Monday, August 28, 2023
- Monday, August 28, 2023
- Elder of Ziyon
- Abraham Accords, analysis, foreign policy, geopolitics, Israel, normalization, Opinion, Saudi Arabia, USA
Sunday, August 27, 2023
- Sunday, August 27, 2023
- Elder of Ziyon
- Bewitched, humor, Jewish values, popular culture
Buy the EoZ book, PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism today at Amazon! Or order from your favorite bookseller, using ISBN 9798985708424. Read all about it here! |
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The EU Usurps Power from Democracies and Bestows It Upon Itself
This is Part 5 of a 10-part series exposing the underreported joint European and Palestinian program to bypass international law and establish a de facto Palestinian state on Israeli land.Jake Wallis Simons: Israelophobia is the one hatred that polite society embraces
While the European Union Parliament is generally considered a great seat of power, in fact, as a member, James Carver did not have the ability to initiate legislation.
He explains that it is actually the purview of the EU Commission to initiate laws, which only then go before Parliament, where they are chewed over by the different political groups until a consensus is reached.
Unlike parliamentarians, who are elected by individual states, the commissioners are appointed. As such, their loyalty lies with the EU over its member states.
An ideologically driven entity that arrogantly revels in the belief that it has the moral right to usurp power from democracies and bestow it upon itself, passing legislation that overrides national laws, the EU has swallowed the Palestinian narrative hook, line and sinker.
And, according to Carver, the Palestinian lobby is more successful than it is given credit for. Noisy and well-organized, its members are vociferous compared to the far calmer and more reflective Israeli advocates.
Attempted legal action against the EU on the basis of its undermining of the Oslo Accords is met with the claim that its funding for the Palestinian Authority merely amounts to “humanitarian aid” and that the EU has full “diplomatic immunity.”
But Carver argues that this defense is invalid because the Vienna Convention stipulates that diplomats may only be granted immunity if they do not interfere in the internal affairs of the state, which the EU is actively doing by seizing land that is universally recognized as being under Israeli jurisdiction. By hiding behind its credentials, the EU is also disregarding the principle of non-intervention, a foundational element of the UN charter.
The Europeans appear to want it both ways, on the one hand paying lip service to the Oslo Accords to criticize Israel, while on the other hand actively helping the PA ignore the terms of Oslo.
The discord between behavior and proclaimed intention renders any commitment to peace groundless. And the irony of the Europeans peddling ad nauseam condemnation of Israel for its expropriation of Palestinian land when they themselves are helping the Palestinians expropriate land is lost on the public at large.
What’s with Israelophobia? From one point of view, the Jewish state shouldn’t matter very much. Accounting for just a quarter of 1 per cent of the Middle East, its area is the size of Wales, with a population the size of London.Kylie Moore-Gilbert: Iran Will Keep Taking Hostages If the Money Keeps Flowing
Despite all the controversies, it is the only liberal democracy in the region. It’s not particularly violent; in its 75-year history, its conflicts with the Arab world have claimed 86,000 lives. The 2003 Iraq invasion killed 600,000 people in three years.
It is not a bad place to live. Its health system is excellent, its economy thriving. It is ranked above Britain and the United States for freedom of expression and, according to the UN, is the fourth happiest country in the world, behind only Finland, Denmark and Iceland.
Yet there is not one Israel but two. As the American novelist Saul Bellow observed, the Israel of facts is “territorially insignificant”. The second, however, is “as broad as all history and perhaps as deep as sleep”. This is where the fever-dream of Israelophobia takes hold.
However secular Western society becomes, it remains steeped in Christianity. The Bible elevated the Jewish land to the Holy Land, the Jewish city to the Holy City and a Jewish prophet to the Son of God; yet the Chosen People were blamed for killing Christ. This fetishisation and demonisation of Jews lies at the very foundation of our civilisation.
In the Middle Ages, Jews were accused of murdering Christian children to drink their blood; last month, a BBC presenter was forced to apologise after remarking that Israel was “happy to kill children”. As the novelist Howard Jacobson put it, Israelophobia is “the old hatred decanted into new bottles”.
Like the anti-Semitism of previous centuries, the bigotry is based on conspiracy theories and falsehoods. Israel is accused of pulling the strings of politicians, finance and the media.
The country is labelled “white supremacist”, despite being at least 60 per cent non-white. It is blamed for “genocide”, even though the Palestinian population has grown five-fold since its birth. There are no concentration camps or execution pits in the Jewish state.
It is accused of “apartheid” when its national football team contains more Arabs than Jews. Although it is the Middle East’s only democracy – the only country in the region to protect the rights of women and minorities – it is routinely compared to the Nazis.
Six billion dollars is an awfully large amount of money. It could cover a hell of a lot of arms shipped to Hezbollah, Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and Ansarullah. It could cover the salaries of thousands of Basij and IRGC militiamen, with additional bonuses for torturing, raping, and beating protesters. And it could keep the children of regime officials in overseas property and luxury goods for many lifetimes.
Cash-for-hostages deals encourage regimes like Iran’s to view innocent human lives as commodities that can be bought and traded for profit. Over the decades, the Islamic Republic has refined its hostage-taking business model into an extortion racket that is one of its most powerful foreign-policy levers. As long as countries like the United States are willing to acquiesce to its insatiable demands for ever-increasing sums of ransom, we can expect Iran to commodify a seemingly endless supply of hostages.
International cooperation is clearly necessary if Iran’s behaviour is to be curtailed in any systematic way. The Islamic Republic now targets the citizens of a wide array of Western nations; our governments should be on the same page as to how to respond when a citizen is taken, so that the approach of one country does not inadvertently undermine another’s. But even in the absence of such a multilateral accord, the United States can adopt a much stronger response than it has done.
