Wednesday, May 28, 2025



The famed legal scholar discusses his magnum opus, The Preventive State, why he wrote it now, and why it may never reach the audience it deserves.

Alan Dershowitz calls The Preventive State his magnum opus—and for someone as prolific as he is, that’s saying something. Often referred to as “the world’s best-known lawyer,” Dershowitz has authored more than 50 books and over a thousand articles. But it’s clear why this latest work stands apart. In The Preventive State, he proposes a visionary jurisprudence designed not just to respond to harm, but to anticipate and avert it—be it something on the scale of World War II or the October 7 massacre.

At the heart of the book is an elegant and accessible framework: a four-quadrant matrix of true and false positives and negatives. With this structure, Dershowitz gives readers—experts and laypeople alike—a practical vocabulary for assessing risk and reimagining how the law might operate proactively rather than reactively. It’s a slim volume, yet it delivers a substantial punch, opening the door to a future where justice is not only fair but also preventative.

“You cannot prevent harm if you cannot predict it.” —Alan Dershowitz

Of course, any system that emphasizes prevention carries the risk of overreach—of stifling freedoms in the name of safety. The Preventive State doesn’t shy away from that danger. Instead, it makes the case for a jurisprudence that allows people to be both secure and free. But here’s the catch: the very person who authored this powerful and timely work has, to a large extent, been canceled.

As Dershowitz explains in the interview below, he doesn’t expect The Preventive State—his most important book to date—to receive a review in The New York Times. Why? Because the Times severed ties with him after he served on President Donald Trump’s legal team during the first impeachment trial in 2020. Since then, the once-reliable platform has ceased interviewing him and no longer covers his books.

“The New York Times will not review my most important book—because I defended Donald Trump.”

It’s a bitter irony: a book devoted to safeguarding democracy and civil liberties may be denied the public attention it deserves because its author remains unapologetically committed to due process—and to being, in his own words, an “outspoken Jewish Zionist.” That, perhaps more than anything, ensures his exclusion from today’s mainstream platforms.

More’s the pity.

***

Varda Epstein: Your book is titled The Preventive State, which to some might sound authoritarian. How do you define it—and how would you distinguish it from totalitarian systems?

Alan Dershowitz: Well, prevention is good and authoritarianism is bad, and there’s the risk that trying to prevent will create authoritarianism. There's no way of the state engaging in preventive actions without diminishing certain liberties. Benjamin Franklin said those who would give up essential liberties for a little security deserved neither. But every government has always given up some liberties to assure great security. If any of us could have prevented 9/11, or October 7th, by arresting some people, even if we made some mistakes, we would have done it. You know, we went much too far after the Second World War began when President Roosevelt confined 110,000 Americans in detention centers in order to prevent one or two acts of treason, and none of them occurred. So, it’s the question of balancing, but if the balance is struck improperly, there is the potential for authoritarianism, of course. That’s why I worry about the preventive state. On the other hand, we’re always going to try to prevent. We’re never going to wait until cataclysmic harm occurs. Every country has to confront those issues. Israel’s confronting it right now with Iran. Should Israel go and prevent, as they did Iraq and Syria, from developing weapons? And the United States probably has a different view on that. So these are always the kind of balancing decisions that we have to make.

Varda Epstein: You described Abraham as the first lawyer. He pleaded with God to spare the innocent. Why would he choose to plead for the innocent over eradicating evil?

Alan Dershowitz: Because I think he understood that God could easily have come back and said, look, Abraham, I’m God. I know who’s guilty and who’s innocent. I’ll kill only the guilty and not the innocent. But God said he was going to kill everybody because there were so many guilty people, and Abraham was the first one to challenge authority by saying, no, you can’t overdo it. If you can’t separate the innocent from the guilty, you have to spare everybody. And then God comes back and basically says, yeah, but it depends how many innocent there are. And then that’s when the negotiation begins—50, 40, 30, 20, 10, stops at 10. And that’s been the number that we focus on in Anglo-American jurisprudence also, better ten guilty go free than one innocent be wrongly confined. So, you know, there are various concepts in the Bible that are instrumental in the preventive state. Obviously, Abraham’s argument with God; the idea of punishing recalcitrant children to make sure they don’t become dangerous adults; taking people who have contagious diseases and putting them in isolation; the concept of exile goes back thousands of years, and that’s what we’re doing now with deportation. Deportation is simply a form of exile.

Varda Epstein: I’d argue that it’s just following the law. I mean, if people are somewhere illegally, shouldn’t they be deported?

Alan Dershowitz: No, not necessarily. Some of my relatives came into this country to escape Nazism, and had false affidavits in order to get in because they couldn’t get in lawfully. So sometimes you have to understand, it depends on the circumstances. If you’re escaping from absolute brutality, the way they were escaping from Castro, you have a different rule than if they’re trying to just get some economic benefits. So, you know, the Torah has said, “Tzedek tzedek tirdof,” “Justice, justice” and why two justices? Well, you know, one is justice with compassion, and you have to have a little bit of compassion. But there’s a big difference between people who sneak in in order to commit crimes or in order to evade justice and people who come to save their lives.

Varda Epstein: You spoke in your book about how Great Britain and France could have prevented World War II had they enforced the Versailles Treaty early on, but you posited that perhaps they feared being seen as warmongers. Do you think that’s the main reason they didn’t act?

Alan Dershowitz: Yeah. I think they . . . first, I’m not sure they believed that Hitler would actually do these things. So this was an example of a false negative where there was evidence and information; they didn’t believe it, and they made a horrible mistake. They could have saved 50 million lives. And, you know, we may be making the same mistake now with Iran. If we believe that Iran is trying to develop nuclear weapons . . .

Varda Epstein: Do you think democratic leaders today still face this dilemma of being seen as warmongers, facing backlash for acting, so they hesitate, and they hesitate too long?

Alan Dershowitz: Well, I think some, it depends. You know, Israel would like to move preventively, as it has. Much of my book, The Preventive State, is based on what I call, or what has been called, the Begin Doctrine, that sometimes you just can’t wait to be attacked. You have to take preemptive and preventive action. Israel’s been a leader in that because it’s a tiny country; it’s very vulnerable; and it won’t kill innocent civilians needlessly; whereas other countries are less protective in their approach. So, I think there is the fear that the world would condemn them. There’s this idiotic International Criminal Court that selectively condemns only democracies, and I don’t think anybody should take seriously the International Criminal Court. I think it should be ignored and ended, but there are countries that, you know, England and France and others care about that.

Varda Epstein: At first after 9/11, Americans were pretty accepting of the extreme security measures that were taken, such as in airports with the creation of the TSA. You talked about society turning preventive to prevent terror, right? Then, as time goes on, the fear slips away, people forget, go back to normal, and no longer want these measures, resulting in pushback. Do you think October 7th produced a similar kind of shift among the Israeli left, rendering preventive measures more acceptable?

Alan Dershowitz: For a while, but many, many in the Israeli left have “BDS,” Bibi Derangement Syndrome. So, if Bibi’s doing it, it must be wrong, and many in the Israeli left are making terrible mistakes about how they deal with this issue. So, you know, the same thing is true in the United States with Trump Derangement Syndrome, and so there’s too much of personal issues involved, both in Israel and in the United States. Both have very controversial leaders, and the left can’t believe that they would do anything for positive reasons.

Varda Epstein: Yeah. I always think that the fact that American Jews voted for Kamala shows they hate Donald Trump more than they love Israel. That’s how I felt about that.

