04/04 Links Pt1: We need a new name for what happened on 7 October; The renewal of Francesca Albanese’s mandate is a disgrace and a moral stain on the UN

From Ian:

John Spencer: Why the US is striking the Houthis in Yemen

On Oct. 31, 2023, the Houthis fired a barrage of ballistic missiles and drones at Israel. One of those missiles was intercepted just miles from Eilat, a southern Israeli port city. More disturbingly, U.S. officials confirmed that a Houthi-launched drone that same week passed over the Red Sea and came dangerously close to hitting an U.S. Embassy office in Tel Aviv.​

The Houthis have also repeatedly attacked U.S. Navy ships operating in international waters. Since December 2023, they have targeted American warships more than 170 times with drones, cruise missiles, and anti-ship ballistic missiles. The USS Gravely, USS Carney and USS Laboon — all guided-missile destroyers — have successfully intercepted waves of incoming projectiles, at times using dozens of missiles in coordinated defenses.

The level of sophistication in these attacks — simultaneous multi-axis threats combining drones, cruise missiles and ballistic missiles — is a testament not just to Iranian support, but to the serious intent behind it. These are not warning shots. They are attempted kills.

In response, the U.S. and its allies have launched precision strikes on Houthi radar sites, missile storage facilities and drone launch platforms inside Yemen. The goal is deterrence through degradation — destroying the capabilities the Houthis are using to destabilize an entire region. These operations are lawful under international norms of self-defense and consistent with the U.S. military’s obligation to protect its personnel, allies and the freedom of the seas.

Critics will argue that these strikes risk widening the conflict in the Middle East. That is a legitimate concern, since no one wants a broader war. But inaction is not a strategy. Allowing a terrorist organization to choke off international shipping, target U.S. forces with impunity, and strike at the heart of our ally Israel is not sustainable. Deterrence only works when there are consequences for aggression. And so far, the Houthis have faced few consequences.

The U.S. military has shown tremendous restraint — often intercepting incoming threats without immediately retaliating. But that calculus is changing, and rightfully so. Continued inaction would only embolden the Houthis and their Iranian backers. Strategic patience must be paired with credible force, especially when dealing with actors who don’t play by the rules of the international order.

The strikes in Yemen are not about starting another endless war. They are about upholding basic principles: the safety of international shipping lanes, the protection of American service members and the defense of our allies. If we do not act against the Houthis now, we signal to every other violent non-state actor that the U.S. is unwilling or unable to defend its interests. That’s a message we cannot afford to send.

We need a new name for what happened on 7 October

The UK’s 7 October Parliamentary Commission Report concludes that “The assault was driven by Hamas’ commitment to the destruction of the Jewish State, regardless of whether this was a realistic aim.” It cites one of the attackers, who – following his arrest – explained their instructions for the attack: “The mission was simply to kill…kill every single one you see”, “to kill and kidnap the ones we can”, and “to cleanse and conquer the Kibbutz.”

Beyond the difference of intent, the 7 October attacks had a completely different scale and methodology than classic terrorism. 6,000 men invaded Israel in the attacks, with thousands more providing logistical support.

Besides in the first hour or two of the assault, Hamas focused its efforts on maximising civilian casualties: 73% of the 1,182 people killed were civilians in their homes or at a party. Almost all were killed at close range via shooting, burning or suffocation.

49% of the 251 people kidnapped were women and children. The deliberate killing of civilians (from babies to Holocaust survivors) at close range; the large-scale use of sexual violence; the torture and starvation of hostages; the desecration of corpses – all in a controlled, organised and pre-meditated fashion – are more reminiscent of genocides than of classic terrorism.

While Hamas sought (and seeks) to eliminate a people, I also believe that the crimes of 7 October do not constitute genocide. While the fantasy of genocide stood behind them, the 7 October attacks (and eliminationist terror generally) cannot be considered genocide because they fall far short of the internationally recognised definition of genocide.

Raphael Lemkin, the Polish Jew who invented the term genocide, defined it as the “extermination of nations and ethnic groups” via “synchronised attacks” on the physical existence and on the political, economic and culture life of such a group.

Neither the Jewish people nor the Israeli nation were exterminated that day. The goal of eliminationist terror is not to obliterate a people in the immediate sense, but to pave the way to genocide by increasing hatred, normalising mass atrocities and inspiring future ones.

On the road to genocide, it is neither Wannsee or Auschwitz, but rather Kristallnacht.

Hamza Howidy: Anti-Hamas protests erupt in Gaza. Where are our pro-Palestine 'allies' now?

Last week's protests were a watershed moment for Gazans, when so many in Gaza finally understood the true meaning of fake solidarity ‒ that to the Western "pro-Palestine" movement, Palestinians are not seen as real people with real struggles but as tools to be used in their ideological battles.

Not only were the protests ignored by "allies" in the West, but so were the lives of the protesters and all they represent.

Hamas wasted no time in going after the leaders of the protests, threatening, torturing and even killing them. The family of Oday Nasser Al Rabay, 22, says the protester was tortured to death by Hamas simply for demanding a free Gaza ‒ free from Hamas and free from war.

Where was the outrage from the "pro-Palestine movement" activists? Where were the protests in Western capitals for Oday? Nowhere. Because he did not fit into their ideological framework because his killing was not useful and too inconvenient to their narrative.

Meanwhile, when a protester with a distinctly different profile ‒ Mahmoud Khalil, a former Columbia University graduate student ‒ finds himself detained in the United States, the pro-Palestinian activists who claim to advocate for the oppressed wasted no time in flooding Western streets with protests calling for his release. His arrest became an emblem of resistance, sparking global campaigns to bring him home.

But what about the young Palestinian from Gaza who, without the protection of international institutions, was tortured to death for his dissent? Oday was left to rot in obscurity, his brutal murder by Hamas nothing more than an inconvenient fact for the same movement that fervently defended Mahmoud.

