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"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024) PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022) |
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Elder of Ziyon|
"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024) PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022) |
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Elder of ZiyonSeveral prominent Muslim scholars have issued a rare religious decree or "fatwa", calling on all Muslims and Muslim-majority countries to wage "jihad" against Israel after 17 months of devastating war against Palestinians residing in the besieged enclave.Ali al-Qaradaghi, the secretary general of the International Union Of Muslim Scholars (IUMS), an organisation previously led by Yusuf al-Qaradawi, called on all Muslim countries on Friday “to intervene immediately militarily, economically and politically to stop this genocide and comprehensive destruction, in accordance with their mandate”.Qaradaghi is one of the region’s most respected religious authorities and his decrees carry significant weight among the world’s 1.7bn Sunni Muslims.
The head of the Salafi Call (Nour Party) in Egypt , Sheikh Yasser Borhamy, sparked widespread controversy by attacking the International Union of Muslim Scholars after it issued a fatwa urging support for the people of Gaza in the face of the brutal Israeli aggression.Borhamy said in a video on Saturday that the fatwa issued by the IUMS regarding the necessity of Islamic countries to support the Palestinians militarily is wrong and unrealistic.Borhamy held the people of Gaza and its resistance responsible for the ongoing massacres, saying that they decided to enter the war unilaterally and not in consultation with other Muslims, with the alleged exception of Iran.
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"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024) PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022) |
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Gazans are taking to the streets, rightly blaming Hamas and calling for its ouster, along with the release of hostages and an end to the war.John Spencer: The lies behind the Gaza casualty figures and the thousands of names removed without explanation
Plus, Israel is dealing with a far more supportive White House.
President Donald Trump himself has called for the evacuation of Gaza, so it can be rebuilt.
Alas, Arab neighbors have refused to take them — a decades-old position that’s effectively made Gazans prisoners of Hamas.
Instead, these countries have traditionally encouraged Palestinians to wage war on Israel, mostly as a way to distract from their own domestic shortcomings.
Even now, Saudi Arabia — which would love Israel as an ally and an economic trading partner — says the war must end and a pathway to a Palestinian state be created before it normalizes ties with the Jewish state.
That just hardens Palestinian expectations and emboldens Hamas.
Some non-Arab states, too, have in effect promoted war and imprisoned Gazans, leaving them to Hamas’ mercy by siding with Israel’s would-be destroyers.
Would, say, Ireland — one of the most anti-Israel states in the West — take in Palestinians begging for refuge there? Fat chance.
Thus, short of a Trump-style evacuation, Israel must fight on: It can’t, and won’t, agree to any “permanent” cease-fire that lets Hamas survive.
Such a truce would be permanent . . . up until the next time Hamas launched an Oct. 7-style slaughterfest, as it explicitly vows to do.
Israel’s new strategy is no surefire quick solution. But it may be its best hope.
And the sooner the world gets fully behind Israel’s efforts, the sooner the war will be over.
Credible media reports and US government officials, including the National Security Council, have acknowledged that the GHM’s numbers frequently conflate combatants and civilians and lack crucial context about how, where, and under what circumstances individuals died. This lack of transparency contrasts sharply with the moral and legal weight often assigned to such statistics by international organizations and advocacy groups.This Book on the Jewish Connection to Israel Is a Must Read
In my research on the conduct of war in urban settings, I’ve emphasized how difficult it is to calculate accurate casualty ratios during or immediately after combat operations. In cities, civilians, fighters, and infrastructure exist in close proximity. Combatants use civilian structures and populations as cover.
The tactical reality of these environments complicates targeting, amplifies risk, and obscures accountability.
Critically, the laws of war do not require militaries to report casualty counts to prove compliance with the law. The proportionality principle within the laws of armed conflict requires commanders to assess the expected military advantage of a strike against the anticipated risk to civilians before executing an operation.