Alan Dershowitz: I would feel differently about that. I think they want to be more liberal than they want to be Jewish, and they’re willing to vote, not their Jewish values or their Jewish defense, but they want their friends to like them, and they want to be seen as progressive and liberal. And they vote against their own interests.

“They were killed because of Harvard. Because of Columbia. Because of the way antisemitism is taught.”

Varda Epstein: Let’s talk about the couple that was murdered last week, targeted because the attacker assumed they were Jewish. That’s antisemitic no matter their religion, right?

Alan Dershowitz: So, one was Jewish, the other was not. But it doesn’t matter. They were killed because, whether they were Jews or not, they were killed because they were Jews. And they were killed because of Harvard, and they were killed because of Columbia, and they were killed because of the way in which the Ivy League schools and many schools have been teaching, not just tolerating, but teaching antisemitism. When you teach intersectionality, when you teach DEI, when you teach critical race theory, you’re teaching antisemitism. And when you encourage people, the way Kamala Harris and Walz, the vice presidential candidate, encourage people to call for “Palestine will be free” and
“globalize the intifada,” you’re inciting murder. And so there’s a lot of blood on the hands of university administrators and politicians.

“I’m an outspoken Jewish Zionist, and that will never change.”

Varda Epstein: When should we limit speech? How far do we allow it to go? Do we allow them to say “from the river to the sea”? Do we punish it? Because maybe it would have prevented this?

Alan Dershowitz: No, in my book The Preventive State, I have a whole chapter on free speech and when it should be limited. I think the limitation has to be incitement towards speech. And when you stand in front of a large crowd and you yell, “Globalize the intifada,” that could be incitement. When you, however, just talk abstractly about Israel not existing, that’s hate speech, but it’s free speech. Hate speech is protected by the Constitution today. That may change. We may experience over the next years with this current Supreme Court, a cutting back a little bit of incitement and advocacy of violence. As we see more and more violence, look, I predicted in my writings, I predicted what happened in D.C. I predicted that, based on my experience in representing radical violent protesters back in the 1960s and 70s, and some of them went on to become terrorists. Kathy Boudin, who I helped represent, became a murderer and spent many years in prison. The Weathermen became murderers. They also became friends of Barack Obama. But these are people who Barack Obama befriended. These were people who were regarded as legitimate. But they turned into terrorists. And I think that’s going to happen here, too. I think supporters of Hamas, people who support Hamas and who advocate the end of Israel, which is what “from the river to the sea” and “globalize the intifada” means, there’s a risk that they may start killing Americans. You know, Jews are always the first, they’re the canary in the mine shaft, but as we see, it’s not always Jews that get killed, but there’s going to be more of that. I’ve had to redouble my own personal security.

Varda Epstein: Yeah. I saw you on Hannity.

Alan Dershowitz: It’s true. I’ve always had some threats on my life, so I’ve been concerned about security. But when I spoke just the other day at a college in Florida, I got an honorary doctorate, and they had to have armed guards around me. They had to have a whole process in place for what happens if somebody tried to attack me. They gave me instructions of how do I leave, and will there be bulletproof glass in front of me, and all of that. So, as a result of what happened in this group at Columbia, I’ve had to redouble my own personal security because I’m an outspoken Jewish Zionist, and that will never change.

Varda Epstein: I wanted to talk about the false positive that was your swatting incident that happened to you and your wife. It was a horrible thing, obviously traumatic, but you said it was the right thing. They made the right move.

Alan Dershowitz: Oh, of course. They got a call. They said that there was violence going on in my house. It was, you know, middle of the night, banging on the door, “If you don’t open the door, we’ll break it down.” And they came in with their guns drawn, and they could have easily shot somebody if I had made the wrong move. I was half asleep, I was getting up, and it was a very, very dangerous situation. It was quite deliberate, and we’re going to see more of that. We’re going to see much, much more violence. That, of course, is illegal, but you have to catch the person. And in my case, they haven’t caught the person who did this because it’s very easy to place an anonymous 911 call, and thankfully, the police respond to all these calls. Soon they’ll stop, because they’ll say they’re false alarms, and that will hurt the people who are really in trouble. I have a friend, a policeman who was killed in a domestic violence shootout, because he wouldn’t take the first shot to kill the person who was holding the woman hostage, because he was afraid he would kill her. And then he was shot and was killed. These kinds of situations, swats and everything, are very, very dangerous and have to be taken much more seriously than they’ve been taken.

Varda Epstein: And we need to make some kind of protocol according to your book. Okay, so on the other side of that, then, would be a false negative and preventable harm. So, what’s an example of one that stands out to you as a devastating false negative, what should have been caught?

Alan Dershowitz: The worst, of course, was World War II, the greatest example in history of a false negative. I would say after that, probably 9/11, October 7th, they could have been caught. October 7th was a disaster because Israel had a lot of the information that should have led them to take preventive actions. And because some of the information was provided to them by these women who were serving in the front line, some of them with emotional issues, the men who were in charge didn’t take these women seriously, and I think this was a situation where sexism contributed to this disaster.

Varda Epstein: Absolutely, absolutely, I’m with you on that.

Alan Dershowitz: By the way, let me add something. I met these women. I went there before this happened, and I sat with them, and they were absolutely incredible. They would be sitting with their television screens, and if they saw a rabbit, they would notice it, if they saw anything, they would notice it. And these were our front line defenses against terrorism, and the men in charge of the very macho Israeli army didn’t take them seriously, and that was kind of a disaster.

Varda Epstein: How do you see the role of AI playing in predicting or preventing harm, especially in legal or national security contexts?

Alan Dershowitz: It’s a double-edged sword. It can help prevent crime because it has this incredible predictive ability based on putting together enormous amounts of information to anticipate what might happen. But AI is itself a potential danger. It can intrude on people’s privacy, it can create its own problems. So I think, on balance, AI is helpful in preventing, but one has to constrain and control every scientific development, including AI.

Varda Epstein: You say that you’ve been thinking about prevention since the 1960s? So, why did you write The Preventive State, now?

Alan Dershowitz: Well, you know, I’ve written articles about it, and I never had, in my own mind, the answers. I had the questions, but I didn’t have the answers, and it took me a long time to think through how to create a jurisprudence. And finally, you know, at age 86, with the benefit of a lot of experience and a little bit of chutzpah, I decided to set out my answers, and so here it is, my magnum opus, my 57th book, for those of us old enough to remember Heinz 57 flavors. So, finally, I was ready, and I think this is my most important book, but of course, the New York Times will not review it because once I defended Donald Trump, they stopped reviewing my books, and they stopped interviewing me mostly. And then they tried to cancel me because they don’t like who my clients are, and so I hope people will read the book on Amazon and learn from it. Even though you can disagree with some of its conclusions, I think you can’t argue with the fact that we live in an increasingly preventive state, and so we have to deal with those issues in a moral and calculated and balanced way.

Varda Epstein: You have an appendix. But it’s the end of your book. Why did you end with a critique of rabbinic law?

Alan Dershowitz: Well it’s not a critique. It’s that rabbinic law goes too far, and so did much classic law, much of which was based on rabbinic law. Went too far, but it asks the right questions. I’m a big fan of rabbinic law, because almost every issue that I taught in my 50 years of teaching at Harvard, the questions had been raised by rabbis and by those who wrote the Torah. But they didn’t always get the answers right. And so I just thought it would be interesting to put in the book ancient sources that gave rise to some of the modern approaches. And I, you know, when I taught at Harvard, I would always introduce rabbinic law and Torah law into my classes, because almost every issue was addressed, which is amazing because they weren’t really in control of an active society. They were writing more in the abstract or for their own community, because, you know, until 1948, there was no country to which to apply Jewish law, that was just a community, but they did a remarkable job in raising these unbelievably complex problems and resolving them.