This stark contrast is not only a failure of solidarity ‒ it's also an indictment of the hollow, opportunistic nature of the so-called pro-Palestine movement. Mahmoud, a student in the West, was elevated to the status of martyr. Oday, a young man from Gaza, was left to die at the hands of the very regime that Western allies refuse to confront. The hypocrisy is staggering.

If the pro-Palestinian movement is unwilling to stand with the Palestinians in Gaza ‒ those who are risking everything to break free from the shackles of Hamas ‒ then what kind of movement is this?

If the pro-Palestine movement cannot recognize the bravery, the sacrifices and the legitimate demands of those fighting to end the reign of terror in Gaza, to end this war and to rebuild their city free of Iranian influence, then it exposes itself as nothing more than a vehicle for political expediency.

It is a movement that uses Palestinian lives when convenient and discards them when they are inconvenient.

If this is the solidarity these "allies" offer, then it is an insult to the struggle for justice, an empty gesture that does nothing to advance the cause of true liberation.

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Hamas - and the Gaza health ministry - are proven to falsify their data

Salo Aizenberg reported this week that he compared the newest Hamas health ministry list of Gaza casualties with older one - and found that thousands of names from the older lists, including many children disappeared.

At least 3,400 previously reported deaths that had been claimed as "identified" and verified,  including more than 1,000 children Hamas had claimed were killed by Israeli airstrikes,  have been deleted.

Everyone from the UN to the media trusted the Hamas figures, especially the detailed lists of names, since the beginning of the war. At the time, the media and even President Biden had publicly questioned Hamas' numbers, and the first list that appeared to show thousands of names, ID numbers, and ages tamped down the public debate. 

Now we know they were lies. 

The problem goes beyond Aizenberg's reporting. Unlike previous lists, Hamas' March list was seemingly comprehensive - there was no longer a discrepancy of thousands of people between the lists and the claims by the Hamas media office and health ministry itself. 

That was suspicious enough. But now that we know that Hamas erased thousands from previous lists, but it didn't affect the total number of names, we cannot trust this list of the 50,000 names at all. 

It is all lies on top of lies, probably prompted by the initial skepticism of casualty claims. The "72% women and children" - a lie. The health ministry claim that they didn't include natural deaths - a lie. All those highly complex statistical arguments published in the Lancet to estimate the "real" higher death toll were based on these health  ministry lists that we now know are lies.

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Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon! "He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024) PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

 

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Jewish Ethics: The Enemy of Every Broken Philosophy

(This is the latest chapter in my series on a unified theory for antisemitism, and it is turning into so much more than that. I am truly excited about where this is going. )

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Most of us don't actively think about our ethical framework. We absorb it by osmosis from our parents, our teachers, our friends, media and online. By the time we enter college, most of us have only a fuzzy idea of what seems to be right and wrong.

This needs to change. 

We have identified a number of philosophies so far from the perspective of how they look at what used to be called "The Jewish Question." They have all  come up short. Implicitly or explicitly, the frameworks we looked at so far - traditional Christian, Muslim, Marxist, progressive, social justice, white supremacism - all allow antisemitism to flourish without contradicting their tenets.

The idea that Jews must disappear, as a religion or as a people or as a nation, is inherently immoral. Any philosophy or framework that insists or allows such an idea is, by definition, an immoral philosophy. 

Yet this is what many, if not most, students are exposed to when they enter university, or when they browse social media. Most do not have a well thought out competing framework that they can use to look critically at these philosophies. Who can be against supporting the oppressed or resisting  injustice? Most high school students (or adults, for that matter) do not have the tools to realize when they are being manipulated, when moral sounding concepts are twisted into grotesque parodies of morality. Yet this is what they are being exposed to in most universities.

It is essential that everyone understands propaganda methods, how brainwashing and advertising work, how our emotions can be manipulated by a skilled writer or video producer. In addition, people need to be taught how to fact check what they are exposed to. These should not be esoteric skills - they should be taught as part of the curriculum, and if not, there should be online resources to show how lies can sound reasonable.

The challenge with dealing with popular yet immoral philosophies is much deeper. To even know if we are being manipulated by a false ethical framework, we need to have a decent knowledge both of the advantages of better philosophies and the flaws of the worse ones.

We've examined the major streams of antisemitism today. There are others but for our purposes, this covers the vast majority. Here is a summary:

Antisemitic Group	Ethical Facade	Accusation against  Jews/Israel	What they fear/hate about Jews/Israel	Their goals for Jews/Israel
Christian Supersessionism	Love thy neighbor	Deicide; Usurpation	Disproving Scripture	Erase Judaism and convert Jews
Islamic Supersessionism	Mercy and justice	Treachery; Colonialism	Religious authenticity, shame at losing wars	Subjugate Jews and destroy Israel
Black Supersessionism	Racial justice	Collusion w/ White Power	Comparison with subjugated group that succeeded	Replace and demonize Jews
Social Justice Eliminationism	Equity and inclusion	Privilege/Racism	A real moral code	Erase Judaism and Jews as distinct
Palestinian Eliminationism	Self-determination	Colonialism/Occupation	Shame	Destroy Israel
Progressive Eliminationism	Universal equality	Nationalism/Xenophobia	Religion/faith, particularism	Erase Jewish particularism
Marxist Eliminationism	Class justice	Capitalism/Elitism	Disproves worker/bourgeois theory	Erase Jewish economic influence
Nazi Annihilationism	Racial purity/Blood and Soil	Racial Impurity	Morality	Exterminate Jews
Iranian Annihilationism	Divine order	Aggression/Genocide	Obstacle to regional dominance	Destroy Israel and marginalize Jews
Far-Right Eliminationism	National purity	Conspiracy/Control	Cultural subversion	Expel or neutralize Jews and Israel
UN/NGO Eliminationism	Human Rights	Genocide/Occupation	Successful nationalism	Delegitimize and dismantle Israel

You can argue with my very abbreviated summaries but you cannot argue that there are a lot of very disparate types of anti-Jewish hate out there. Their philosophies, accusations, fear and goals are all different, showing at a glance that there is no single cause or explanation for antisemitism. Too often we see ideas on fighting antisemitism that don't actually identify the different types and assume a one-size-fits-all solution based on false assumptions about the breadth of the problem ("More Holocaust education!") 

