in duty bound, will ever pray.

Isaac Moses July 27th, 1779

I don't know if he ever got that gunpowder, but it didn't affect Moses' patriotism. In fact his company went bankrupt after the war but he remained a staunch supporter of the new United States.

Wikipedia's page on Moses is just a stub, although it notes that Moses was one of the founders of the Bank of North America, which after a series of mergers and acquisitions is now part of Wells Fargo. He was also a major stockholder of the Bank of New York. His children continued in international trade, especially with China and Mexico.(I find this interesting because my impression was that Jews were successful in trade by having other Jews to trade with; I'm not sure that this was the case in those countries.)

 No one seems to remember him outside this article. But Isaac Moses did more than most soldiers to help found the United States, 





Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

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  • Thursday, October 16, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon


Michael Oren writes in The Free Press about how a group of real-estate moguls and builders managed to bring a local modicum of peace to the Middle East.  His answer is essentially dealmaking and personal relationships.

But the real story may be something deeper - and stranger. What Jared Kushner, Steve Witkoff, and Donald Trump stumbled into was not superior negotiation technique but a kind of accidental moral philosophy: an ethics of clarity that cut through half a century of false ideas about peace itself.

For decades, Western diplomacy treated “peace” as the supreme moral goal. The word sounded noble, but it concealed a category error. Peace is not a moral value—it is a moral byproduct. 

A value, by definition, must transform reality for the good: it must preserve life, restore dignity, expose evil, or advance justice. “Peace,” on its own, performs none of these functions. It merely describes the absence of visible conflict, even when injustice festers quietly beneath. That’s why peace processes designed around “peace” keep failing: they mistake stillness for healing and silence for harmony. 

The goal of genuine peace is to enable the higher moral work: protecting life, restraining evil, and cultivating human dignity. When peace becomes detached from those purposes, it becomes a kind of  idol: something to be pursued for its own sake, even at the cost of truth and justice.  Oslo ended up fetishizing the process, and ignoring the underlying moral reasons of why we want peace to begin with. These real-estate dealmakers, lacking the pretensions of philosophers or diplomats, simply ignored the idol and started building on firmer moral ground.

For decades, Western policy talked about the Middle East in the language of “rights”: the Palestinian rights of "return," "justice" and "dignity;" Israel’s right to security or even to exist altogether. The problem is that rights, when treated as absolute, collide. Everyone ends up righteous and immovable. The real estate moguls instinctively shifted the grammar from rights to obligations. Hamas must stop murdering and kidnapping and cannot profit from it. Qatar must stop funding terror. Israel must defend its citizens. The United States must stop enabling moral confusion. Each obligation could be tested in reality, whether fulfilled or violated.

This shift mirrors what I call the Obligation Principle: a moral claim is valid only if it binds the claimant to concrete responsibility. In that light, the Abraham Accords were less a diplomatic triumph than an ethical correction. Once obligations replaced abstractions, the fog cleared and progress followed.

Critics sneered that Trump spoke “the language of strength.” They missed that strength, properly ordered, is a moral language. In the Middle East, as in human life, evil rarely yields to polite conversation or diplomacy. Peace imposed by fear of justice is not perfect, but it is better than a false peace that is only a stage toward the next war. The builders’ willingness to back moral clarity with material power was not barbaric; it was coherent. They also used positive incentives to nudge the players towards the US position which supported this coherent vision. And coherence is the first test of moral truth.

The remarkable thing is that the “builder’s ethic” produced not chaos but alignment. Once the United States stopped rewarding contradiction - condemning terrorism in principle while rewarding it in practice - regional actors recalibrated. The same kings and presidents who had long mouthed anti-Zionist clichés suddenly saw advantage in stability. Reality, long suppressed by moral relativism, reasserted itself. Ethics turned out to be the shortest path to strategy.

This is the central lesson of the episode and the reason it matters beyond politics. Ethical clarity is not an ornament to policy; it is policy. A coherent moral framework functions like a blueprint: once you know which beams must bear weight, you can build anything upon them - whether cities, treaties, or even peace.

For too long Israel's enemies screamed about their dignity and how important it was, and they even use that word to justify murder and terror. The West has been cowed by this appeal to the legitimate value of dignity, and did not have the confidence to counter that Arab dignity is just one value among many that need to be balanced. It cannot override preservation of life, fairness, or the dignity of the other side. 

Real ethics is all about that balance, but without a moral core, concepts like dignity or justice can morph into evil. 

Whether Kushner and Witkoff understood this in ethical terms or they simply saw through the moral posturing as another negotiating position, they did not allow themselves to be bulldozed by false ethical concepts that have stymied Western diplomats for so long. 