Varda Epstein: You own a letter from George Washington about urging smallpox inoculation. So, what drew you to that artifact?

Alan Dershowitz: Two things. One, I was writing about this issue, and I wanted to own a piece of history in which Washington not only urges everybody to get inoculated, but as commander-in-chief of the Revolutionary Armed Forces, he commands that, he says, basically, you have to do it, you have to do it quickly, otherwise we can lose the war based on smallpox. Second, the letter is fascinating because it’s signed by George Washington and dictated by George Washington, but the three pages are written by Alexander Hamilton, his secretary. So it has the three things in it. I love the writings of Alexander Hamilton, I’m a great admirer of George Washington, and the concept of prevention is in there, so it worked perfectly.

Varda Epstein: What’s next for Alan Dershowitz? Do you have any other momentous topics to write about?

Alan Dershowitz: Of course, I always do, you know, on the way to being buried, I will probably try to be dictating a final op-ed. I write every single day. I’m writing a book now tentatively entitled Trump to Harvard, Go Fund Yourself. It’s a cute title, and it tries to strike the appropriate balance. I don’t think that the government should be cutting off research funds or funds from scientific, medical, but they should be cutting off funds from the Divinity School, Public Health School, the Carr Center for Human Rights, all of which are incubators for antisemitism. So I want to see targeted defunding and targeted denial of visas. For example, in the 1930s, Harvard loved Nazis, the president of Harvard, Conant, was a Nazi lover, he loved Germany. He brought professors from Nazi Germany and students, and of course the United States said, no, we’re cutting off the visas. Many, many liberals would have applauded that, but they don’t applaud it now, and it’s too broad. We shouldn’t be cutting back on all the visas for all students, but only for the ones that are fomenting dangerous activities on campus and contributing to an atmosphere that led to the death of these two young, wonderful people.

***
📚 Book Information

Dershowitz, Alan. The Preventive State: Preempting Cataclysmic Harm while Preserving Fundamental Liberties. New York: Encounter Books, 2024. ISBN: 9781641774401.



Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 



  • Wednesday, May 28, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon


An EU press release says quotes press remarks by EU High Representative/Vice-President Kaja Kallas.

She said, "The situation in Gaza remains dire. Israel’s strikes in Gaza go beyond what is necessary to fight Hamas. Bypassing the UN in aid deliveries undermines humanitarian principles. And incidents challenging the special status of Jerusalem risk further escalating tensions. "

Beyond what is necessary to fight Hamas? What, exactly, does she think is necessary and what isn't? Should Israel go back to bombing empty warehouses after being hit with rockets?  Should it pretend October 7 didn't happen 600 days ago? 

Given that Israel's goal is to destroy Hamas, this implies that the EU thinks that is going too far. Terrorist groups must be allowed to do what they want as long as they use human shields. 

There is one other disgusting implication here: that Israel is not targeting Hamas alone. She seems to be saying that Israel is "going beyond" by not only targeting Hamas but also civilians. 

And her last sentence on Jerusalem is also perverted. The only incidents she could be referring to is allowing Jews to hold a march in Jerusalem and to visit the Temple Mount. The "special status of Jerusalem" she refers to was never implemented, not for one day. The only status is that it is fully part of Israel and Palestinians claim it as their own with no legal or historic justification. (Jordan could make a case, but it no longer claims rights there besides the Temple Mount Waqf.) 

(h/t Irene)



Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 

  • Wednesday, May 28, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon
The New York Times writes an apologia for anti-Israel groups in wake of the murders of two Israel embassy workers in Washington DC last week. 

The article emphasizes that "The pro-Palestinian movement ...has long included a wide spectrum of activists, with a variety of views on the role violent resistance should play in achieving a Palestinian state."
Some chapters of Students for Justice in Palestine, for example, the most organized pro-Palestinian group on many college campuses, have embraced the Thawabit, a set of principles written by the Palestine Liberation Organization in 1977 that is considered central to the Palestinian national cause. Among them is the right of resistance, including through armed struggle.  
I've seen the phrase "Palestinian national constants" often in Palestinian websites and the words of Mahmoud Abbas, but I never knew they were formalized. It turns out they were, in a document that is surprisingly hard to find.

It came from the 13th meeting of the Palestinian National Council in Cairo in March, 1977.  It includes support for terrorism in its third article:

The Palestinian National Council affirms that the struggle in the occupied territories, in all its military, political and popular forms, constitutes the central link in its struggle programmes. On this basis, the Palestine Liberation Organization struggles to escalate the armed struggle in the occupied territories, and to escalate all other forms of struggle associated with it, and to provide all forms of material and moral support to the masses of our people in the occupied territories in order to escalate this struggle and support their steadfastness to defeat and liquidate the occupation.
If you think that these national constants were superseded with Oslo, that is not so clear. According to Khaled Elgindy, these principles - and specifically "armed struggle" - were confirmed in another Cairo meeting between Palestinian factions, including Fatah, Hamas and Islamic Jihad, in March 2005:
 Those gathered confirmed their adherence to Palestinian principles, without any neglect, and the right of the Palestinian people to resistance in order to end the occupation, establish a Palestinian state with full sovereignty with Jerusalem as its capital, and the guaranteeing of the right of return of refugees to their homes and property.
We knew this. Fatah's 2009 political platform, also difficult to find, advocates armed violence as well and has never been superseded

This is yet more proof that every single Palestinian faction supports terror, and any reticence that they show towards "armed struggle"  is purely tactical and not strategic. 



Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 



How would journalism look if its code of ethics were actually rooted in a transparent, universal moral framework? 

I keep coming up with interesting applications to ask my Jewish ethical chatbot, AskHillel.com.

On Tuesday I engaged in a conversation with it on what journalistic ethics would look like if they adhere to Jewish ethics. It gave me a first draft, I asked it about a lot of other cases, and in the end you can see  what it came up with below. (I took out the Hebrew phrases mapping each item with its Jewish value.) 

The ethics are a bit different from what journalists do. Section II is pretty much universally ignored, for example. The code below also insists on far more transparency than we see in journalism today, and much clearer procedures for corrections - not burying mistakes on page 17 at the bottom. 

This code appears to be more complete than the major ones I found online - yet it was done in ten minutes, and is based on a real moral code. (I cannot claim it is truly complete, there are a lot of issues. But it is easy to ask the chatbot about specific cases to cover other issues.) 

Not that the existing journalistic codes are immoral, but they tend to be patchworks built over the years. They do not go far enough and too often they tend to lean more towards profit and hurting people than being truly ethical. When you have a transparent moral yardstick based on universal principles, it forces you justify why you cannot do what it right (and there may be some good reasons and cases in journalism that would tilt some of these rules.) 

Here is what the tool and I came up with:

Jewish-Inspired Code of Ethics for Journalism

Preamble
Journalism is a public trust grounded in the pursuit of truth, the protection of human dignity, the prevention of harm, and a shared responsibility to society. This ethical code adapts a Jewish values-based framework to journalism’s core responsibilities, blending timeless moral imperatives with modern challenges.


I. Truth and Accuracy

  • Verify all facts rigorously. Avoid relying solely on single or biased sources.

  • Attribute claims clearly, disclosing source affiliations and reliability history.

  • Provide necessary context for statements, especially in conflict zones.

  • Avoid emotional distortion or manipulation of the story’s impact.