Yet they also have some things in common. All of these philosophies include a passionate loathing for the perceived Jewish or Israeli enemy. In all of these cases, that loathing translates into a desire to eliminate the source of their discomfort. An argument can be made that all of them have an inferiority complex compared to the original Jewish source of traditional Western ethical values, which many of these groups are also adamantly opposed to.

The falsity of the philosophies we've discussed can be proven in a number of ways. 

One is by showing that they are inconsistent, that they treat different ethical issues or interpret international law differently for Jews and for other people. A legitimate moral code does not change with the times or the circumstances.

For example, the progressives say that they oppose the State of Israel because they are against all nationalisms - but they support Palestinian nationalism  (which is meant to destroy Israel.) They say they support freedom of expression, but advocate boycotting Israeli universities. They say they support indigenous rights, but Jews are indigenous to Israel and and regarded as colonialists.

Human Rights Watch said that militants moving among civilians in Yemen are guilty of using human shields, but when Hamas does the same thing they make up a new definition, saying that it is not human shielding unless they force the civilians to stay where they are. It is beyond belief that a  human rights organization waters down the definition of human shields - which endangers Palestinian lives - because of their obsessive hate of Israel. 

When the US invaded Iraq, Amnesty International defined "occupation" as only existing as long as troops are physically in the territory. When it comes to Gaza, it makes up a new international law that claims that controlling (most of!) the borders and airspace is enough to be considered occupation.

The UK branch of Black Lives Matter issued a statement against boycotts of Black-owned businesses,  yet it openly allies with groups that boycott Israel. (As a reminder, even up to the 1970s Arab League members would boycott Western companies with Jews in upper management. There is a direct line from antisemitism to anti-Zionism, no matter how much the "anti-Zionists" insist otherwise.)

The UN Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women has issued reports on Palestinian men beating their wives, but blamed the Israeli "occupation" as the major factor for this abuse. The net result is that the very organization meant to protect women's rights makes it more likely for spousal abuse to continue.

The very idea of "Queers for Palestine" is a joke that writes itself, given the extreme homophobia and anti-LGBTQ laws for Palestinians. 

Many examples of human rights issues are not about only one side having human rights that are being violated by the other, but about two sets of competing human rights. Israelis have the human right not to be blown up, stabbed, raped, kidnapped and burned to death. When parties consistently interpret these cases of competing values against Israelis or Jews, it is not a principled stand. Sometimes the pretense of morality is used to mask immorality. 

In 2024, the European Court of Human Rights unanimously ruled that banning kosher slaughter in certain Belgian provinces does not violate the European Convention on Human Rights, saying that the ban was "the protection of animal welfare as an element of 'public morals.'" The ruling makes it difficult for religious Jews to live in those areas. Yet in those same provinces, game hunting is allowed and restaurants serve, as delicacies, meat from animals that were shot or killed with a bow and arrow. 

Sometimes these philosophies will even throw away their own tenets to partner with others who normally would be their bitter enemies for the sole purpose of attacking Jews and Israel.

White supremacists like David Duke have suddenly become advocates of the decidedly non-white Palestinians. In 2024 Duke endorsed Green Party candidate Jill Stein for president, citing her anti-war stance and criticism of Israel as aligning with his views. Neo-Nazi websites will liberally quote the most left-wing critics of Israel, and people derided as liars suddenly become authorities.

It sounds astounding, but the Nazis were proud of their moral codes. Nazi Germany was the first country to mandate medical students take courses in medical ethics. These "ethics" included sterilization, eugenics and euthanasia, not to mention teaching that Aryan lives are much more valuable than others. Equally sickening was that the Nazis enforced policies for the humane transport of cattle in cattle cars - but not for millions of Jews jammed into cattle cars en route to slavery or extermination. 

We should not be surprised that if the genocide of Jews can be justified as a moral imperative, so can Hamas murdering, raping and kidnapping Jews.  If your ethics code allows for Hamas depravity to be admired as "resistance,", it is not a moral code. It is truly frightening that framing a genocidal Islamist death cult as a "progressive force," as Judith Butler and Columbia University students claim, is becoming acceptable discourse - and tomorrow's leaders cannot see anything wrong with it. 

We need the counter these depraved, immoral mindsets with something better. We need to not just play defense but offer a better alternative that can attract the next generation. We need to present a moral ethical code that is flexible, thorough, and can stand the test of time. 

What can fit this bill?

The fact that all of these immoral philosophies are so opposed to Jewish ethics indicates that any moral ethical system must be compatible with core Jewish core ethical values. 

When these hypocritical systems say that Jewish ethics is a mortal danger to themselves, believe it. To combat them, the world need more Jewish ethics, not less.

In the next chapter, we will look at what such an ethics code might look like. It won't surprise you much - because to a large extent, it is also the moral code of Western civilization. 

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Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon! "He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024) PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

 

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NYT pretty much says we should let the Houthis win

Here's another case where the media does the minimum possible to adhere to journalistic ethics while subtly allowing its own editorializing to dominate a news story.

The New York Times says that the renewed attacks on Houthi infrastructure and leaders are just so darned expensive:

U.S. Strikes in Yemen Burning Through Munitions With Limited Success

In just three weeks, the Pentagon has used $200 million worth of munitions in Operation Rough Rider against the Houthi militia, officials said.

In closed briefings in recent days, Pentagon officials have acknowledged that there has been only limited success in destroying the Houthis’ vast, largely underground arsenal of missiles, drones and launchers, according to congressional aides and allies.