It does not judge legality based on post-event casualty numbers — particularly when such figures are produced by non-transparent, politically motivated actors.
The growing practice of using unverifiable or distorted casualty statistics to make moral or legal declarations about military conduct misrepresents how the laws of war are intended to function. Casualty numbers, especially when supplied by entities like Hamas, should not be the foundation of international judgment. Warfare is not a numbers game.
Legal compliance in war must be judged based on the intent of the action, the precautions taken, the proportionality analysis conducted in planning, and the efforts made to mitigate civilian harm — not on manipulated or incomplete casualty spreadsheets.
Until casualty figures are verified through independent, transparent processes, they should not be used to draw definitive conclusions about the legality or morality of military actions.
The world must move away from using raw numbers — especially those produced by biased or non-transparent sources — as shortcuts to legal and moral judgment.
That is not how the laws of war work, nor is it how war itself operates. Analysts, journalists, policymakers, and the public must demand a higher standard of rigor and context before allowing questionable data to shape international perceptions and policy.
The recent revelation by Honest Reporting, combined with findings from other investigations, confirms what many have long suspected: the casualty figures most often cited to condemn Israeli actions in Gaza are not just flawed — they are fundamentally unreliable and politically manipulated.
Ben M. Freeman’s The Jews: An Indigenous People deserves a spot on every Jewish person’s bookshelf, but especially Jews engaged in fighting the war in defense of Israel on campuses and elsewhere.Tony Burke, Australian Minister for Immigration and Multicultural Affairs
As the latest installment in his Jewish Pride trilogy, this book builds upon his previous explorations of Jewish identity and internalized anti-Jewishness, presenting a compelling argument for Jewish indigeneity to the Land of Israel — stressing this concept not only as essential to rebutting charges that Israel is a “settler-colonial” endeavor, but also as essential to Jewish identity and self-understanding.
The book is not only a historical analysis, but a call to action for Jews to reclaim their indigenous status with pride and conviction.
Freeman establishes his central thesis at the start: Jews are an indigenous people of the Land of Israel, and systematically dismantles the misconceptions that frame Jews solely as a religious group or as a people defined by exile and victimhood. Instead, he presents them as a distinct ethnonational group whose cultural, spiritual, and historical roots are deeply embedded in their ancestral homeland.
Importantly, his approach aligns with the framework actually used by global indigenous movements everywhere else, which assert indigeneity based on historical continuity, cultural persistence, and connection to the land, among other factors. Without the double standards that are all too frequently applied to the Jews, the case for Jewish indigeneity is actually quite cut and dry.
In particular, Freeman dedicates significant attention to the United Nations’ criteria for indigeneity, demonstrating how Jews meet these standards nearly perfectly. I say “nearly” because of the seven key criteria, one does fail to apply — namely the criterion that the “indigenous” people must be a minority in that land. But, as he rightly points out, this criterion is absurd: should an indigenous people who manage to reclaim their land suddenly no longer count as indigenous?
One wonders — although the book does not address this — if that criterion was adopted specifically to exclude Jewish indigeneity to the Land of Israel.
Freeman backs up his argument with historical discussions that are both thorough and accessible. He takes the reader on a journey through Jewish history, from the early origins of the Israelites in the land that would become Israel, through the ancient Jewish kingdoms, the destruction of the Second Temple, and the subsequent diasporic experiences. His discussion of the Hasmonean period and the Bar Kokhba revolt highlights the Jews’ continuous struggle to maintain sovereignty over their homeland. This history directly refutes the anti-Zionists’ claim that Jewish connection to Israel is a modern political construct rather than an intrinsic and ancient reality.
And this isn’t just a history book. Freeman demonstrates how the denial of Jewish indigeneity fuels contemporary Jew-hate. He critiques the ways in which colonial frameworks have been misapplied to Israel and Zionism, showing how anti-Zionist rhetoric relies on distortions of Jewish history. He argues that rejecting Jewish indigeneity is not only intellectually dishonest, but also serves to weaken Jewish identity and agency.