II. Respect and Harm Minimization

  • Consider the personal and social consequences of reporting.

  • Avoid gratuitous exposure, humiliation, or stereotyping.

  • Use sensitivity with traumatic content or imagery.

  • Balance transparency with respect for privacy and human dignity.

III. Independence and Integrity

  • Disclose any conflicts of interest.

  • Avoid influence from funders, ideology, or public pressure.

  • Preserve intellectual independence in all reporting.

IV. Accountability and Transparency

  • Correct errors promptly and visibly.

  • Accept public critique with humility.

  • Be open about editorial judgments and decisions.


V. Source Credibility and Conflict Reporting

  • Flag sources with histories of false or politicized reporting.

  • Use anonymity only when ethically necessary, and explain its use.

  • Do not create false balance between verified and deceptive sources.

VI. Protecting Sources

  • Protect confidential sources when disclosure could cause harm.

  • Never promise anonymity lightly or without safeguards.

  • Honor source confidentiality as a moral and professional obligation.

VII. Reporting in Dangerous Contexts

  • Prioritize safety over immediate full disclosure.

  • Delay or anonymize information if necessary for protection.

  • Never lie, but use ambiguity or silence when ethically required.

VIII. Journalists on Social Media

  • Recognize public impact of all statements, even personal posts.

  • Avoid incivility, inflammatory tone, or harmful generalizations.

  • Maintain professionalism and truthfulness across platforms.

IX. Competition and Attribution

  • Do not copy reporting without added value or credit.

  • Attribute scoops from other outlets and expand with integrity.

  • Acknowledge major developments regardless of the outlet.

X. Use of Identity in Reporting

  • Include ethnic, racial, religious, or personal identity only when relevant to the story’s context or significance.

  • Avoid tokenism, stereotyping, or unwarranted emphasis on identity.

  • Explain inclusion when relevant; avoid silence that misleads.

XI. Advocacy and Moral Voice

  • Opinion journalism must be fact-based and clearly labeled.

  • Express outrage only when rooted in truth and moral purpose.

  • Avoid performative anger or dehumanizing rhetoric.

XII. Evaluating Patterns of Wrongdoing

  • Fair judgment should consider consistent behavior and reliable evidence.

  • In absence of a court ruling, journalists must act with caution and transparency.

  • Charitable interpretation ends when truth and accountability demand clarity.

XIII. Plagiarism and Misattribution

  • Never present others’ work or ideas as your own.

  • Attribute all quotations, media, and research clearly.

  • Avoid misattributing sources or misleading citations.

XIV. Visual Media Standards

  • Do not stage or manipulate photos to alter reality.

  • Portrait-style posing is acceptable in features if disclosed.

  • Clearly label edited, staged, or archival images.

XV. Legal Compliance and Civil Disobedience

  • Follow the law unless doing so causes moral or public harm.

  • Civil disobedience must be a last resort, justified, and transparent.

  • Do not use illegality to excuse unethical behavior.

XVI. Employer Responsibilities

  • Employers must protect journalist safety and offer training and support.

  • Vet hires to prevent abuse of journalistic roles or access.

  • Ensure oversight and accountability within the organization.

XVII. Editorial Framing and Prioritization

  • Editors must weigh story prominence and framing ethically.

  • Avoid bias by sequencing and quoting fairly.

  • Consider real-world impact, diversity of voices, and narrative balance.

XVIII. Corrections and Edits

  • Correct errors proportionately to their original visibility.

  • Flag major edits in evolving online stories.

  • Archive versions and explain significant changes clearly.

XIX. Editorial and Opinion Standards

  • Opinion must respect truth, accuracy, and dignity.

  • Distinguish clearly between editorial and news.

  • Avoid promoting dehumanizing or false content under the guise of opinion.

XX. Ethical Audits and Public Trust

  • Support regular, independent audits of fairness, transparency, and sourcing.

  • Use findings to improve—not punish—journalistic practices.

  • Publish audit results and commit to ethical growth.

XXI. AI and Visual Editing Ethics

  • Use image editing only for clarity, not distortion.

  • Label all significant edits, AI-generated media, or simulations.

  • Do not use AI to impersonate, fabricate, or mislead.

  • AI must support—not replace—ethical journalism and human judgment.


XXII. Conflicts of Interest with Owners or Advertisers

  • Newsrooms must disclose any potential conflicts involving parent companies, investors, or advertisers that could influence editorial content.

  • Journalistic decisions should be shielded from business interests through internal firewalls, independent oversight, and editorial autonomy.

  • If a conflict cannot be avoided, transparency with the audience is essential. Hidden influence erodes trust and violates the foundational duty to truth.

  • Advertiser-friendly editing that compromises fact or tone must be rejected. The audience’s right to truthful reporting outweighs commercial pressures.

  • Media organizations must train staff and leadership to recognize and ethically manage such conflicts, prioritizing public trust over corporate loyalty.


XXIII. Fact-Checking and Verification Protocols

  • Establish and enforce rigorous internal standards for verifying facts before publication.

  • Require cross-checking of quotes, statistics, and attributions across departments.

  • Maintain documentation of verification steps for accountability and training purposes.

XXIV. Audience Education and Media Literacy

  • Promote public understanding of how journalism works, including sourcing, editing, and retraction practices.

  • Offer context, definitions, and explanations when stories involve complex issues.

  • Provide links to source material and tools for reader evaluation of claims.

XXV. Global and Cross-Cultural Reporting Ethics

  • When reporting internationally, do not compromise ethical standards to match local norms that contradict core journalistic values.

  • Respect cultural differences, but uphold universal principles of accuracy, fairness, and human dignity.

XXVI. Leaks and Unauthorized Information

  • Treat leaks and stolen material with caution: weigh the public interest against potential privacy violations.

  • Do not publish raw dumps without verification or responsible framing.

  • When using leaks, disclose origins and editorial process for evaluating authenticity.

XXVII. Reporting on Violence and Trauma

  • Avoid sensationalism when covering tragedy, crime, or conflict.

  • Be sensitive to the dignity and safety of victims, survivors, and affected communities.

  • Refrain from re-traumatizing individuals through excessive repetition or graphic detail.

XXVIII. Retractions vs. Corrections

  • Issue a full retraction when the central claims of a story are false or misleading.

  • Differentiate corrections (which fix errors) from retractions (which withdraw entire narratives).

  • Publicize retractions with clarity and prominence to restore trust.

XXIX. Ethics of Archival Content

  • Archived content reflects the historical record and should generally be preserved in its original form.

  • When older material contains factual errors or causes ongoing harm, consider appending clarifications or context rather than altering the original.

  • Avoid retroactive edits that obscure history. Transparency and integrity should guide any annotation or disclaimer.

  • Editorial teams are not obligated to review entire archives, but should respond responsibly when specific concerns arise.


XXX. Navigating Contested Claims and Propaganda

  • When covering disputed topics, especially geopolitical ones, journalists must distinguish between informed opinion, partisan propaganda, and factually grounded expertise.

  • Quoting multiple perspectives is not enough; context must be provided about each source’s credibility, affiliations, and track record.

  • Be cautious of outsourcing truth-seeking to organizations—such as NGOs or international bodies—that may carry institutional biases. Rely on multiple forms of verification, not just authority.

  • Avoid false equivalence. When one side's claims lack factual grounding or are refuted by evidence, it is misleading to present both sides as equally credible.

  • Explain to readers why certain perspectives are included or excluded, and clarify how editorial decisions were made.

  • Journalism should pursue moral clarity without polemic, ensuring the audience is informed rather than manipulated.