The officials briefed on confidential damage assessments say the bombing is consistently heavier than strikes conducted by the Biden administration, and much bigger than what the Defense Department has publicly described.

But Houthi fighters, known for their resiliency, have reinforced many of their bunkers and other targeted sites, frustrating the Americans’ ability to disrupt the militia’s missile attacks against commercial ships in the Red Sea, according to three congressional and allied officials, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss operational matters.

In just three weeks, the Pentagon has used $200 million worth of munitions, in addition to the immense operational and personnel costs to deploy two aircraft carriers, additional B-2 bombers and fighter jets, as well as Patriot and THAAD air defenses to the Middle East, the officials said.

The total cost could be well over $1 billion by next week, and the Pentagon might soon need to request supplemental funds from Congress, one U.S. official said.

So many precision munitions are being used, especially advanced long-range ones, that some Pentagon contingency planners are growing concerned about overall Navy stocks and implications for any situation in which the United States would have to ward off an attempted invasion of Taiwan by China.

War is just so hard! 

To be sure, they raise legitimate points - expenses are a factor in war. But they are rarely the major factor. Achieving military goals are the primary issue - and that part of the story is buried far down.

A senior Pentagon official late Thursday pushed back on the assessments described by the congressional and allied officials.

The senior official, also speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss operational matters, said the airstrikes had exceeded their goal in the campaign’s initial phase, disrupting senior Houthi leaders’ ability to communicate, limiting the group’s response to a handful of ineffective counter strikes, and setting the conditions for subsequent phases, which he declined to discuss. “We’re on track,” the official said.

U.S. officials said the strikes had damaged the Houthis’ command and control structure. Tulsi Gabbard, the director of national intelligence, said in a statement that the strikes had been “effective” in killing top Houthi leaders, whom she did not identify, and said the operation was reopening Red Sea shipping.

This shows that the NYT has no idea what the US strategy or goals are and is in no position to judge how well (or how badly) the US is doing.

Not to mention that the Times doesn't give any alternative. OK, military action takes resources and time. What else would be a better use of US resources, today, when a rogue country is disrupting trade worldwide with impunity? DEI?

Clearly the Biden approach did not achieve a single thing to deter the wonderfully resilient Houthis. So we should...give up? 

The subtext of the article is that if the New York Times  reporters cannot figure out what is going on, it must not be worth it.

As we've seen during the Gaza war, the amount of information publicly available is perhaps 10% of what is going on. Without any hard information, the media confidently states how effective or ineffective military actions are. They don't know the basics of the  strategy or even what the military objectives are. The NYT is making completely wild guesses to fill in the gaps.

But based on lots of other NYT articles, we can guess what the NYT wants to see. It wants Trump to fail. It wants Israel to stop destroying Hamas because that is the excuse the Houthis are using for threatening global shipping. 

The Times may not know the US or Israeli military goals, but it does know what its own goals are. This article is aligned with the New York Times geopolitical strategy, not that of the US government.

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Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon! "He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024) PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

 

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Why isn't Lebanon condemning Hamas militias operating inside the country?

Israel Hayom reports:

The IDF eliminated a senior Hamas commander in Lebanon early Friday morning in a targeted airstrike on an apartment in the city of Sidon.

Hassan Farhat, a commander in the terror organization, was killed alongside family members in the aerial strike. Farhat previously operated within Jamaat Islamiya, a group affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood in Lebanon that was later integrated into Hamas's Lebanon branch.

An IDF spokesperson provided details of the operation, "The IDF attacked during the night and eliminated the terrorist Hassan Farhat, commander of the western sector of the Hamas terror organization in Lebanon.

"During the war, Farhat orchestrated numerous terrorist plots against IDF forces and Israeli citizens. He was directly responsible for the rocket fire at Safed that killed Staff Sergeant Omar Sara Benjo and wounded several other soldiers on February 14, 2024.

The terrorist continued advancing terror plots against the state of Israel in recent months, and his activities posed a significant threat to Israel and its citizens."

Hamas' Al Qassam Brigades issued a statement mourning the killing of  Farhat, along with his son Hamza and daughter Junan, who "were martyred in a treacherous Zionist airstrike that targeted their home in Saida, southern Lebanon, early this Friday morning."  

Lebanese media is highlighting Israel's violation of Lebanon's airspace as well as the death of his children. 

No one seems to be asking: what is Hamas doing in Lebanon in the first place?

At least there is finally public debate in Lebanon about Hezbollah's role in the country, about its absurd claim that its "resistance" against Israel is necessary for Lebanon's security. (How's that working out for ya, Beirut?)

But how has the Lebanese army allowed Hamas to act as an independent militia within its borders?  

How does a foreign terrorist group embed itself in another sovereign state, establish a military infrastructure, and conduct international attacks from Lebanese territory—without anyone taking responsibility?

Where are the Lebanese politicians or journalists asking what authority Hamas has to operate in Sidon, Tyre, or the Bekaa Valley?

Where is the outcry about Lebanon’s sovereignty being eroded not by Israel—but by Hamas and other Palestinian armed groups like Islamic Jihad?

Hassan Farhat wasn’t just a rogue militant. He had a command structure, a regional portfolio, and lethal capabilities. These capabilities don't spring up  overnight.  And it poses an existential question for Lebanon:

Who really runs your country?

Until Lebanon reckons with the armed groups operating freely within its borders, every strike, every death, and every escalation will remain part of a war not only against Israel—but against Lebanese sovereignty itself.

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Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon! "He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024) PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

 

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04/03 Links Pt2: Seth Mandel: Rules for Jews; We see what you’re doing, Sadiq Khan; Six Lessons from the Holocaust According to Menachem Begin

From Ian:

Seth Mandel: Rules for Jews

Unlike most voters, American Jews apparently do not get to choose which policies or government actions they support based on political principles. There’s a list, you see, of Special Obligations. Jews must do this or that, because as Jews we have a special obligation to everyone except ourselves.