Financial payments, regardless of where the funds come from, provide an incentive for hostage-taking, and as such they are fundamentally at odds with the U.S. government’s responsibility to ensure the security of its citizens. They are also a slap in the face to the brave people of Iran, many of whom are in the streets, risking their life to denounce the regime in the name of freedom, democracy, and gender equality—values that America professes to hold dear. The U.S. government should be no less steadfast in refusing to pay state-backed hostage-takers like the IRGC (a proscribed terrorist organisation) than it is when the Islamic State (also a proscribed terrorist organisation) or another non-state actor captures an American.
The U.S. government needs to understand that Iran’s regime views conciliatory measures, such as declining to enforce sanctions, not as friendly gestures to smooth the path to negotiation, but as signals of weakness. Instead the United States should come up with a firm, punitive response to any further Iranian hostage-taking and announce this policy publicly, leaving the Islamic Republic no doubt as to America’s determination to follow through. Punishing and wide-ranging sanctions should be on the table, as should a crackdown on assets and visas for the family members of top regime officials, many thousands of whom live or study in the West. Such an approach could be modeled on the successful campaign targeting Russia’s oligarchs that followed the invasion of Ukraine. The United States should also press allied countries to follow its lead in listing the IRGC as a terrorist organisation.
- Sunday, August 27, 2023
- Elder of Ziyon
- "pro-Palestinian", BDS, BDS is antisemitic, BDSFail, google, improving PalArab lives
What does it mean to be "pro-Palestinian?"
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Buy the EoZ book, PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism today at Amazon! Or order from your favorite bookseller, using ISBN 9798985708424. Read all about it here! |
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- Sunday, August 27, 2023
- Elder of Ziyon
- Campus antisemitism, Jewish education
It’s hard to get Diaspora Jewish schoolchildren to love Israel when most of what they hear about the country outside the comfort of their Sunday school classes tends to spark a mix of discomfort and shame.Indeed, what is a kid being raised in a progressive Jewish home – as many are – supposed to feel about a place that is often compared to apartheid South Africa and is now being run by a governing coalition of racist, misogynist and homophobic parties?The dissonance between what these Jewish kids are taught about Israel in their supplementary religious school classes and what they discover when they start doing some research on their own, or simply watching the news, goes a long way toward explaining the growing disillusionment of young Diaspora Jews with Zionism.For Rabbi Lawrence Englander, a prominent Reform educator from Canada, the conclusion is clear: If the goal is to prevent these disillusioned kids from cutting themselves off entirely from Israel, then the way Israel is taught needs to be changed radically.“If you want kids to love Israel, then they’re going to unlove it as soon as they learn what’s going on there,” says Englander, a former chairman of the international Reform movement’s political branch, Arzenu. “So we need to stop talking about getting them to love Israel. Instead, our goal needs to be deep engagement – which means teaching them about Israel, warts-and-all.”A brand-new program Englander helped create for teaching school-age children about Israel and encouraging “critical thinking” about the country, as he terms it, was introduced in several Jewish supplementary schools in Canada this past year on a pilot basis.It will have its official launch in the upcoming school year in supplementary religious schools run by the Reform movement across Canada.“To my knowledge, this is a unique effort in Jewish education,” says Englander. “We strongly feel that this curriculum will produce a sea change for younger generations on how they relate to Israel – a crucial need in Jewish life today.”The lesson plans that were used in the pilot program will be presented at a special three-day conference scheduled for early next week in Toronto, which will be attended by some 40 teachers and educators from across Canada. Englander hopes many of them will choose to incorporate the new curriculum at their schools.“I’ve been long concerned about what was being taught or probably not taught in our Reform religious schools,” says Englander, the founding rabbi of the Solel Reform congregation in Toronto. “It seemed to me that a lot of what our kids are being taught is very superficial, a kind of ‘Israel Disneyland’ sort of thing, and many of the teachers don’t feel competent or confident teaching about Israel because of everything going on there.”
Englander gathered together a group of educators with the goal of creating a new curriculum from scratch – one he says is based more on encouraging questions rather than providing answers, “because there’s not going to be just one answer to many of the questions these kids have.”The team that created the lesson plan was headed by Dr. Lesley Litman, a Jewish curriculum expert from Hebrew Union College who also consults for the iCenter in Chicago – an institution dedicated to improving Israel education programs.“What makes this curriculum unique is that it is geared toward much younger children and is inquiry-based,” she says. “In other words, we’re not coming to these children with answers, but rather, trying to open Israel to them and let them engage with it from the world they know.”
I cannot critique the curriculum because I haven't seen it, and from looking at materials at Arza Canada as well as the iCenter mentioned here, it looks like the people involved are competent educators and want to get kids to love Israel. It is possible (and even likely) that Haaretz is misrepresenting the effort.
I hope I'm wrong, but I fear that this initiative is missing the boat.
The fear is real: kids who learn a "Disneyland" version of Israel go to college and they are not equipped to respond to the hate that they see. Then they get disillusioned about how they were not taught the truth and they reject everything they thought they knew. The Israel haters are excellent at pulling the emotional strings to generate this whiplash and to turn teens who thought they knew Israel into anti-Zionists.
Certainly, there are multiple narratives about Israel, and it is important for Israel education to teach the major ones, even the anti-Israel ones. But they should not be taught as if each narrative has equal weight and value.
The curriculum must have a mature, accurate viewpoint about Israel that is meant to get kids to love Israel and its people - and then it should teach the other narratives in a critical manner.