Conclusion
Journalism demands humility, responsibility, and courage. This code offers a vision of journalism as a moral covenant with the public—committed to truth, dignity, justice, and integrity.

This isn’t just an exercise in theory. If newsrooms (or readers) genuinely care about ethical journalism, why not start with a code like this, and then debate, refine and improve it? If we can’t, or won’t, we should at least be honest about why not.

But this isn’t only about journalism. Any profession or institution with an ethical code should ask: Why not even the playing field using a transparent, universal standard, flexible enough to adapt to the particular challenges in each field?

We can’t hope to become better people, or a better society, until we make a habit of actively seeking ways to improve. This kind of framework doesn’t just set the bar - it opens the door for real growth, honest critique, and maybe even a better world.






Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 

  • Wednesday, May 28, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon

Reuters reports:
Israel and Syria are in direct contact and have in recent weeks held face-to-face meetings aimed at calming tensions and preventing conflict in the border region between the two longtime foes, five people familiar with the matter said.

The contacts mark a significant development in ties between states that have been on opposite sides of conflict in the Middle East for decades, as the U.S. encourages the new Islamist rulers in Damascus to establish relations with Israel and Israel eases its bombardment of Syria.
As far as I can tell, Israel and Syria haven't ever had bilateral talks in the 77 years of Israel's existence. The closest were some US-sponsored talks between them in the 1990s. The occasional crossings of Israeli Druze to Syria before the Syrian civil war were seemingly coordinated with third parties like the UN.

So by any measure, these talks are historic. And it is barely a major story. 

It is again astonishing how much things have changed in the region in the past year. 



Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 

Tuesday, May 27, 2025

From Ian:

An American Problem
What we’re witnessing is an issue not with Israel, but with America. When violence aimed at Jews—or those seen as aligned with them—is dismissed, excused, or rationalized, it undermines the civic norms that hold our society together. Elite institutions that once upheld liberal pluralism now indulge a form of identity politics that prizes grievance over justice. Some of the ugliest reactions to the D.C. shooting treated the murders as incidental—or even deserved. That’s not just moral failure. It represents a worldview that treats violence as politics by other means. Such rationalizations have been used to justify the ideological murder of a health-care executive, coordinated arson attacks on Tesla dealerships by anti-capitalist extremists, and, now, executions outside a Jewish museum in the nation’s capital.

The denial of Jewish legitimacy—whether of the state of Israel or of American Jews participating in public life—is no longer a fringe opinion. In too many quarters, it’s treated as respectable. It is not. It is bigotry. And when paired with the belief that those claiming oppression are justified in doing “whatever it takes,” the result isn’t justice. It’s carnage.

We do not argue that speech should be criminalized; our First Amendment freedoms need to be protected. And it is possible to criticize Israeli policies, or those of any other government, without crossing the line into incitement.

But we must be honest about what’s happening. When networks of activists treat unrepentant killers as heroes, coordinate illegal activity, and agitate for the collapse of Western society, they’re not engaged in civil disobedience. They’re waging political warfare. That some of these groups are backed by hostile foreign regimes only underscores the urgency of a serious response.

The way forward is not to panic, but to draw a clear line. We must reaffirm that no political grievance justifies murder. That Americans—of any faith or background—should not have to fear for their lives while leaving a museum event. That violence in the name of justice is still violence. And that democracy works only when we preserve the norms that keep politics from devolving into civil conflict.

The murders of Yaron Lischinsky and Sarah Milgrim were horrific. They were also predictable. If Americans continue down this path—excusing, indulging, and minimizing political violence when it comes from favored factions—we will see more such tragedies.

It is not enough to mourn. We must act. Not by censoring ideas, but by enforcing the law, defending civic order, and refusing to normalize an ideology that leads, inexorably, to bloodshed.
How the American Left Descended into Anti-Semitic Murder
In the brief manifesto the thirty-year-old Chicagoan circulated the day before he murdered Yaron Lischinsky and Sarah Milgrim, he explains that he first wanted to kill Jews to express his anger at Israel in 2014, but felt that he wouldn’t have gotten sufficient sympathy. Kathleen Hayes provides a firsthand account of the leftist ideological cesspool that produced, and then encouraged and intensified, his way of thinking:
I’m quite familiar with the Party for Socialism and Liberation (PSL), the radical Maoist organization he once belonged to; my now-ex-comrades supported the PSL’s candidates in the 2024 presidential election and I had many encounters with its predecessor group, the Workers World Party. . . . His beliefs and delusions were, broadly speaking, mine.

Today they’re shared by a wide swath of liberal society—people who would never shoot a young man and woman in cold blood, but who think there’s a context in which the shootings are, if not justifiable, then at least comprehensible as a response to Israel’s “genocide.” As Time magazine helpfully explains: “The shooting comes amid rising tensions over Israel’s ongoing war in Gaza, which has left an estimated at least 50,000 Palestinians dead and millions more displaced since October 7, 2023.” With so much Palestinian suffering, they imply, what’s a couple of Israeli embassy staffers?

Then there’s the open gloating, enthusing, and calling for more.

Twentieth-century Marxism had its (totalitarian) problems, but at least in 1989, my comrades and I defended Salman Rushdie against Ayatollah Khomeini’s fatwa. Twenty years later, we asserted Iran’s right to nuclear weapons and denounced Rushdie as a pro-imperialist stooge. Iran and Rushdie didn’t change—we did, and a large swath of Western society changed with us.
From Ian:

Seth Frantzman: Trump lays out new Middle East vision, from ceasefires to regional partners
US President Donald Trump has been laying out a vision for how his administration views the Middle East. The administration came into office hoping that it could end the conflict in Gaza and bring about a hostage and ceasefire deal.

It was initially successful, but the ceasefire fell apart in March.

The administration is now laying out a broader vision for how it views the region, as reflected in Trump’s trip to the Gulf in mid-May and also recent comments from his envoy to Syria.

On May 25, US Ambassador to Turkey Tom Barrack, who is the new US envoy to Syria, wrote a message for Damascus on social media: “A century ago, the West imposed maps, mandates, penciled borders, and foreign rule. Sykes-Picot divided Syria and the broader region for imperial gain – not peace. That mistake cost generations. We will not make it again,” he wrote. This is an important message that is linked with Trump’s speech in Riyadh.

It’s not the first time that the US has sought to contrast its role in the region with the role of European powers. In fact, the US has often sought to differentiate its policies from those of the Europeans. Franklin Roosevelt often reiterated that the US would not enter World War II in order to preserve European colonies.

Later in 1956, the Eisenhower administration was also not pleased with the French and British intervention in Egypt. However, the sense that the US role is different has changed over recent decades. After the Gulf War, the US was the main hegemonic power in the region.

This was a shift from the Cold War, when the US did support friendly countries. The US was now viewed as a nation builder and global policeman. Countries chafed at the imposition. Extremists flourished.

Today that has changed. The Obama administration sought to chart a new course most notably during Obama’s 2009 speech in Cairo. However, he was critiqued for his policies during the Arab Spring and his drive for an Iran deal.

Barrack wrote that “the era of Western interference is over. The future belongs to regional solutions, to partnerships, and to a diplomacy grounded in respect. As Trump emphasized in his May 13 address in Riyadh, ‘Gone are the days when Western interventionalists would fly to the Middle East to give lectures on how to live and how to govern your own affairs.’”