This Law of Special Obligations is on full display in a New York Times article on the pro-Hamas crackdowns on college campuses.

The Times article itself was inevitable. Any time a politician or government does something ostensibly “for the Jews,” the Times will assign a reporter to write a story on how “the Jewish community is divided” over that thing. If kosher Chinese food were to fall like manna from the heavens, the New York Times would write a story titled “U.S. Jews Are Divided Over Free Chinese Food.” If the Times were around during the Exodus from ancient Egypt, it would publish an article titled “Schism Within Jewish Community Over Freedom From Slavery.” If the Purim story were to happen today, we’d get “How Haman’s Humiliation Has Become Fraught For Many Jews.”

The current version is “Trump’s Fight Against Antisemitism Has Become Fraught for Many Jews,” though another Times article about this topic used the “schism” framing, and a third used “divide” in the headline.

The point is not that it’s unusual for Jews to have varying opinions on the same issue—that’s the norm. Instead, what jumps out from the Times piece and others like it is the idea that Jews don’t get to choose. Like Hebrew National hot dogs, we answer to a higher authority apparently. Unlike Hebrew National hot dogs, the higher authority being referenced isn’t God.

It turns out that, like Judaism itself, Jewish political opinion-forming entails many rules. As far as I can tell, here are the main ones.

From the Times: “‘Find me a moment in history when Jews anywhere benefited from a mix of rampant nationalism and repression,’ wrote the journalist Matt Bai in a Washington Post opinion piece on Tuesday. ‘You’ll be looking awhile.’”

You’ve heard, no doubt, the refrain that “Jews are the canary in the coalmine.” It’s true: When Jews are systematically mistreated, others will likely be in for some pain in the near future. But here we have the inverse: Jews are not the canaries but the miners who are saved by the selfless sacrifice of the precious yellow birds.

Hence we have a new rule: Jews are the coalminers in the coalmine. (How’s that for an image.) If something is happening to someone else, that thing will also happen to the Jews. It’s the corollary of: If something is happening to the Jews, that thing will also happen to others. (Sensing a pattern here.)

On to the next rule. The Times writes: “‘Anytime you put Jews in the middle on an issue, it’s not good for the Jews,’ said Jonathan Jacoby of the Nexus Project, a progressive Jewish group that has been searching for a way to combat antisemitism without suppressing political debate. ‘That’s a classic antisemitic position that antisemites like to put Jews. So they can be scapegoated.’”

Schama: Toxic spread of antisemitism in popular culture is weaponising hate

The British historian Sir Simon Schama has spoken out about the “toxic” spread of antisemitism in popular culture since 7 October 2023.

He said that the rise of anti-Jewish hatred was “extremely upsetting” before the events of that day, but that the hatred had now spread like an “infection”.

Sir Simon described the “trivialisation and debasement” of Holocaust memory by controversial public figures with vast social media followings.

He singled out disgraced rapper Ye, formerly known as Kanye West, for the design of his latest album which he said was “nothing more than an enormous swastika”; and the billionaire Elon Musk for doing the “heil salute twice in a public setting”.

The remarks were part of a keynote lecture that Sir Simon delivered at the Contemporary Antisemitism London 2025 conference at the JW3 centre this week. It came days before the screening of his latest film, Simon Schama: The Road to Auschwitz, which airs on BBC2 on 7 April.

Despite having written extensively about Jewish history and the holocaust, Sir Simon — who was born two weeks after the liberation of Auschwitz — had never previously visited the Nazi death camp.

“It’s when you see this really horrifying transfusion of this toxin into popular culture, when it’s coupled with data from the Anti-Defamation League and the Claims Conference that it’s the younger generation … who are least likely to be familiar with the Holocaust and are most likely to dismiss its magnitude, that really if you happen to be in a position to get to make the kind of film that I have, that you want to grab that opportunity,” he said.

The documentary sees Sir Simon travel to mass killing sites in Lithuania, the home of his mother’s family, and to the Netherlands — a nation famed for its long history of tolerance — to reveal how deep-rooted prejudice was weaponised across the continent to turn people against their Jewish neighbours.

Speaking at JW3, he said that he feels the Holocaust memory “has, in a way, been reduced to Anne Frank on the one hand and Auschwitz on the other”. He explained this by saying he believes the memory of the Holocaust has been de-Judaised and made more palatable for a broad audience.

His film, he said, was an attempt to “reanimate Jewish presence” and “resist the temptation to dilute, to moderate, to universalise”.

Uri Kurlianchik: Six Lessons from the Holocaust According to Menachem Begin

In 1978, former Israeli Prime Minister Begin wrote down what he considered were the most important lessons of the Holocaust. These lessons are as important today as they were 45 years ago.

First, if the enemy of the Jews says that he has in his heart, in his blood, an ambition to destroy the Jews - do not underestimate him, do not mock him. Do not doubt him. Take his ambition seriously, treat his words with all the severity inherent in them. Deprive him of the power to destroy you. Prepare every day for the day. Never again say: it is not serious.

Second, never again ask: what will the world say? Know this: the world will never have mercy for slaughtered Jews but the world will always have respect for fighting Jews.

Third, keep a weapon. Study it and sanctify it wherever you dwell. It is the weapon of holiness. A weapon of life, honor, freedom. Never abandon it and never throw it away. We believe in the vision of the end of days, yes, but who knows when it will come? Meanwhile, as long as there is a weapon in the hands of even one enemy of the Jews, a people that has been slaughtered and butchered throughout the generations… keep your weapons.

Fourth, the Torah, in order to preserve it, demands that safeguards be placed around it. The same is true for the people of the Torah. The first safeguard is Jewish dignity. The seeds of Jewish destruction lie in passively enabling the enemy to humiliate us. Only when the enemy succeeds in turning the spirit of the Jew into dust and ashes in life, can he turn the Jew into dust and ashes in death. During the Holocaust it was after the enemy had humiliated the Jews, trampled them, divided them, deceived them, afflicted them, drove brother against brother, only then could he lead them to the gates of Auschwitz. Therefore, at all times and whatever the cost, safeguard the dignity and honor of the Jewish people.