Just like kids must be taught morality yet also taught why immoral ideas are bad, Jewish kids must be taught that Israel is a central part of their belief system, that its rebirth was miraculous, and that there are still antisemites out there who have substituted Israel for Jews as the object of their lies.
Leaving kids with questions at the end of the day or the school year is not education. It is abdicating the responsibility of educators.
The most important thing that Jewish schools, Reform or Orthodox, must do is to equip their teachers with the information they need. As the article says, "many of the teachers don’t feel competent or confident teaching about Israel" - it is obvious that those teachers must be educated before they teach children, not that they should teach children their own immature and ambiguous viewpoints.
When teachers themselves are conflicted or don't strongly believe what they are teaching, the kids are not taught anything. First teach the teachers, and have competent Zionist educators answer their questions.
I once gave a lecture on how to answer the top 20 anti-Israel arguments. (I broke it up into separate posts here.) If Hebrew school teachers (or Jewish organization workers altogether) do not know everything in my lecture, how can they possibly teach kids enough to stand up for Israel when they confront the haters on campus (or, increasingly, high school)?Educate the educators. If they aren't competent to confidently teach how to love Israel while countering the anti-Israel arguments, they aren't competent to teach about Israel.
Since the danger of not being able to respond to anti-Israel arguments on campus is the real fear here, then that skill is what must be taught before they arrive on campus.
Like it or not, Sunday school and afternoon Hebrew school programs are never going to be intensive enough to teach kids a comprehensive view of Israel and the Middle East. But they can teach enough on the specific topics that Israel haters use to counter their arguments.
This has far reaching effects that make the students improve in other important ways.
When teaching how to dismantle anti-Israel arguments, the kids will also be taught how to use primary research materials to find out what really happened in the first half of the 20th century. They will be be taught critical thinking skills to understand how anti-Israel propaganda works and how they could be manipulated, skills that translate to numerous real-world scenarios outside of Zionism. They can and must be taught how today's anti-Israel propaganda is a direct continuation of traditional antisemitic propaganda, and how they themselves are threatened by it today.
Teaching about Israel, "warts and all," is not the way to teach children to identify with and love Israel. What needs to be done is to teach children the beauty and importance of Israel - and then to teach the anti-Israel positions, but only in the context of refuting them.
Buy the EoZ book, PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism today at Amazon! Or order from your favorite bookseller, using ISBN 9798985708424. Read all about it here! |
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- Sunday, August 27, 2023
- Elder of Ziyon
- antisemitism, collective punishment, conspiracy theories, eugenics, incitement, jew hatred, Keith Woods, Nazi Germany, Theodore N. Kaufman
Herding Jews Into Chapel Of CemeteryHANNOVER Germany, Sept 8 (AP)German authorities began herding Hannover's Jews into the mortuary hall of the Jewish Cemetery here tonight following the mayor's order evicting them from their homes on 24 hour's notice.Scores of men, women and children were conducted to this fastcrowding provisional abode. The eviction orders also provided for the sale of their property, the proceeds to be turned over to them "at a given time."The orders cited, as one reason for the ousters, a book written by "The Jew Kaufman in New York," ("Germany Must Perish" by Theodore N. Kaufman) demanding "sterilization of all Germans and employment of German soldiers as coolies in foreign lands."
The book itself, more a pamphlet, does not mention the word "Jew" once. It was an obscure text by a publicity-seeker whose eugenics ideas were no more accepted in the West than those of the Nazis he opposed.
Saturday, August 26, 2023
Jews need to protect themselves against modern antisemitism
IT IS our responsibility to accept reality. Anti-Israelism/antisemitism is not going away. This is not the fault of Israelis any more than it was the fault of Jews in the past. Nor is it the fault of Jews living in the US.Jonathan Tobin: Is it racist to prioritize freedom from terror?
The current iteration of antisemitism, as anti-Israelism suggests, is that you can say “I’m a Jew but I don’t like Israel” and then you will not be harmed or discriminated against. But this is not the case.
None of the recent attackers of Jews have stopped to ask their victims about their views on Israel or anything else. Orthodox, Reform, and Conservative congregations have been vandalized and attacked. Jewish sports clubs have been attacked. Jewish grocery stores. Jewish-owned cafes. Jewish students and professors have been denigrated and treated unfairly.
Although there are more attacks against Jews than any other group, Jews are not the only ones experiencing violence. Clearly, there is an uptick in violence generally in the US, Canada, UK, and EU countries – places where Jews still live. People feel unsafe, especially in the big cities, and working with these like-minded people will help. Certainly, the vast majority of Americans are not promoters of violence; they, too, fear and are angry about rising chaos in the US.
And we must protect ourselves. Krav Maga, legal weapons training, and neighborhood watch are important. Every synagogue, Jewish school, and Jewish-owned business must have security. We cannot depend on police arriving in time or there being enough police to handle confrontations.
Of course, Israel is not always safe, either. But it is safer and more protected than big cities in the US. The major difference is that when Israel is attacked, the IDF can fight back, even if much of the world still seems to object to us Jews standing up for ourselves.
This is not an extreme position. Support in Israel for the checkpoints and security fence that helped to prevent terrorist attacks and essentially ended the horror of the Second Intifada in the early 2000s is a matter of national consensus. Actions taken by all governments to curtail terrorism inevitably involve some impingement if not abrogation of rights.History Warns Us of the Dangers of Unintended Consequences
But in the case of the Jews who do live in Judea and Samaria, the position taken by most Palestinians and their foreign cheerleaders is that Jews have no right to be in the “West Bank” and are therefore legitimate targets for attacks, be they civilians or soldiers.