Barrack wants to build on Trump’s doctrine and apply it to Syria. Trump reached out to Syria’s President Ahmed al-Sharaa in Riyadh, following support from Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman of Saudi Arabia and from Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

Both MBS and Erdogan are close to Trump. They encouraged him to meet Sharaa and change US policy on Syria. “Syria’s tragedy was born in division. Its rebirth must come through dignity, unity, and investment in its people. That starts with truth, accountability, and working with the region, not around it,” Barrack wrote.
Brendan O'Neill: Israel’s latest crime? Feeding the people of Gaza
What’s really bugging the anti-Israeli elites is that this uppity little state has the temerity to circumvent the UN. Israel outlawed UNRWA, the UN’s Palestinian-assisting wing, in Gaza and the West Bank following revelations that some UNRWA employees were involved in Hamas’s pogrom of 7 October 2023. Its new humanitarian foundation is designed precisely to get around UN mechanisms and put grub and drugs directly into the hands of Gazans who need them. To some of us, this makes sense – UNRWA is a profoundly morally compromised institution. But to the army of influencers who hate Israel, it is tantamount to blasphemy.

Behold the BBC’s Jeremy Bowen on the Today programme this morning. In tones of such world-weary vanity, he insisted Israel should be working with the UN, not the US. After all, there were only ‘a dozen or so cases’ of UNRWA being ‘infiltrated by Hamas’, he said, with the breeziness of someone ordering a caramel latte. Actually there have been more cases than that. But even if it were only a ‘dozen or so’ instances of a UN body being infiltrated by an army of anti-Semites devoted to the destruction of the Jewish nation, shouldn’t that be enough to put Israel off? In Bowen’s eyes, how many cases of UN complicity with 21st-century fascism are acceptable? Twelve? Twenty? A hundred? He should say.

The sheer delirium in the response to Israel’s humanitarian push was best summed up in an AP headline. ‘UN agencies warn that Israel’s plans for aid distribution will endanger lives’, it says. Drink in the Orwellianism of that. Providing aid is deathly now. Providing people with food ‘endangers lives’. Feeding the hungry kills. The doublethink of the Israelophobia pox has rarely been so beautifully illustrated. War is peace, freedom is slavery, giving people the essentials of life will end their lives. Imagine the arrogance and outright inhumanity it must require to wring your manicured hands over the delivery of life-saving aid just because you hate the state that’s delivering it.

In these people’s eyes, everything Israel does is a crime. If it bombs Gaza, in pursuit of the Jew-hating militants that attacked it, that’s a war crime. But if it pleads with civilians to flee before it drops its bombs, that’s a war crime, too – the war crime of ‘forced displacement’. If it enforces a siege on Gaza, to try to suffocate Hamas’s army of anti-Semites, that’s ‘genocide’. Yet when it lifts the siege and brings in truckloads of necessities, that goes against ‘humanitarian principles’, too. That also ‘endangers lives’. If Israel takes lives, it’s a crime. If it tries to save lives, it’s a crime. If it cuts off deliveries, it’s a crime. If it lets deliveries in, it’s a crime. No one should be in any doubt now: Israelophobia is a libellous monstrosity underpinned less by an opposition to war than by a frothing, post-truth hatred for the world’s only Jewish nation.

Hamas has instructed the people of Gaza not to cooperate with Israel’s delivery of aid. The UN has noisily rejected it too. And the commentariat is branding it ‘problematic’. They’re all on the same page. They’re all telling the suffering folk of the Gaza Strip not to accept the Jewish State’s help. This is a kind of psychosis. If you really believed that Gaza faces one of the worst famines of modern times, you would tell its people to take anything they can get. The hysterical reaction to the Gaza Humanitarian Fund suggests these people either don’t believe that, and they’ve been lying, or they do believe it but they hate Israel so much that they would rather see Gazans starve than eat Israel’s evil food. And honestly, I don’t know which is worse.
Eitan Fischberger: Starvation by Feeding: The New "Genocide" Narrative
You honestly can’t make this up. Hamas and its acolytes in the West are in full-blown meltdown mode—not because Gazans aren’t getting food, but because they are… just not through the “right” channels.

What’s the issue, exactly? Simple. The new aid model being rolled out in Gaza commits three unpardonable sins, according to Hamas and its allies:
A. It’s facilitated in part by Israel.
B. It cuts out the UN (and other ineffective, corrupt aid organizations).
C. Gazans have to—brace yourselves—wait in line to get their food. I’m not kidding.

Let’s take this apart.

First, the Israel component. Apparently, starving children are less important than making sure no Jew touches the logistics. If Israel helps facilitate food getting to civilians without Hamas skimming off the top, it’s suddenly a problem. Not because the aid isn’t real, but because it doesn't serve the political theater.

Second, the UN. The same UN whose track record in Gaza reads like a how-to manual in inefficiency and corruption. The same UN that allowed Hamas to operate freely, hoard resources, and manipulate aid flows to serve its war terror machine. Now that they’ve been sidelined, aid will move faster, more securely, and with actual accountability—and that is what’s got them rattled. Not the welfare of Gazans. The fear of being exposed as irrelevant.

Third: the lines. Yes, there are lines. Big ones. Welcome to literally every humanitarian zone in a war-torn region. These are the same people who were lying about 14,000 babies starving to death just last week—based on completely fabricated data. Now they’re clutching their pearls over the existence of food lines?
  • Tuesday, May 27, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon



We often see open letters about how awful Israel is and accusing it of crimes like apartheid, genocide, war crimes and killing cute puppies. 

So I wondered if I could find similar letters from esteemed academics that openly supported Adolf Hitler.

Sure enough, here is Bekenntnis der Professoren an den deutschen Universitäten und Hochschulen zu Adolf Hitler und dem nationalsozialistischen Staat - the Vow of Allegiance of the Professors of the German Universities and High-Schools to Adolf Hitler and the National Socialistic State, November, 1933. Close to 900 academics signed this letter.

Since I have been writing lately about how philosophy has been hijacked by immoral ideas, here are excerpts from the speeches accompanying this public vow that mention philosophy and morality. 

The first is from famous German philosopher Martin Heidegger:

We have disengaged ourselves from the idolatry of bottomless and powerless thinking. We see the end of philosophy in servitude. We are convinced that the clear hardness and the just security of relentless simple questioning for the character of existence, will return. The original fortitude in the altercation with that which exists, and by doing so either to grow or to break, is the innermost motive of question of a national science. For pluck entices to go forward, pluck disengages itself from all which has existed, pluck dares to do the unaccustomed and the incalculable. Question is to us not the frivolous game of curiosity. Questioning neither means to us the stubborn persistence in doubt at all costs; questioning means to us: to expose oneself to the prominence of things and their laws, means to us: not to hide from the terror of the untamed and the dread of the dark. We ask for the sake of these questions and are not in the service of those grown tired in their lazy desire for simple answers. We know that questioning pluck to experience the depths of existence and precipices of existence is in itself a higher answer than a cheap information derived from artificially constructed systems of thought.

And so we, who have in our keeping the "desire to know" of our nation, confess: ...This revolution means a complete revolution of our German existence. From now on everything demands decision and every action responsibility. We are convinced: if the will to self responsibility becomes the law of the community between the nations, then each nation can and must be a teacher of the wealth and power of all great deeds and works of human existence.
And from Friedrich Karl Schumann, a German theologian:
German science has in the last years spent a great deal of serious ethic work in theology and philosophy in order to raise the foundations of political existence of men and nations. From this responsibility and in view of this serious work, German science declares: The foreign political action about which the leader is now asking his nation does not mean that Germany wishes to isolate herself from the community of nations, but it means: Germany has realised: this community is lacking a renewal of its moral foundation.
Speaking in moral terms - extolling equal rights, political freedom, science, honor, justice and peace - does not make one moral. 