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04/03 Links Pt1: The Gazan revolt; On Dresden and Gaza; SA accused of prior knowledge in Hamas attack; DEBUNKED: "More Journalists Died in Gaza Than WW2"

From Ian:

Melanie Phillips: The Gazan revolt

People in the West refuse to accept the implacable nature of Palestinian Arab rejectionism, and the murderous hatred of Israel and the Jews.

This is partly a refusal to face up to the reality of Islamic holy war. Partly, it’s due to widespread ignorance of the Middle East, Jewish history in the land and the spurious nature of Palestinian peoplehood—the fictitious identity that was cooked up in the 1960s to play the credulous West for the suckers they’ve turned out to be.

But what you hear over and over again in Western countries is that “something has to be done with all those Palestinians”—and what else could be done with them other than to give them their own state, which sounds so very reasonable?

This is a very strange attitude. There’s never been another conflict like this, where people who set out to exterminate another people and its homeland but lose that war then become the focus of global sympathy and can dictate the policies of the world.

In other conflicts, if aggressors lose the war of conquest they have waged, they are in no position to dictate to anyone. They may have to move or disperse. They may find themselves ruled in the same place by others. As aggressors, they have forfeited the right to have any say over their future.

Yet despite the fact that the Palestinian Arabs have waged a campaign of extermination against the Jewish homeland for the best part of a century, they’ve been treated with kid gloves and have dictated the global agenda.

Even more extraordinary, they’ve been treated as a discrete people on the basis of an utterly spurious designation as refugees that uniquely was passed down from generation to generation—a formula devised solely to turn them into a weapon against Israel’s existence.

They are indeed victims—not of Israel but of the lies with which their own Arab world has enslaved them to a cult of death and destruction.

We don’t know what the day after this war will look like on the ground. We hear reports that the Trump administration, Israel and Saudi Arabia are trying to broker a permanent settlement of the war against the Jewish state. We don’t know whether this is intended to result in a canton-style formula for the Palestinian Arabs in the disputed territories, their relocation to Egypt or Jordan, or some other kind of arrangement.

Whatever the outcome, however, if there is ever to be peace and justice in the Middle East, then it must be understood that the idea that there is such a thing as a Palestinian people and that they should have their own state of Palestine—the unthinking and unchallengeable orthodoxy in the West—is now over.

On Dresden and Gaza

Barely mentioned is that in sharp contrast to the historic events described above, the Israeli Defense Forces has gone out of its way to minimize civilian casualties while attempting to eliminate enemy positions from where rockets were being launched. These sites were mostly schools, hospitals and apartment buildings, making avoiding civilians impossible. Long before the bombings, the IDF made warning telephone calls directly to Palestinian homes notifying them to leave. They also dropped printed messages by airplane, advising people which buildings to evacuate, and even often dropped “cold bombs” as the last warning. Moreover, wounded Palestinian terrorists who were caught by the IDF were treated in Israeli medical facilities.

Israel has also erected special medical facilities at its northern border with Syria, where they treat Syrians wounded by their own government. Such efforts to protect civilians are unheard of in the history of wars of other nations. There were certainly no warnings for the residents of Hiroshima or Nagasaki.

Although this is all well-documented, what has the world’s response been? False accusations of genocide with barely any attention to the IDF’s behavior as compared to other militaries in recent history.

The Biden administration declared that Israel “should have taken all feasible precautions to prevent civilian casualties.” The United Nations condemned the Israeli response to Hamas’s missiles and mass murder of Israeli civilians as a “moral outrage” and a “criminal act.” Various European and American politicians have repeatedly criticized the IDF, with barely any attention paid to the atrocities of Hamas. The charge was even made that airstrikes against Gaza were “collective punishment.” Collective punishment for the people of Gaza is what can be charged against Hamas.

One might ask: What is the meaning of proportional response to the terrorist murderers who use their population as cover? What have we heard about the U.N. documentation of the deaths of more than 350,000 Syrians killed by their government, including using poisonous gas? Have there been widespread voices of rage from governments, local or national organizations—the very ones that go out of their way to condemn Israel?

The current civil war in Sudan has killed 150,000 people and forced more than 11 million from their homes, prompting the U.S. government to declare a genocide—this one perpetrated by the ethnic Arab militia known as the Rapid Support Forces against non-Arab Sudanese. Nevertheless, organizations and groups focused on the alleged wrongs of Israel have been conspicuously silent. Even the pope, who has been outspoken about the Gaza conflict, has remained fairly quiet regarding the brutal persecution of Christians and Uyghurs in China.

Perhaps, what I have described can be best explained by the words of two European diplomats. In 2013, then-Dutch Foreign Minister Frans Timmermans, who, obviously forgetting about Dresden and the long history of European atrocities against Jews, said: “Even if Europeans do not say so, they judge Israel by different standards than they would judge other (Arab) countries in this area. Why? Because deep down, Europeans see Israel as a European country. So, they judge Israel in the same way they would judge other European countries … It means you are part of a community of values, whether you like it or not.”

Similarly, Jesper Vahr, the former Danish Ambassador to Israel, had the temerity to advocate a European double standard applied to Israel when judging its actions against Palestinian terrorists. As he said, “I think you have the right to insist that we apply double standards and put you to the same standards as all the rest of the countries in the European context. … You are one of us.” Keeping in mind Nazi atrocities, Russian pogroms against Jews, the bombings of Dresden and Hiroshima, and Western countries’ campaigns against civilians in Africa and elsewhere, it is difficult to come up with greater duplicity.

One wonders if it has occurred to these two hypocritical gentlemen and their likes in Europe and the United States that after observing the “lofty” standards demonstrated by Western nations in Dresden, Hamburg, Hiroshima, Tokyo, Serbia and elsewhere around the world, Israelis lack the enthusiasm to become “one of them” or to rise to their “standards.” We might argue that Israelis—and Jews, in general—are better off sticking to the values of their ancient Bible.