Elder of Ziyon|
"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024) PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022) |
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After viewing the parts of the Piegaro incident that were captured on video, it isn’t surprising the court ruled in his favor. Strother and two other men—according to testimony, the men were faculty advisors helping the pro-Palestinian demonstrators—are seen walking up the steps to the door of a building. Piegaro asks Strother his name and affiliation with the university. Strother ignores him until Piegaro goes to enter the building along with Strother and the others. Strother then appears to put out an arm to stop Piegaro. Piegaro is heard saying “don’t touch me” and the video ends as, according to witnesses, Piegaro tumbled down the stairs. A fellow student said she saw Strother holding Piegaro “like an open pair of scissors” and then drop him, the Times reported. Strother claimed Piegaro initiated contact but confirmed he grabbed Piegaro and then accidentally dropped him down the stairs.‘We’re playing violins on the Titanic’ – the whistleblower who won’t stay silent
The judge in the case ruled that Piegaro had shown poor judgment but had done nothing that amounted to assault.
And what does the school think of Strother’s job performance? “Ken approaches this complex task in a human-centric way, building relationships that foster transparency, trust, and understanding, and are shaped by his personal integrity and strategic vision,” the school said in announcing Strother’s award. A dean at the school added, presumably without irony: “I often see Ken interact with the most impassioned groups and individuals, when emotions run high… Yet, even in these most challenging situations, I’ve observed Ken demonstrate the most incredible degree of patience, grace and diplomacy.”
Piegaro’s case attracted no media outrage. No free-speech groups rushed to his side. No US senators protested his arrest, as they have done for pro-Palestinian activists. The Princeton administration, Piegaro’s fellow students, activists who claim to be outraged by police action against protesters, the legion of free-speech warriors who appear to apply their principles selectively—no one seemed to have much to say about Piegaro.
Indeed, Piegaro himself may have put it best, not just for himself but for the wider Jewish community in the post-Oct. 7 world. According to the transcript of a police officer’s body camera video, after Piegaro falls down the stairs he explains to the officer that he’s not with the main protests, and you can tell because he’s the one with nobody coming to his aid. “Notice they’re not swarming,” he says of the pro-Palestinian protesters who would otherwise be surrounding the cops and refusing to let the arrest happen without a fight. “It is because I’m not on their side.”
Before that, he was anonymous. A former tourism professional who’d lived in Israel, his family returned to the UK and he pivoted to online investigative work. Initially, he simply wanted to promote Israel. But it quickly became something more.Why the ‘60 Minutes’ segment with freed hostages fell short
“I went in undercover,” he says. “It almost started as a hobby, but I realised how serious it actually was.”
By then, “John” was a fixture in private anti-Zionist spaces. “I was sitting in the corner, recording everything. I wasn’t scared – nobody knew who I was. Over time, I became a recognised face in those circles, just not as David.”
He dismisses the idea that his work makes him a spy. “There is value in what I do. I feel almost blessed in some ways, because my life has purpose. I’m doing something fundamentally good, so there is an inner peace that comes with this.”
But the stakes are rising. Collier receives daily death threats. He’s been assaulted in the street – twice. He refuses to report the threats, not wanting to “waste police time”. If someone means to hurt him, he says, “they won’t send a warning”.
What worries him more is the political climate in Britain. “We’re fighting a very, very complex battle,” he says of UK Jewry. “It’s multifaceted. Not every ally is an ally. Not every enemy is an enemy. Our community is fractured. But we need to unite. Fast. We’re in trouble.”
He sees social media as a self radicalisation tool. “I spend so much time in the sewers. I still have active anti Zionist accounts.”
He paints a grim picture, one roundly rejected by many in the mainstream of the Jewish community, of a nation spiralling toward extremism. Of Islamist radicalisation surging online and an emboldened far right preparing to return fire. With the Jewish community stuck in the middle.