In most discussions of the situation in the territories, the onus is on the violence allegedly committed by Jews, coupled with the notion that the presence of Jews in Judea and Samaria is illegal. That is what the international community thinks, but that position is itself mistaken. Jews were guaranteed the right to live in the land that is now called the West Bank by the United Nations’ predecessor, the League of Nations, dating back to the 1920s and the San Remo agreement. No other country has a recognized legal title to the land and, at best, Palestinian ambitions for statehood make it disputed rather than “occupied.”
Even if you think it’s unwise for Israel to build communities in what is the heart of the ancient Jewish homeland, the idea that the hundreds of thousands of Jews who live there should be treated as legitimate targets for terrorism is both legally untenable and immoral.
Yet that is exactly the position that Palestinians assert.
It is demonstrated by celebrations held by Palestinians on the streets of their cities—handing candy to children to encourage them—as well as on social media every time there is a terrorist attack on Jews. Were terror against Jews not such a routine occurrence—and if they were treated as the act of deranged outliers by the Arabs—then measures like checkpoints or fences would be unnecessary. Yet not only are they commonplace, they are widely supported by the Palestinian street and financially rewarded by the Palestinian Authority.
So, when Ben-Gvir says that the right of Jews “to life” takes precedence over the right of Arabs to freedom of movement, he’s not making a theoretical racist statement. If Palestinians think that it’s open season on Jews—something clearly shown by the unending string of lethal terror attacks and the applause they generate—then the authorities are obligated to take measures that limit their ability to carry out those murders.
Whatever one may think about Ben-Gvir, he was doing no more than stating the obvious about an intolerable situation that is in no small measure responsible for the support he has among Israelis. At stake in this debate is not the right of Palestinians to freedom of movement or even the right of Jews to settle in Judea and Samaria. Rather, it is whether there is a right to commit terrorism against Jews.
Unless you support such an immoral “right” (and those who believe Palestinians are justified in murdering Jews who have the temerity to live in the one Jewish state on the planet do just that), then what Ben-Gvir said is not only not racist, it’s entirely reasonable. More than that, it’s also not a question of him being, in the State Department’s words, “inflammatory,” he’s actually shining a light on an issue that can’t be ignored. While Ben-Gvir’s presence in the government and the things he says are always bound to be controversial, it is imperative that this debate not be about him, but instead, about the belief of Israel’s enemies that every Jew on either side of the “Green Line” is fair game.
Soon after the fire subsided, Nero dispatched his good friend Gessius Florus to be the procurator in Judaea, so that he could raise money to rebuild Rome. According to Josephus, “this Florus was so wicked and so violent in the use of his authority,” that the Jews of Judaea yearned for his predecessor, Lucceius Albinus, whose rule had itself been marred by problems and difficulties.
Florus’ unrepressed hostility to Jews and the Jewish faith, and his unquenchable thirst for money by any means at his disposal, soon raised tensions, which then escalated to a fever pitch when Florus helped himself to 17 talents of gold from the Temple treasury — equivalent to $28,500,000 in today’s value.
The local population began to publicly disparage the procurator, which prompted him to have Jewish leaders arrested and publicly crucified. This only inflamed tensions further, and a rebellion erupted. Within days, insurgents had overrun the main Roman garrison in Jerusalem, prompting the pro-Roman Jewish king Herod Agrippa II and Roman officials to flee.
Cestius Gallus, the Syrian legate, decided to intervene, and sent in the Syrian Legion XII Fulminata, together with auxiliary forces. Although they initially captured Jaffa, the Roman army ultimately suffered a major defeat at the Battle of Beth Horon, where 6,000 Romans were killed and the Legion’s prized eagle standard was lost.
By this time, Jerusalem was totally under the control of extremist rebels, who battened down the hatches and decided to fight Rome to the death. Things spiraled out of control, and Nero dispatched his best general, Vespasian, to crush the revolt.
The battle between Vespasian and his son Titus on one side, and fanatical Jewish militants on the other, endlessly accelerated until the Romans finally ransacked Jerusalem and obliterated the Temple, thereby relegating Judaea to the margins of relevance in the Roman Empire. Judaea was shattered, and the whole area would struggle economically as well as battle invaders of every color and stripe for almost two millennia, only reemerging from its depressed state with the establishment of the State of Israel in the 20th century.
What I learned from Tom Holland and Dominic Sandbrook was a tiny factoid that I’d previously missed, despite having intensively studied this era of history in general, and the Jewish Revolt in particular: that the destruction of Jerusalem came about as an indirect result of the Great Fire of Rome. Had Nero not sent Gessius Florus to milk money out of the citizens of Judaea, things might have turned out very differently.
As John Locke warned, “Beware the danger of unintended consequences.” The trajectory of life and history is unpredictably random, and the end results may be way off one’s initial expectations. Seemingly insignificant aspects of an event that may seem marginal at the time take center stage, and before you know it — you are somewhere you didn’t expect to be.