The European Union’s unfair and unequal treatment of Israel

The European Union spent more than a billion dollars on the Palestinians from 2021 to 2024, and millions have gone to organizations that support the BDS movement against Israel.

BDS seeks to isolate Israel economically and politically, a goal that directly conflicts with the European Union’s claims of fairness. If the European Union continues funding organizations with clear political agendas, it cannot claim to be an impartial force for good.

The European Union has also used economic pressure to hurt Israel’s economy. In 2022, it enforced a rule requiring products from Israeli areas in Judea and Samaria to be labeled as being from an “Israeli settlement.”

As a result, exports from these areas dropped by as much as 20%, harming businesses and workers. Instead of promoting cooperation and peace, these actions created more division. When an institution that claims to support fairness enacts policies that harm a nation’s economy, its credibility is severely damaged.

The European Union’s selective criticism is not limited to economics. It also affects international politics. It condemns Israel for defending its land and people, but the organization stays quiet about far greater violations elsewhere. If the European Union were committed to justice, then it would hold all nations to the same standards. Its failure to do so weakens its position as a fair and neutral global actor. To be seen as fair and responsible, it must change its approach and start treating all nations equally.

This debate is not just about Israel. When an institution repeatedly ignores certain injustices while exaggerating others, its credibility is in serious danger. Like any sovereign nation, Israel has the right to protect its people, defend its land and grow its economy. Yet the European Union’s unfair economic and political pressure makes these tasks harder. If it continues its biased policies, the European Union risks losing the trust of people who believe in true justice.

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Seven Jewish Children and Seven Arab Children

The antisemitic play "Seven Jewish Children" by Caryl Churchill has been turned into a movie.

When it first came out, I wrote a response in a similar fashion. So now is a good time to revisit the original play with all its deceptions and innuendoes, and my response that happens to be accurate.

First, Seven Jewish Children:

SEVEN JEWISH CHILDREN

a play for Gaza

Caryl Churchill

No children appear in the play. The speakers are adults, the parents and if you

like other relations of the children. The lines can be shared out in any way you

like among those characters. The characters are different in each small scene as

the time and child are different. They may be played by any number of actors.

1

Tell her it’s a game

Tell her it’s serious

But don’t frighten her

Don’t tell her they’ll kill her

Tell her it’s important to be quiet

Tell her she’ll have cake if she’s good

Tell her to curl up as if she’s in bed

But not to sing.

Tell her not to come out

Tell her not to come out even if she hears shouting

Don’t frighten her

Tell her not to come out even if she hears nothing for a long time

Tell her we’ll come and find her

Tell her we’ll be here all the time.

Tell her something about the men

Tell her they’re bad in the game

Tell her it’s a story

Tell her they’ll go away

Tell her she can make them go away if she keeps still

By magic

But not to sing.

2

Tell her this is a photograph of her grandmother, her uncles and me

Tell her her uncles died

Don’t tell her they were killed

Tell her they were killed

Don’t frighten her.

Tell her her grandmother was clever

Don’t tell her what they did

Tell her she was brave

Tell her she taught me how to make cakes

Don’t tell her what they did

Tell her something

Tell her more when she’s older.

Tell her there were people who hated Jews

Don’t tell her

Tell her it’s over now

Tell her there are still people who hate Jews

Tell her there are people who love Jews

Don’t tell her to think Jews or not Jews

Tell her more when she’s older

Tell her how many when she’s older

Tell her it was before she was born and she’s not in danger

Don’t tell her there’s any question of danger.

Tell her we love her

Tell her dead or alive her family all love her

Tell her her grandmother would be proud of her.

3

Don’t tell her we’re going for ever

Tell her she can write to her friends, tell her her friends can maybe come and visit

Tell her it’s sunny there

Tell her we’re going home

Tell her it’s the land God gave us

Don’t tell her religion

Tell her her great great great great lots of greats grandad lived there

Don’t tell her he was driven out

Tell her, of course tell her, tell her everyone was driven out and the country is waiting for us to come home

Don’t tell her she doesn’t belong here

Tell her of course she likes it here but she’ll like it there even more.

Tell her it’s an adventure

Tell her no one will tease her

Tell her she’ll have new friends

Tell her she can take her toys

Don’t tell her she can take all her toys

Tell her she’s a special girl

Tell her about Jerusalem.

4

Don’t tell her who they are

Tell her something

Tell her they’re Bedouin, they travel about

Tell her about camels in the desert and dates

Tell her they live in tents

Tell her this wasn’t their home

Don’t tell her home, not home, tell her they’re going away

Don’t tell her they don’t like her

Tell her to be careful.

Don’t tell her who used to live in this house

No but don’t tell her her great great grandfather used to live in this house

No but don’t tell her Arabs used to sleep in her bedroom.

Tell her not to be rude to them

Tell her not to be frightened

Don’t tell her she can’t play with the children

Don’t tell her she can have them in the house.

Tell her they have plenty of friends and family

Tell her for miles and miles all round they have lands of their own

Tell her again this is our promised land.

Don’t tell her they said it was a land without people

Don’t tell her I wouldn’t have come if I’d known.

Tell her maybe we can share.

Don’t tell her that.

5

Tell her we won

Tell her her brother’s a hero

Tell her how big their armies are

Tell her we turned them back

Tell her we’re fighters

Tell her we’ve got new land.

6

Don’t tell her

Don’t tell her the trouble about the swimming pool

Tell her it’s our water, we have the right

Tell her it’s not the water for their fields

Don’t tell her anything about water.

Don’t tell her about the bulldozer

Don’t tell her not to look at the bulldozer

Don’t tell her it was knocking the house down

Tell her it’s a building site

Don’t tell her anything about bulldozers.