“These two elements are feeding off one another,” he warns. “A spiral. And in that chaos, moderate voices get pulled into dangerous territory.”
And what of British Jews? “There will be your Stamford Hill, ultra-Orthodox communities. They won’t go anywhere. The ultra-Orthodox communities are growing while our communities are shrinking.”
His analysis of Western society is bleaker still.
“We’re on the Titanic,” he says. “And the question becomes — what is my role? Some people may be good engineers. Some may be just standing there with buckets trying to throw the water out faster than it can come in. I reference organisations like the Board of Deputies here, playing the violin on deck, just to make sure everybody else is calm.”
His role? “I’m screaming at people to get in the lifeboats.”
Collier is under no illusions. “We might lose,” he says. “But I’ll be damned if I go down playing music. I’ll fight to the utmost of my ability, using every weapon I have.”
IN HER opening remarks, Stahl referenced the 24 live hostages but not the rest of the 59. She blamed the prime minister, saying “Netanyahu resumed the bombing of Gaza, breaking a fragile ceasefire that was exceedingly popular with Israelis.”
The seasoned television journalist neglected to say that the ceasefire had ended weeks earlier when Hamas refused to release more hostages and that the terror group tried to bomb several buses, which would have exploded in central Israel and resulted in another massacre if they had set their timers right.
To contend with the evolution of anti-Israel narratives, this week the watchdog HonestReporting unveiled its new artificial intelligence tool which checks articles for five categories of media bias: 1 Delegitimizing of Israel’s sovereignty
2 Justifying and legitimizing violence against Israel, Israelis and Jews
3 Denying violence against Israel, Israelis and Jews
4 Deflecting and shifting blame to Israel
5 Fabricating and distorting facts, including atrocity propaganda.
While the 60 Minutes segment does not explicitly put the onus on Israel, its framing choices and selective narrative emphasis shifts emotional blame, despite Hamas being the perpetrator of the crisis. This leads viewers to feel that Israel may be prolonging the war unnecessarily, even though Hamas is the one holding hostages and continuing hostilities.
No Israeli military or policy voices were presented to explain the rationale for continued operations in Gaza. These subtle narrative-framing choices may contribute to distorted public perceptions.
This is even more dangerous in a show that made a rare effort to show Israeli victims and suffering in a media climate that is heavily biased to show only Palestinian suffering.
In the court of international public opinion, the journalists and their producers are the umpires and referees. Criticizing them and pointing out what they get wrong does not make you a sore loser or winner.
It makes you the educated news consumer you should be.
On Oct. 31, 2023, the Houthis fired a barrage of ballistic missiles and drones at Israel. One of those missiles was intercepted just miles from Eilat, a southern Israeli port city. More disturbingly, U.S. officials confirmed that a Houthi-launched drone that same week passed over the Red Sea and came dangerously close to hitting an U.S. Embassy office in Tel Aviv.We need a new name for what happened on 7 October
The Houthis have also repeatedly attacked U.S. Navy ships operating in international waters. Since December 2023, they have targeted American warships more than 170 times with drones, cruise missiles, and anti-ship ballistic missiles. The USS Gravely, USS Carney and USS Laboon — all guided-missile destroyers — have successfully intercepted waves of incoming projectiles, at times using dozens of missiles in coordinated defenses.
The level of sophistication in these attacks — simultaneous multi-axis threats combining drones, cruise missiles and ballistic missiles — is a testament not just to Iranian support, but to the serious intent behind it. These are not warning shots. They are attempted kills.
In response, the U.S. and its allies have launched precision strikes on Houthi radar sites, missile storage facilities and drone launch platforms inside Yemen. The goal is deterrence through degradation — destroying the capabilities the Houthis are using to destabilize an entire region. These operations are lawful under international norms of self-defense and consistent with the U.S. military’s obligation to protect its personnel, allies and the freedom of the seas.