In fact, it can indicate the exact opposite.

Anyone impressed with the anti-Israel open letters and petitions signed by academics and entertainers should keep in mind that they are outsourcing their opinions to those whose ideas are more in line with Nazism than morality. 




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"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 

  • Tuesday, May 27, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon
Both Hamas' Telegram channel and its Al Qassam Brigades webpage are filled with reports of killing and injuring IDF soldiers since the ground operation Gideon's Chariots started. However, they appear to be lying.

On Sunday, the Qassam page said that in the previous 10 days:

A May 20,atack on IDF forces in a house east of Al-Qarara, Khan Younis, involving explosives, a tunnel shaft detonation, and direct clashes. They claim to have collapsed a house on top of several soldiers, killing some.

A May 16 attack on three Israeli military vehicles in the Al-Atatra area of Beit Lahia using “Shoaz” and “Tandem” explosives, followed by clashes.

A clash in Al-Shujaiya, east of Gaza City, where two Israeli soldiers were reportedly killed or injured, perhaps May 24.

However, the IDF maintains a page of casualties, and based on the archive and news reports, I see a friendly fire incident that killed one soldier around May 19, and before that no incidents since a tragic May 10 IED incident that killed four IDF soldiers, whose photos show that the idea that Israelis are "white supremacists" is yet another lie.


The Hamas lies are reported uncritically by Al Jazeera.

The relatively few casualties since Gideon's Chariots began show that the IDF has been excellent in improving its tactics to minimize soldier deaths as the war goes on. One would be expecting to see an increase in deaths in recent weeks, and that hasn't happened.

Meanwhile, Hamas media has been increasing its begging for funds. This is from today:
The Messenger of Allah, may God bless him and grant him peace, said: “Fight the polytheists with your wealth, your lives, and your tongues.

And whoever is unable to fight with his own self, let him fight with his wealth and his tongue.”🩵

Donations are available via Click from Jordan.
Donations are available via Vodafone Cash from Egypt
or via digital currencies (and any other method).👇

Not coincidentally, the payment methods coincide with recent Hamas' asking for money for a Gaza "charity"  front for their operations.

This aligns with reports that Israel's blocking of aid have causes a severe financial crisis for Hamas, which also incidentally indicates that Hamas indeed used humanitarian aid to fund its operations. It is no surprise that Hamas is issuing statements condemning the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation and reportedly threatening any NGOs that cooperate with it, since the GHF is designed to avoid allowing Hamas to hijack aid. 





Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 

  • Tuesday, May 27, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon

Quds News Network reports stuff that is true, except for the parts that aren't:
Occupied Jerusalem (Quds News Network)- Israeli settlers stormed Al-Aqsa Mosque and the Old City of Jerusalem on Monday in a day of organized provocation and violence under the protection of Israeli police to celebrate the occupation of the Palestinian capital city.

The Islamic Waqf reported that 2,092 settlers entered the courtyards of Al-Aqsa Mosque throughout the day. 
The number 2,092 is probably accurate. But they weren't "settlers," they weren't "storming," they didn't visit Al Aqsa Mosque which has no "courtyards" - the open land on the Temple Mount existed before that mosque was built, it wasn't a day of "organized provocation," Jerusalem Day is not to celebrate "occupation," Jerusalem  is not the Palestinian capital city.

So besides that, this is a good news story. Some 2,092 Jews visited their holiest spot to ensure that is remains in Jewish hands, which is the only way to ensure access by everyone to the sacred site. 

It is not the best Jerusalem Day turnout, though. In 2022, 2,600 Jews visited, but this is significantly better than last year's 1,500.



Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 

Monday, May 26, 2025

From Ian:

The meaning of ‘by any means necessary’
The deranged and depraved pro-Hamas constituencies on Ivy League campuses have taken many liberties with their “higher” education over the past 20 months. What tops the list is a twisted misreading of the First Amendment. The fact that constitutional law professors never bothered to set them straight says a lot about the failed integrity of the custodians of our laws.

Remember when the three university presidents from Harvard, Pennsylvania and MIT testified before Congress in response to the alarming spike in antisemitic agitation on their campuses? Negligently advised by counsel and terrified of Jew-hating students (many of whom came from Middle Eastern countries where antisemitism is baked right into the pita bread), they were unable to say with certainty that calling for the genocide of Jews violates their policies on bullying and harassment.

It was a question with an obviously simple answer: Such threats are protected by neither principles of free speech nor academic freedom. But this unholy trinity had, as their first order of business, the avoidance of no-confidence votes at home. After all, their many antisemitic colleagues—incubated in “Humanities” departments flush with Qatari money and obsessed with anti-colonial fixations that depended on the demonization of Jews—would never forgive them had they conceded in the congressional record that calling for the destruction of Israel, and blaming Jewish students for a nonexistent genocide in Gaza, were both morally wrong and outside the scope of a university education.

Instead, they comported themselves as smugly superior to congressional representatives (although ironically, their fiercest interrogator, Elise Stefanik, was a Harvard graduate). The three presidents cagily replied that the answer depended on the “context.”

Wait a minute: There’s a context in which calling for the mass murder of Jews is permissible? Does the same situational loophole exist for the nostalgic lynching of African-Americans?

Advocating for the death of a people standing 10 feet away from you is most assuredly not constitutionally protected. There is no “context” in which murderous threats are immune from governmental and university regulation.

And, yet, chants like “Globalize the Intifada!” somehow continued unabated after Oct. 7, 2023—on both campuses and city streets.

Now we have witnessed the dangers inherent in casually downplaying the felonious loose lips of terrorist fanboys: Two soon-to-be-engaged Israeli Embassy employees were shot dead outside the Capital Jewish Museum in Washington, D.C. The gunman was apparently all hopped up on anti-American, anti-Israel animus. His social media postings were replete with “death to America,” “death to Israel” and “I voted for Hamas.”

Unhinged, yes, but still to be taken seriously.
600 days later, their absence still echoes
It will soon be 600 days since the horrors of October 7, 2023, when Hamas terrorists stormed into Israel, murdering over 1,200 innocent people and abducting 251 others into Gaza. Six hundred days.

For many, the physical wounds have begun to heal. But for the families of the hostages, and for the Jewish people, the pain only deepens. The moral wound of their absence remains unhealed, festering in the world’s silence.

Fifty-eight hostages are still in Gaza. Some are alive. Many are not. All are being held by a terror regime that violates the laws of war, scorns human decency, and glorifies death. Hamas continues to find apologists across the political spectrum, in the US and beyond.

These nearly 600 days have tested not only the resilience of Israel but the conscience of the free world.

Where are the institutions that claim to stand for human rights? Where is the sustained moral outrage? Why has the demand for their release not echoed from every capital, every campus, every pulpit?

We continue to say their names. We remember their faces. We refuse to move on.

And then last Wednesday night, that absence was joined by two more.

Two young Israeli embassy employees, Sarah Milgrim and Yaron Lischinsky, were gunned down in cold blood at a Jewish American Heritage Month celebration at the Capital Jewish Museum in Washington, DC.

This was not a random shooting. It was an act of antisemitic terror, carried out at a Jewish institution, on a day meant to celebrate Jewish life in America. The motive is clear. The message is chilling.

The same hatred that abducted children and burned families alive in southern Israel pulled the trigger in our nation’s capital.