Don’t tell her about the queues at the checkpoint

Tell her we’ll be there in no time

Don’t tell her anything she doesn’t ask

Don’t tell her the boy was shot

Don’t tell her anything.

Tell her we’re making new farms in the desert

Don’t tell her about the olive trees

Tell her we’re building new towns in the wilderness.

Don’t tell her they throw stones

Tell her they’re not much good against tanks

Don’t tell her that.

Don’t tell her they set off bombs in cafés

Tell her, tell her they set off bombs in cafés

Tell her to be careful

Don’t frighten her.

Tell her we need the wall to keep us safe

Tell her they want to drive us into the sea

Tell her they don’t

Tell her they want to drive us into the sea.

Tell her we kill far more of them

Don’t tell her that

Tell her that

Tell her we’re stronger

Tell her we’re entitled

Tell her they don’t understand anything except violence

Tell her we want peace

Tell her we’re going swimming.

7

Tell her she can’t watch the news

Tell her she can watch cartoons

Tell her she can stay up late and watch Friends.

Tell her they’re attacking with rockets

Don’t frighten her

Tell her only a few of us have been killed

Tell her the army has come to our defence

Don’t tell her her cousin refused to serve in the army.

Don’t tell her how many of them have been killed

Tell her the Hamas fighters have been killed

Tell her they’re terrorists

Tell her they’re filth

Don’t

Don’t tell her about the family of dead girls

Tell her you can’t believe what you see on television

Tell her we killed the babies by mistake

Don’t tell her anything about the army

Tell her, tell her about the army, tell her to be proud of the army.

Tell her about the family of dead girls, tell her their names why not, tell her the whole world knows why shouldn’t she know? tell her there’s dead babies, did she see babies? tell her she’s got nothing to be ashamed of. Tell her they did it to themselves. Tell her they want their children killed to make people sorry for them, tell her I’m not sorry for them, tell her not to be sorry for them, tell her we’re the ones to be sorry for, tell her they can’t talk suffering to us. Tell her we’re the iron fist now, tell her it’s the fog

of war, tell her we won’t stop killing them till we’re safe, tell her I laughed when I saw the dead policemen, tell her they’re animals living in rubble now, tell her I wouldn’t care if we wiped them out,

the world would hate us is the only thing, tell her I don’t care if the world hates us, tell her we’re better haters, tell her we’re chosen people, tell her I look at one of their children covered in blood and what do I feel? tell her all I feel is happy it’s not her.

Don’t tell her that.

Tell her we love her.

Don’t frighten her.

Here's my response:

Seven Arab Children
A play about Palestine

1.
Tell him that we are one big Arab nation
Tell him that we invented algebra
Tell him that we always lived here
Tell him that others can only live here if they agree to be dhimmis
Don't tell him about the Jews who used to live here
Tell him that we live in southern Syria
and that we will never be divided from our brethren
Tell him that all Arabs look out for reach other

2.
Tell him we hate the Jews because they are weak
Tell him that they they started it first
Tell him that Jews shouldn't live in Hebron
Don't tell him that they were there for millennia
Tell him that they attacked Arabs at their Wall
Tell him they wanted to kill all the Arabs
Tell him that he will be rewarded for killing them.

3.
Tell him we are on strike
Don't tell him that Arabs are killing more Arabs than Jews or British
Tell him that the British are pro-Jewish
Don't tell him about the "collaborators"
Tell him that the Mufti will lead us to a state
Don't tell him about the feuds between the clans
Tell him that the hundreds of dead Arabs are the Jews' fault
Tell him that we will never accept compromise

4.
Don't tell him that we ran away
Don't tell him that some Arabs stayed and are not in camps
Tell him that we will still throw the Jews into the sea
Tell him not to forget that he is an Arab
Tell him that we were massacred
Tell him that over and over again
Tell him he must hate the Jews
Don't tell him that our Arab brethren keep us in camps
Don't tell him that they told us to flee
Don't blame them for our troubles
We need to live with them

5.
Tell him that we are "Palestinian"
Tell him not to say "Jews" in English, only "Zionists"
Tell him that the Arabs will help us push the Jews into the sea this time
Tell him we are united
Tell him that we still have a key to our home
Don't tell him to go to Kuwait to find a job
Tell him the UN will take care of us forever
Don't tell him to blame the Arabs for our being stateless for decades
Tell him it is needed for "unity"

6.
Tell him it is not terrorism
Tell him that the martyrs are heroes
Tell him we hate the Jews because they are strong
Don't tell him that we still cannot become citizens
of the Arab nations we were born in
Don't tell him that our brethren kicked us out of Jordan
Tell him Jews massacred us in Lebanon, not Arab Christians
Tell him about Paradise
Don't tell him about Arabs in Knesset

7.
Tell him to become a Shahid
Tell him that we will never compromise
Tell him that the "peace process" is just another means to conquer land
Tell him not to say that out loud
Tell him that a child-killer is a hero for all Arabs
Don't tell him that we killed hundreds of each other in Gaza
Don't tell him we used to have jobs and work together with the Jews
Don't tell him that the intifada was a failure
Tell him to cry on top of rubble if a reporter comes by
Tell him we won all our wars with the Jews
Don't tell him why we still live in camps in Gaza
Tell him we'll be proud of him when he becomes a shahid
Tell him that his family will be taken care of after he dies
Tell him to take as many Jews as he can
Tell him he will be a hero
and we are so proud of him 

This can easily be updated, and I don't know if the movie adds more lies about how Jews supposedly think and how sadistic and unfeeling and hypocritical Jews are.

The words in my play are based on things I read in mainstream Palestinian and Arab media. 

Since 2009, we have examples of how Palestinians celebrated terror attacks including October 7. This makes the contrast between how Jews raise their children and how Palestinians raise theirs far starker.  

But staging a play like mine would be Islamophobic or "anti-Palestinian racism" or something. It could never happen. Truth is not as important as narrative. 

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Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon! "He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024) PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

 

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