Critics will argue that these strikes risk widening the conflict in the Middle East. That is a legitimate concern, since no one wants a broader war. But inaction is not a strategy. Allowing a terrorist organization to choke off international shipping, target U.S. forces with impunity, and strike at the heart of our ally Israel is not sustainable. Deterrence only works when there are consequences for aggression. And so far, the Houthis have faced few consequences.
The U.S. military has shown tremendous restraint — often intercepting incoming threats without immediately retaliating. But that calculus is changing, and rightfully so. Continued inaction would only embolden the Houthis and their Iranian backers. Strategic patience must be paired with credible force, especially when dealing with actors who don’t play by the rules of the international order.
The strikes in Yemen are not about starting another endless war. They are about upholding basic principles: the safety of international shipping lanes, the protection of American service members and the defense of our allies. If we do not act against the Houthis now, we signal to every other violent non-state actor that the U.S. is unwilling or unable to defend its interests. That’s a message we cannot afford to send.
The UK’s 7 October Parliamentary Commission Report concludes that “The assault was driven by Hamas’ commitment to the destruction of the Jewish State, regardless of whether this was a realistic aim.” It cites one of the attackers, who – following his arrest – explained their instructions for the attack: “The mission was simply to kill…kill every single one you see”, “to kill and kidnap the ones we can”, and “to cleanse and conquer the Kibbutz.”Hamza Howidy: Anti-Hamas protests erupt in Gaza. Where are our pro-Palestine 'allies' now?
Beyond the difference of intent, the 7 October attacks had a completely different scale and methodology than classic terrorism. 6,000 men invaded Israel in the attacks, with thousands more providing logistical support.
Besides in the first hour or two of the assault, Hamas focused its efforts on maximising civilian casualties: 73% of the 1,182 people killed were civilians in their homes or at a party. Almost all were killed at close range via shooting, burning or suffocation.
49% of the 251 people kidnapped were women and children. The deliberate killing of civilians (from babies to Holocaust survivors) at close range; the large-scale use of sexual violence; the torture and starvation of hostages; the desecration of corpses – all in a controlled, organised and pre-meditated fashion – are more reminiscent of genocides than of classic terrorism.
While Hamas sought (and seeks) to eliminate a people, I also believe that the crimes of 7 October do not constitute genocide. While the fantasy of genocide stood behind them, the 7 October attacks (and eliminationist terror generally) cannot be considered genocide because they fall far short of the internationally recognised definition of genocide.
Raphael Lemkin, the Polish Jew who invented the term genocide, defined it as the “extermination of nations and ethnic groups” via “synchronised attacks” on the physical existence and on the political, economic and culture life of such a group.
Neither the Jewish people nor the Israeli nation were exterminated that day. The goal of eliminationist terror is not to obliterate a people in the immediate sense, but to pave the way to genocide by increasing hatred, normalising mass atrocities and inspiring future ones.
On the road to genocide, it is neither Wannsee or Auschwitz, but rather Kristallnacht.
Last week's protests were a watershed moment for Gazans, when so many in Gaza finally understood the true meaning of fake solidarity ‒ that to the Western "pro-Palestine" movement, Palestinians are not seen as real people with real struggles but as tools to be used in their ideological battles.
Not only were the protests ignored by "allies" in the West, but so were the lives of the protesters and all they represent.
Hamas wasted no time in going after the leaders of the protests, threatening, torturing and even killing them. The family of Oday Nasser Al Rabay, 22, says the protester was tortured to death by Hamas simply for demanding a free Gaza ‒ free from Hamas and free from war.
Where was the outrage from the "pro-Palestine movement" activists? Where were the protests in Western capitals for Oday? Nowhere. Because he did not fit into their ideological framework because his killing was not useful and too inconvenient to their narrative.
Meanwhile, when a protester with a distinctly different profile ‒ Mahmoud Khalil, a former Columbia University graduate student ‒ finds himself detained in the United States, the pro-Palestinian activists who claim to advocate for the oppressed wasted no time in flooding Western streets with protests calling for his release. His arrest became an emblem of resistance, sparking global campaigns to bring him home.