We grieve for Sarah and Yaron. Their memory now echoes alongside the hostages, the murdered, the silenced.
South African chief rabbi sides with Trump against Pretoria
In an unusual statement, South Africa’s chief rabbi on Sunday sided with U.S. President Donald Trump, defending his criticism of Pretoria in connection with allegations of anti-white racism involving deadly violence and hate speech.

“President Trump was right to highlight the moral aberration of the ‘Kill the Boer’ chant and the horrific farm murders,” Rabbi Warren Goldstein said in a video message. He added that Trump “is wrong that this is only a white genocide, it is a South African genocide.”

Goldstein referenced South African President Cyril Ramaphosa’s visit to the White House on Thursday, when he met with Trump in the Oval Office. A journalist asked Trump “what it would take” for him to reject claims of a “white genocide” in South Africa.

Ramaphosa said he would answer the question for Trump, saying that the American leader would need to “listen to the voices of South Africans” on the issue. Trump noted that thousands of accounts have accumulated, adding, “I could show you. It has to be responded to,” before asking an aide to dim the lights.

A montage was shown on a screen, including footage of tens of thousands of people cheering in a stadium as Julius Malema, a leader of the anti-white Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) party, chant “Kill the Boer.”

Boer is a word in Afrikaans and Dutch that means “farmer.” It is used to identify the Afrikaner nation, a minority of about two million people whose ancestors came to South Africa centuries ago from the Netherlands, France and Germany. The Afrikaners were the dominant political force in South Africa during apartheid.

In 2022 and 2023, almost 100 people were murdered in 635 so-called farm attacks—the term used for raids on white-owned farms by black perpetrators—according to data compiled by the AfriForum watchdog. Many farm attacks—which often feature rape, torture and extreme violence—combine racial animosity and theft.
From Ian:

Dreyfus Nation
Review of 'Beyond Proportionality' by Thane Rosenbaum
Amid the shock, pain, and anger gripping many Jews and Israel supporters in the wake of the massacre on October 7, 2023, there was a subtle, macabre satisfaction in the notion that finally the world would see Israel’s enemies for what they are. That the brutality would, if not rally the world to Israel’s side, at least temporarily silence the proportionality industrial complex: the NGO analysts, UN commissioners, and foreign ministers who, during any IDF operation against Israel’s adversaries, invariably rush to issue a cacophony of condemnations accusing Jerusalem of a “disproportio-nate” response to terrorist attacks or, at worst, genocide. That Israel would have time, in other words, to defeat Hamas once and for all.

Yet undeterred by Hamas’s atrocities, this coterie launched a preemptive assault on Israel’s response. They precondemned any military action as ipso facto illegitimate and preconditioned a sympathetic media with dire warnings of war crimes and ethnic cleansing. Unburdened by any posturing for peace, their orchestrated portents fueled a latent pro-Hamas movement that began braying for Jewish blood even as Hamas’s assault continued in the two days following the initial invasion of Israel. This mob-like onslaught shattered the hope of fair treatment. The shock has since prompted a reckoning among Israel’s supporters, and one of its first sustained efforts in book form is Thane Rosenbaum’s Beyond Proportionality. Despite its title, this is less legal treatise than primal scream.

Rosenbaum, Distinguished University Professor at Touro University, channels the fury that has welled up among Israel supporters over the past two years and, indeed, over five decades into a cri de coeur against the double standards so long applied to the Jewish state. The result is a searing polemic, and a necessary one, which gives voice to the pro-Israel community’s disillusionment—but stops short of providing a clear remedy for it.

The introduction offers the first sign that Beyond Proportionality is not a standard legal disquisition. Rather than begin with a dry overview of the laws of war, Rosenbaum recounts the Dreyfus Affair, the trumped-up persecution at the tail end of the 19th century of a French-Jewish military officer who was falsely accused of espionage for Germany. Imprisoned amid a chorus of anti-Semitic bloodlust, Dreyfus was exonerated years later after the French novelist and playwright Émile Zola published J’Accuse, an open letter that charged the French government with a cover-up and forced a tortured reconsideration. Rosenbaum sees clear parallels between the later-day charges against Dreyfus and the present-day ones against Israel.
Jake Wallis Simons: The West’s acceptance of Israelophobia costs innocent lives
The final post on X made by Yarón Lischinsky, the 28-year-old Israeli diplomat who was gunned down with his girlfriend in Washington DC on Wednesday night, drew attention to a “blood libel”.

“All UN organisations have obligations to be neutral and impartial,” the post said. “Your reports are founded on lies and on Hamas numbers.”

The smear that so appalled him was the lurid claim that 14,000 babies in Gaza would die within 48 hours. Tom Fletcher, the UN humanitarian chief, had made it the day before on Radio 4’s Today programme. Social media lit up in excitement.

People love tall stories of Jewish baby killers. Later that day, the smear was repeated in Parliament by no fewer than 13 enthusiastic MPs – seven from the Labour Party, three Liberal Democrats, the Green Party leader, a Plaid Cymru representative and a Gaza Independent – when they gathered to give Israel a kicking.

This was the notorious debate in which David Lammy blustered that “history will judge” the Jewish state for the outrage of defending its people against jihadism and refusing to give up before winning. Hamas had already applauded Lammy’s “principled stance”.

Yet while parliamentarians were merrily repeating the obviously fishy “14,000 babies” claim, it was being debunked by the BBC. They questioned the UN about it, prompting frantic backpedalling. Initially, a spokesman said aid was needed “ideally within the next 48 hours,” which felt rather less life-or-death than we had been led to believe.

It then emerged that the claim was based upon a UN report saying that 14,000 children between the ages of six months and five may suffer malnutrition by March 2026.

No 48 hours. No acute malnutrition, in fact; that was merely a projection of what may happen if nothing changed for a year.
Bassam Tawil: The 'Two-State Solution' to Kill Jews, Destroy Israel
After the 2007 Hamas takeover, the Gaza Strip became an independent Palestinian state controlled by Hamas, with its own government, parliament, police force, and multiple armed groups. The Hamas rulers of the Gaza Strip, in addition, had exclusive control over the border with Egypt, which was also abandoned by Israel.

In the absence of any Israeli military or civilian presence inside Gaza, Hamas had a chance to turn the coastal strip into a prosperous area, a "Singapore" or "Dubai" on the Mediterranean. Instead, the terror group chose to manufacture and smuggle weapons, including rockets and missiles, and invest tens of millions of dollars in building a vast network of tunnels for stockpiling its weapons, facilitating the concealed movement of terrorists, and providing shelter for its leaders and members.

[T]he war is continuing because of Hamas's refusal to release the remaining Israeli hostages, relinquish control over the Gaza Strip and lay down its weapons. Hamas, backed and armed by Iran, is determined to fight to the last Palestinian because its primary goal is to destroy Israel and replace it with an Islamist state.

For more than a decade, these payments [to the Palestinian "pay-for-slay" program] have amounted to more than $300 million annually. Last year, the PA's payments increased by $1.3 million per month. The murder of Jews is what the European Union and many European countries have been funding.

By advocating a "two-state solution," France, Canada and Britain are essentially authorizing a genocide.

Before reviving their idea, the French, Canadians and British need to look at the results of all of the polls. They consistently show that most Palestinians support Hamas and the armed struggle against Israel. The last thing Palestinians and Israelis need now is to transplant the failed Gaza model onto the West Bank.

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This blog may be a labor of love for me, but it takes a lot of effort, time and money. For 20 years and 40,000 articles I have been providing accurate, original news that would have remained unnoticed. I've written hundreds of scoops and sometimes my reporting ends up making a real difference. I appreciate any donations you can give to keep this blog going.

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