It may seem absurd to describe Donald Trump as an ethical actor. But history is full of flawed vessels who perform correct operations. Ethics is not about personal saintliness; it is about whether one’s actions align with moral structure. Just as people with Aristotelian virtues like wisdom or courage can be immoral, people without those virtues can do the right thing.  In this case, they did. By accident or instinct, the builders behaved as if guided by a hierarchy of values long familiar to Jewish moral thought: life before peace, justice before diplomacy, truth before comfort. 

The diplomats built process; the builders built structure. One collapses under pressure; the other stands.

If peace required rejecting the false philosophy that had dominated foreign policy, perhaps moral clarity can do the same for our other failing institutions. The same logic that produced the Abraham Accords can produce trustworthy systems anywhere: don't assume all claims have equal moral value, name evil accurately, replace sentiment with structure, and require obligations before rights.

Peace, properly understood, is not the goal of ethics: it is what ethics produces when values like life, justice, and truth are rightly aligned. The builders’ achievement, however imperfect, was to rediscover that order without ever naming it.

That’s the architecture of ethics, and, as it turns out, of peace.



Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 

Wednesday, October 15, 2025

  • Wednesday, October 15, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon

"A chant that we've been workshopping in Oxford that maybe you guys want to join in? It goes "Gaza, Gaza, make us proud, put the Zios in the ground."

Yes, the most privileged of the world's youth at the most prestigious university on the planet huddled together to come up with a rhyming slogan to support Gaza terrorists murdering Jews. 

And in the end, it doesn't even rhyme.


I'm just trying to picture the scene of the workshop in Oxford.

Scene: The WorkshopMagdalen College JCR, late evening. Fairy lights flicker over armchairs and tea stains. Four students in ill-fitting keffiyehs huddle around a low table littered with gin glasses and scribbled notepads. SAMUEL WILLIAMS, floppy-haired and commanding, leads the circle. OLIVIA lounges elegantly, THEO sprawls like a lacrosse jock, ELIZA fidgets with her pen.SAMUEL: (adjusting his keffiyeh) Right, comrades. Rally tomorrow. We need a chant that rhymes with "proud" but stings like settler-colonial guilt. Punchy. Political. Not another bloody "river to the sea" —that's so last term.OLIVIA: (sipping gin, iPad glowing) Edge, Sam. Something that calls out the oppressors without triggering the dean's wine hour. "Zionists" is too wordy. "Zios"? Short, snappy. Like a slur with a syllabus.THEO: (scrolling TikTok, spilling IPA) Zios works, dudes. "Jews" is too grandma's attic—ADL nightmare. "Israelis"? Nah, sounds like a travel agency. Zios it is. Now the kill shot: "Kill the Zios"? Straight fire.ELIZA: (shivering theatrically) Kill? Too American Psycho. We're poets of resistance, not slashers. "Burn the Zios"? Evocative, but climate vibes are off—think wildfires in the West Bank.SAMUEL: (nodding, scribbling) Implication over incrimination, Eliza. Met's watching. "Genocide the Zios"? Fanon would approve—violence as history's midwife.OLIVIA: (rolling eyes) Heavy, Sam. Alienates the normies. Remember "Exterminate the Settlers"? Vice-chancellor called it a "lapse." I Ubered home from cocktails in tears.THEO: (snorting) Tears? Bro, go big or go home to Daddy's estate. "Bury the Zios"? Nah. Wait— "put the Zios in the ground." Earthy. Final. And it half-rhymes with proud if you slur like we're pissed at evensong.ELIZA: (clapping, giggling) Yes! Gaza Gaza, make us proud, put the Zios in the ground. Nursery rhyme for the apocalypse. Try it—rhythm's got that gritty incompleteness. Real resistance aesthetic.SAMUEL: (standing, keffiyeh fluttering) Brilliant. All in? Gaza! Gaza!ALL: (chanting, voices rising) Make us proud! Put the Zios in the ground! (Repeat twice, echoing off portraits.)THEO: (frowning mid-chant) Half-rhyme though. Ground-proud? Like a haiku on bath salts.OLIVIA: (snapping selfie) Perfection's propaganda poison, Theo. It's raw—like Rafah rubble. Post-rally, we're viral. Noble work.SAMUEL: (smirking at window reflection) Steadfast. To the spires—and the streets.Lights dim as they disperse into fog. Chant fades like a flawed echo.


It almost demands a response chant: "Oxford wankers waste their time/cannot even make it rhyme."



Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 

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