Friday, August 25, 2023
The Pending Israel-Palestine ICJ Advisory Opinion Threats to Legal Principles and Security
The International Court of Justice (ICJ) is poised to eviscerate the longstanding “land for peace” legal framework for resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which was established by UN Security Council (UNSC) resolutions and the Oslo Accords. It is the only framework for achieving peace that has been endorsed by Israel and all Arab League member States. Yet the ICJ—at the behest of the UN General Assembly (UNGA)—may soon advise that international law requires Israel to unilaterally and unconditionally withdraw from the disputed Palestinian territories.Social Media a ‘Megaphone’ for Hate Speech, ‘Normalizing’ Antisemitism, Nonprofit Chief Warns
Western interests in the case may appear limited to defending Israel, whose current government and policies regarding the territories are controversial. But the western allies in fact have their own additional fundamental national security interests at stake. Unless they take robust action in this case, the ICJ could not only eviscerate the sole agreed framework for achieving Israeli-Palestinian peace but also undercut the inherent rights of States to self-defense and sovereignty, undermine the UNSC’s authority to maintain international peace and security, and subvert the law of armed conflict (LOAC).
Threat to National Sovereignty
The pending ICJ advisory proceedings also threaten to expand upon the dangerous precedent, set by the Wall opinion, that the UNGA and ICJ can use advisory opinions to circumvent the sovereign right of nation States to determine whether to submit to the Court a particular dispute to which they are a party. The United States argued unsuccessfully in the Wall proceedings that for the ICJ to issue an advisory opinion over Israel’s objections would set a precedent threatening “the independence of States” and their ability to “retain sovereign control over whether to submit a dispute to which they are a party to the Court.” Those concerns remain valid, as do similar concerns expressed by Australia, Canada, France, Germany, and the United Kingdom.
Danger to UNSC Authority Regarding International Peace and Security
The pending proceedings also risk undermining the UNSC’s fundamental authority to maintain international peace and security. The UNGA plurality is seeking to use the ICJ to replace the UNSC’s “land for peace” framework with its preferred unconditional withdrawal framework.
Chapter VII of the UN Charter empowers the UNSC, not the UNGA, to “decide what measures shall be taken to maintain or restore international peace and security.” The UNGA does not have the authority to overrule the UNSC. But it is trying to do so indirectly, by pressuring the ICJ to opine that international law is contrary to the legal framework established by the UNSC. The predetermined conclusions in the December 30 resolution are designed to box the ICJ into declaring that the UNGA plurality’s preferred resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is required by international law.
Fortunately, an ICJ advisory opinion contrary to the “land for peace” framework cannot cancel the UNSC resolutions containing that formulation. But it may politically delegitimize the “land for peace” framework so as to largely negate its value for promoting international peace and security.
The United States and its allies who favor an effective UNSC should urge the ICJ to decline to hear the case, on the grounds that it undermines the UNSC. Washington and its allies made similar jurisdictional arguments in the Wall proceedings, albeit unsuccessfully. However, the UNGA questions relating to the “land for peace” framework are far more central to the UNSC’s mandate and authority than were the questions relating to the security wall.
Risk to LOAC’s Stability
Additionally, an ICJ opinion that Israel’s initially legal occupation has been rendered illegal by Israeli conduct during that occupation could destabilize LOAC by negating one of LOAC’s core principles.
The law of war includes two basic types of restrictions: jus ad bellum (addressing the legality of a State’s resort to force) and jus in bello (governing the conduct of armed conflict once it has commenced). A core LOAC principle is that a party’s compliance with or violation of the jus ad bellum is separate from its jus in bello compliance, and vice versa. For example, the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 1991 was clearly legal, including because it was authorized by UNSC Resolution 678. If U.S. troops violated LOAC during the conduct of that invasion or a resulting occupation of Iraq, such breaches would be unlawful but would not render illegal either the invasion or the resulting occupation. This separation of jus ad bellum from jus in bello provides crucial protection during armed conflict. It guarantees that the laws governing the conduct of armed conflict apply to all parties, regardless of the cause of the conflict.
The ICJ advisory opinion that the UNGA resolution is designed to elicit could severely undercut this core LOAC principle. If the ICJ decides that a jus in bello violation can alter the jus ad bellum analysis of the legality of an occupation, it will embolden warfighters arguing the inverse, namely that the justice of their cause, the jus ad bellum reason for their attack, exempts them from the jus in bello rules governing their conduct during the conflict.
Conclusion
The United States and its allies have a number of persuasive arguments they can and should make in the pending ICJ case. Indeed, they may have begun to make some of these arguments in their first round of written submissions.
The United States and its allies can and should urge the ICJ to determine it lacks jurisdiction over the case. They can also call upon the ICJ to exercise its discretionary power to decline to issue an advisory opinion even if determines it does have jurisdiction over the case.
The United States and its allies can also encourage the ICJ to use its authority, described by the Wall majority, to “broaden, interpret and even reformulate the questions put to it.” The ICJ used its authority to narrowly interpret a question posed to it by the General Assembly in its Kosovo advisory opinion, where it reportedly took such an approach in order to calm hostilities and facilitate future negotiations between Kosovo and Serbia.
Finally, the United States and its allies can and should also engage more substantively on the LOAC and other aspects of the case. In doing so, they will want to tread carefully, so as to avoid inadvertently encouraging the Court to address any of the underlying permanent status issues that are for the parties to resolve under the “land for peace” framework. But engage they must, in order to avert an ICJ advisory opinion that otherwise will undercut their own sovereignty and right of self-defense, undermine the UNSC’s authority to maintain international peace and security, subvert LOAC, and demolish the sole agreed formula for Israeli-Palestinian peace.
Social media is acting as a “megaphone” for antisemitism and other forms of hate speech to thrive, with teenagers falling prey to lies and hatred on various online platforms, according to the head of a nonprofit group confronting Big Tech firms directly.Holocaust survivor faces torrent of online abuse on Elon Musk’s X platform
“Between [the ages of] 14 and 24, that’s this incredibly Lord of the Flies period in our development where we’re being socialized by peers,” Imran Ahmed, CEO of the Center for Countering Digital Hate (CCDH), told The Algemeiner in an interview this week. “And social media [tries] to tell us what our peers feel, but actually what they’re doing is giving a megaphone to hate and lies. The more that those lies are able to spread without consequences and pushback, the more these ideas become lethal.”