But what about the young Palestinian from Gaza who, without the protection of international institutions, was tortured to death for his dissent? Oday was left to rot in obscurity, his brutal murder by Hamas nothing more than an inconvenient fact for the same movement that fervently defended Mahmoud.
This stark contrast is not only a failure of solidarity ‒ it's also an indictment of the hollow, opportunistic nature of the so-called pro-Palestine movement. Mahmoud, a student in the West, was elevated to the status of martyr. Oday, a young man from Gaza, was left to die at the hands of the very regime that Western allies refuse to confront. The hypocrisy is staggering.
If the pro-Palestinian movement is unwilling to stand with the Palestinians in Gaza ‒ those who are risking everything to break free from the shackles of Hamas ‒ then what kind of movement is this?
If the pro-Palestine movement cannot recognize the bravery, the sacrifices and the legitimate demands of those fighting to end the reign of terror in Gaza, to end this war and to rebuild their city free of Iranian influence, then it exposes itself as nothing more than a vehicle for political expediency.
It is a movement that uses Palestinian lives when convenient and discards them when they are inconvenient.
If this is the solidarity these "allies" offer, then it is an insult to the struggle for justice, an empty gesture that does nothing to advance the cause of true liberation.
Elder of Ziyon|
"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024) PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022) |
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Elder of ZiyonAntisemitic Group | Ethical Facade | Accusation against Jews/Israel | What they fear/hate about Jews/Israel | Their goals for Jews/Israel |
Christian Supersessionism | Love thy neighbor | Deicide; Usurpation | Disproving Scripture | Erase Judaism and convert Jews |
Islamic Supersessionism | Mercy and justice | Treachery; Colonialism | Religious authenticity, shame at losing wars | Subjugate Jews and destroy Israel |
Black Supersessionism | Racial justice | Collusion w/ White Power | Comparison with subjugated group that succeeded | Replace and demonize Jews |
Social Justice Eliminationism | Equity and inclusion | Privilege/Racism | A real moral code | Erase Judaism and Jews as distinct |
Palestinian Eliminationism | Self-determination | Colonialism/Occupation | Shame | Destroy Israel |
Progressive Eliminationism | Universal equality | Nationalism/Xenophobia | Religion/faith, particularism | Erase Jewish particularism |
Marxist Eliminationism | Class justice | Capitalism/Elitism | Disproves worker/bourgeois theory | Erase Jewish economic influence |
Nazi Annihilationism | Racial purity/Blood and Soil | Racial Impurity | Morality | Exterminate Jews |
Iranian Annihilationism | Divine order | Aggression/Genocide | Obstacle to regional dominance | Destroy Israel and marginalize Jews |
Far-Right Eliminationism | National purity | Conspiracy/Control | Cultural subversion | Expel or neutralize Jews and Israel |
UN/NGO Eliminationism | Human Rights | Genocide/Occupation | Successful nationalism | Delegitimize and dismantle Israel |
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"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024) PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022) |
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Elder of ZiyonU.S. Strikes in Yemen Burning Through Munitions With Limited SuccessIn just three weeks, the Pentagon has used $200 million worth of munitions in Operation Rough Rider against the Houthi militia, officials said.In closed briefings in recent days, Pentagon officials have acknowledged that there has been only limited success in destroying the Houthis’ vast, largely underground arsenal of missiles, drones and launchers, according to congressional aides and allies.The officials briefed on confidential damage assessments say the bombing is consistently heavier than strikes conducted by the Biden administration, and much bigger than what the Defense Department has publicly described.But Houthi fighters, known for their resiliency, have reinforced many of their bunkers and other targeted sites, frustrating the Americans’ ability to disrupt the militia’s missile attacks against commercial ships in the Red Sea, according to three congressional and allied officials, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss operational matters.In just three weeks, the Pentagon has used $200 million worth of munitions, in addition to the immense operational and personnel costs to deploy two aircraft carriers, additional B-2 bombers and fighter jets, as well as Patriot and THAAD air defenses to the Middle East, the officials said.The total cost could be well over $1 billion by next week, and the Pentagon might soon need to request supplemental funds from Congress, one U.S. official said.So many precision munitions are being used, especially advanced long-range ones, that some Pentagon contingency planners are growing concerned about overall Navy stocks and implications for any situation in which the United States would have to ward off an attempted invasion of Taiwan by China.