CCDH — which is currently being sued by X Corp, the parent company of the social media platform formerly known as Twitter, for its public criticism of the tech giant — released a new poll last week revealing 49 percent of Americans agree with at least four statements that promote common conspiracy theories related to white supremacy, antisemitism, vaccines, and climate change.
This belief in conspiracy theories was even more common among 13-17 year olds (60 percent), and higher among teenagers who are “heavy social media users” (69 percent) — meaning that they spend four or more hours a day on any single social media platform.
According to the poll, 43 percent of teens agreed with the statement, “Jewish people have a disproportionate amount of control over the media, politics, and the economy.” The number rose to 54 percent among teens who are heavy social media users. (h/t MtTB)
Lucy Lipiner is no stranger to antisemitism. A 90-year-old Holocaust survivor, she was forced to live through one of the worst atrocities to ever take place in human history. Yet her lived experience still hasn’t prevented the torrent of antisemitic abuse that she, and all Jewish people, currently are experiencing on social media – in particular on Elon Musk’s “X” (formerly known as Twitter). This week was no exception.
Lipiner, who boasts just under 30,000 followers on the platform, says she regularly uses social media to engage and push back against the rising antisemitism that she is seeing. “I was appalled at the rise in antisemitism that seemed more blatant – less hidden than in the past and more like what we had seen before the war in Europe. … I felt, as a survivor, compelled to speak up,” she told Ynet.
And she has definitely spoken up. Lipiner regularly uses social media to call out Holocaust denial and revisionism, using her own personal story from Nazi-occupied Poland, as well as her own collection of family photos from the Holocaust, to share the truth.
From taking on former UFC fighter Jake Shields for spreading antisemitic conspiracies to calling out anti-feminist right-wing pundit Pearl Davis for her antisemitic song, to exposing the antisemitism in UN Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese’s tweets, Lipiner is extremely active in the conversation on the X platform.
Lipiner considers anti-Zionism a form of antisemitism.
“I also thought the rise of BDS was simply a veiled form of antisemitism in the guise of anti-Zionism, which increasingly felt like nothing less than today’s version of age-old hatred of Jews,” she said.
- Friday, August 25, 2023
- Elder of Ziyon
- art, artificial intelligence
Buy the EoZ book, PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism today at Amazon! Or order from your favorite bookseller, using ISBN 9798985708424. Read all about it here! |
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- Friday, August 25, 2023
- Elder of Ziyon
- anti-Zionism, antisemitism, Institute for the Critical Study of Zionism, Jews have always been Zionist, Mondoweiss, Nazi Germany, politically correct antisemitism, racism, settler-colonialist
The Nazis famously subverted academia by creating an entire new field of “Jewish research” (Judenforschung) where respected academics from various fields produced a corpus of academic papers to justify the Nazi policy of genocide of Jews. One early example of this perversion of academia is described in Studying the Jew: Scholarly Antisemitism inNazi Germany by Alan E. Steinweis:
Early in the [Nazi] regime, when the universities’ embrace of antisemitic Jewish studies still seemed tentative, Nazi supporters decided to fill the gap by creating their own free-standing Jewish studies institute. The main force behind this initiative was the historian Walter Frank. In 1935, with support from high-ranking Nazis such as Alfred Rosenberg and Rudolf Hess, Frank founded the Institute for History of the New Germany (Institut für Geschichte des neuen Deutschlands), the purpose of which was to infuse a National Socialist perspective into German historical scholarship. A short time later, this so-called Reich Institute established its special Research Department for the Jewish Question, based in Munich, and placed it under the direction of the historian Wilhelm Grau. ..Operating under the administrative protection of the Reich Education Ministry, during the second half of the 1930s the Research Department occupied a central position in the emerging field of Nazi Jewish studies. It sponsored research projects at universities, convened conferences that drew participants from a variety of academic disciplines, and published the conference proceedings in a scholarly yearbook, Forschungen zur Judenfrage (Research on the Jewish Question).
In recent years, the Israeli flag has increasingly appeared around the world alongside racial supremacist political messaging– for instance, at the January 6th riot in Washington D.C., Hindutva rallies in India, Nazi rallies in Europe, and, most potently, in anti-Palestinian pogroms in the West Bank. At this point, it could not be clearer that Zionism is a political ideology tightly enmeshed with racism, fascism, and colonial dispossession.It doesn't take a graduate level logic course to understand that "racists embrace the Israeli flag" does not mean "Zionist are racist." That's like saying that KKK use of crosses prove all Christians are racists.
Studying Zionism through such a comprehensive [sic!] lens means, for instance, looking at the role of Zionist institutions in arenas beyond Palestine as well as the range of Jewish communities, organizations, and institutions where it is not as readily transparent.
The 1936 Project
Review of 'Palestine 1936' by Oren Kessler by Michael M. RosenSierra Leone to open embassy in Jerusalem
When did the Arab–Israeli conflict begin?
Over the decades, historians, politicians, and activists have posited numerous dates: There’s 1897, when Theodor Herzl, fresh off his publication of Der Judenstaat convened the First Zionist Congress; 1917, when Lord Balfour issued his famous declaration that “His Majesty’s Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people”; 1929, when Arab rioting convulsed Hebron, Jerusalem, and Safed; 1947, when the United Nations approved the Partition Plan; 1948, when Israel declared independence; and there’s 1967, when the Jewish state won a stunning victory in the Six-Day War and found itself in control of lands containing millions of Palestinians.
Each year saw milestones in Israel’s development and in the entrenchment of the conflict. But in Palestine 1936, Oren Kessler proposes a new and under-explored starting point for the conflict. In 1936, the Arab Revolt erupted, “Palestinian identity coalesced,” Arab extremists dominated pragmatists even as refugees began to trickle out of Palestine, Britain realized that “its two-decade Zionist experiment had proven too costly,” Zionists reluctantly understood the imperative of force, and Jewish terrorism first arose.
Countless histories have been published about Mandatory Palestine from the perspectives of the Jews, the Arabs, and the British. But Kessler, an American-born writer residing in Israel, rightly asserts that his book represents “the first full-length, deeply researched but general-interest history of the Great Revolt: of the uprising itself, its effect on Palestine’s Jewish and Arab nationalisms, the geopolitical moves it engendered, and its lasting legacies today.” Along the way, he vividly sketches the characters of several important but forgotten figures on all sides of the conflict.
To be sure, the roots of the conflict run deep, nourished by mutual distrust. By the 1920s, prominent figures such as Haj Amin al-Husseini, the grand mufti of Jerusalem, and Ze’ev Jabotinsky, the founder of Revisionist Zionism, had already articulated ideologies that left little room for political or territorial compromise. And as Mandatory white papers, commissions of inquiry, and interconfessional bloodshed dominated the early 1930s, a satisfactory resolution to the growing crisis seemed unlikely.
But April 1936 saw an explosion of violence unparalleled in previous years. The trigger was the killing of Israel Hazan, an immigrant from Greece, by a group of masked Arabs near Nablus. His funeral in Tel Aviv nurtured fear and resentment, and soon a group of Jews were walking southward toward Arab-dominated Jaffa. Violence swift- ly escalated, leaving 16 Jews dead at the hands of Arabs and five Arabs at the hands of British police. The mufti then declared a general strike across all of Palestine, which both crippled the larger economy and spurred the Jewish community to accelerate its development of independent institutions, such as the newly inaugurated Tel Aviv port.
The West African nation of Sierra Leone will open an embassy in Jerusalem, becoming the latest country to move its diplomatic mission to the city, the Israeli Foreign Ministry announced on Friday.Dutch supreme court: Israeli military immune from prosecution in Netherlands
The news came just over a week after Paraguay said it will be returning its embassy to Israel’s capital.
“We continue to put Jerusalem, our eternal capital, at the top of the State of Israel’s diplomatic agenda,” said Foreign Minister Eli Cohen after speaking with Sierra Leonean President Julius Maada Bio.
“As part of efforts to strengthen the warm relationship between the two nations, his excellency President Julius Maada Bio expressed his readiness to establish an Embassy of Sierra Leone in Jerusalem, the capital of the State of Israel,” the Presidency of Sierra Leone posted on X, formerly known as Twitter.
The embassy is set to be the seventh in Jerusalem, the Foreign Ministry said, following Paraguay and a country in the Pacific islands that has not yet been named.
Four countries currently have their embassies in Israel’s capital: the United States, Guatemala, Honduras and Kosovo.
The Dutch supreme court ruled on Friday that two Israeli former military commanders, including ex-defense minister Benny Gantz, are immune from civil prosecution in the Netherlands in a case brought over the deaths of six Palestinians in an Israeli air strike.
The ruling upheld a December 2021 Dutch appeals court finding that Gantz - a career soldier turned politician - and ex-air force commander Amir Eshel, as then-high-ranking Israeli officials carrying out government policy, could not be held liable in a Dutch civil case, "irrespective of the nature and seriousness of the conduct alleged against them."
The plaintiff, Ismail Ziada - a Dutch national of Palestinian origin - said he lost his mother, three of his brothers, his sister-in-law and his nephew in the attack, which took place in Islamist Hamas-ruled Gaza in 2014 when Gantz was Israeli armed forces' commander-in-chief.
Details of the lawsuit against Gantz
In the suit, Ziada sought unspecified damages against Gantz under Dutch universal jurisdiction rules, which allows countries to prosecute serious offenses committed elsewhere.
There is no further appeal possible against the supreme court's decision.
- Friday, August 25, 2023
- Elder of Ziyon
- analysis, book review, Daled Amos
The modern State of Israel, during its short history, has been blessed with many great leaders. They have been instrumental both in establishing the Jewish State, nourishing its growth and leading it past the numerous hurdles that have confronted Israel during the first 75 years of its existence.
But there is more to the Jewish State than just the modern State of Israel. There is the ancient, historical Jewish State as well. And don't forget that even after its defeat at the hands of the Romans and the dispersion of Jews into the Diaspora, there continued to be Jewish leaders both among the Jewish communities that remained in the land and among the Jewish communities in the Galut.
Statecraft is, at its essence the marshaling and application of available power on behalf of one people--and also in the Jewish case, the representation of one's people before the powerful. (p. xii)
Esther, with her incisive intelligence, understood that no plea addressed to the king would produce any results. Hysterical crying supplication, begging would at best be ineffectual. At worst, they might cause the infliction of more harm. Since Haman had succeeded in brainwashing Ahasuerus and in arousing in him paranoid, mortal fear of assassins and rebels, there was no power in the world capable of dissuading him from destroying all of his imaginary enemies Could anyone sway Stalin form his mad designs? [p. 26]
that the new situation requires a new mode: a more flexible and realistic approach to safeguarding the Jewish people in a hostile environment, an approach that in large part must rely on instinct and an innate mastery of realpolitik. [p. 29-30]
He concludes that "Esther emerges as the originator, the inventor--the mother--of Jewish Diaspora politics."