War is just so hard!
To be sure, they raise legitimate points - expenses are a factor in war. But they are rarely the major factor. Achieving military goals are the primary issue - and that part of the story is buried far down.
A senior Pentagon official late Thursday pushed back on the assessments described by the congressional and allied officials.
The senior official, also speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss operational matters, said the airstrikes had exceeded their goal in the campaign’s initial phase, disrupting senior Houthi leaders’ ability to communicate, limiting the group’s response to a handful of ineffective counter strikes, and setting the conditions for subsequent phases, which he declined to discuss. “We’re on track,” the official said.
U.S. officials said the strikes had damaged the Houthis’ command and control structure. Tulsi Gabbard, the director of national intelligence, said in a statement that the strikes had been “effective” in killing top Houthi leaders, whom she did not identify, and said the operation was reopening Red Sea shipping.
This shows that the NYT has no idea what the US strategy or goals are and is in no position to judge how well (or how badly) the US is doing.
Not to mention that the Times doesn't give any alternative. OK, military action takes resources and time. What else would be a better use of US resources, today, when a rogue country is disrupting trade worldwide with impunity? DEI?
Clearly the Biden approach did not achieve a single thing to deter the wonderfully resilient Houthis. So we should...give up?
The subtext of the article is that if the New York Times reporters cannot figure out what is going on, it must not be worth it.
As we've seen during the Gaza war, the amount of information publicly available is perhaps 10% of what is going on. Without any hard information, the media confidently states how effective or ineffective military actions are. They don't know the basics of the strategy or even what the military objectives are. The NYT is making completely wild guesses to fill in the gaps.
But based on lots of other NYT articles, we can guess what the NYT wants to see. It wants Trump to fail. It wants Israel to stop destroying Hamas because that is the excuse the Houthis are using for threatening global shipping.
The Times may not know the US or Israeli military goals, but it does know what its own goals are. This article is aligned with the New York Times geopolitical strategy, not that of the US government.
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"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024) PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022) |
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Elder of ZiyonThe IDF eliminated a senior Hamas commander in Lebanon early Friday morning in a targeted airstrike on an apartment in the city of Sidon.Hassan Farhat, a commander in the terror organization, was killed alongside family members in the aerial strike. Farhat previously operated within Jamaat Islamiya, a group affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood in Lebanon that was later integrated into Hamas's Lebanon branch.An IDF spokesperson provided details of the operation, "The IDF attacked during the night and eliminated the terrorist Hassan Farhat, commander of the western sector of the Hamas terror organization in Lebanon."During the war, Farhat orchestrated numerous terrorist plots against IDF forces and Israeli citizens. He was directly responsible for the rocket fire at Safed that killed Staff Sergeant Omar Sara Benjo and wounded several other soldiers on February 14, 2024.The terrorist continued advancing terror plots against the state of Israel in recent months, and his activities posed a significant threat to Israel and its citizens."
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"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024) PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022) |
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PROTOCOLS: EXPOSING MODERN ANTISEMITISM
If you want real peace, don't insist on a divided Jerusalem, @USAmbIsrael
The Apartheid charge, the Abraham Accords and the "right side of history"
With Palestinians, there is no need to exaggerate: they really support murdering random Jews
Great news for Yom HaShoah! There are no antisemites!