Today, even at a time that the Jewish People have returned and re-established the Jewish State of Israel, they are surrounded by enemies. As a result, in addition to its advanced armaments and military strategy, Israel continues to have to utilize "Jewish Diaspora politics."
One practitioner of course is David Ben-Gurion, whose grasp of realpolitik made that re-establishment possible and enabled him to lead the country during its initial, formative years.
Another practitioner was Menachem Begin. Ben-Gurion and Begin are similar, yet different.
Meir Soloveichik writes:
The Zionism of David Ben-Gurion was driven by, in the Hebrew phrase, ahavat Eretz Yisrael: a fierce love for the land of Israel informed by close study of the Jewish history upon that land. Begin's Zionism, for its part, while no less profoundly connected to the land, was motivated first and foremost by what he would have learned in his childhood to call simply ahavat Yisrael (or, in the Ashkenazi pronunciation, ahavas Yisroel): the love of Jews and of the Jewish people, a deep respect for their beliefs, and a reverence for the covenantal bonds among them. [p. 166, emphasis in the original]
The latest practitioner of Jewish statecraft is Benjamin Netanyahu, who is not discussed in this book, maybe because the final chapter has not been written on Netanyahu's service to Israel.
As to whether Netanyahu's statesmanship more closely resembles that of Ben Gurion or Begin, recent events suggest a comparison with Begin. Remember when Begin was elected Prime Minister in 1977? Critics claimed that the new leader posed a serious threat to Israel as a democracy.
Sound familiar?
Abraham Foxman, the former director of the ADL, draws the connection between Netanyahu and when Begin came to power:
It was a shock to the American Jewish system because they didn’t know him. It was a very scary time. I personally knew Begin and I knew what he believed in. It wasn’t a shock to me, but to the American Jewish community it was horrifying.”
At the time, the Jewish leader who stood up for Begin was the leader of the Reform movement, Alexander Schindler, who -- according to Foxman -- made clear that "as long as Israel is a democracy and as long as Begin was elected by the Israeli public, we will find a way to work with them." Schindler got the Jewish establishment in the US to give Begin a chance.
These days, Netanyahu has the Jewish establishment up in arms, but without American Jewish leaders who are increasingly vocal in refusing to stay on the sidelines and are instead critical of his right-wing coalition and plans for judicial reform.
So just what convinced this prime minister that he could engage in such radical change to an established element in the government?
Maybe it is because this is not the first time Netanyahu has attempted a large-scale and controversial reform -- or has everyone forgotten the role Netanyahu played as Finance Minister in the modification of the Israeli economy?
An article on the MarketWatch website notes how Ariel Sharon, as prime minister, "paved the way for Israel’s transition from socialism to capitalism", but the finance minister is the one who put in place the necessary belt-tightening measures.
In 2004, The New York Times reported Netanyahu Gets Tough to Transform Israel's Economy:
As Finance Minister Benjamin Netanyahu pushes to reshape Israel's economy, he makes a similar warning to almost everyone: expect to feel some pain.
Mr. Netanyahu, a former prime minister and potentially a future one, has spared no one during his 19 months in his current post.
But he says an improving Israeli economy justifies his tough approach.
At the time, Netanyahu did not declare war on the Israeli Supreme Court. Instead, he decided to "battle strike-prone unions that he says are dragging down the economy." Then, as now, his measures were considered controversial and generated push-back:
In a country that is now mostly middle class but that has never completely abandoned its working-class roots, Mr. Netanyahu's efforts to make broad, market-oriented changes have met resistance at almost every turn...frequent protests against Mr. Netanyahu's policies may have political repercussions.
Shimon Peres, leader of the opposition Labor Party, has denounced the government's economic program as "swinish capitalism."
"I view his program as very destructive," said Barbara Swirski, director of the Adva Center, a private research group in Tel Aviv that studies social issues. "He tries to do everything in one giant step, and it damages the whole system."
heninHe is determined to go with a free-market approach, but there has been so much resistance that he has not accomplished as much as he thought he could," said David Levhari, a professor of economics at Hebrew University in Jerusalem.
But the court also said that municipalities would have to agree to an economic recovery plan sought by Mr. Netanyahu, who has charged the local governments with widespread mismanagement.But unlike then, today he faces unified opposition that is organized and well-financed and is succeeding in making the judicial reform into an anti-Netanyahu issue instead of addressing the reform on its own terms.
Buy the EoZ book, PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism today at Amazon! Or order from your favorite bookseller, using ISBN 9798985708424. Read all about it here! |
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- Friday, August 25, 2023
- Elder of Ziyon
- BRICS, foreign policy, Palestinians, two-state solution, unrwa
The President of the Palestinian National Council, Ruhi Fattouh, welcomed today, Thursday, the final statement of the fifteenth BRICS summit, which was held in the Republic of South Africa.Fattouh said that this position is a victory for the justice of the Palestinian cause, and an expression of standing with the Palestinian people in their defense of their legitimate national rights, condemnation and rejection of the fascist occupation and its criminal practices in the occupied territories, the orgy and crimes of settlers against Palestinian civilians, and their continuous violations.
17. We welcome the positive developments in the Middle East and the efforts by BRICS countries to support development, security and stability in the region. In this regard, we endorse the Joint Statement by the BRICS Deputy Foreign Ministers and Special Envoys for the Middle East and North Africa at their meeting of 26 April 2023. We welcome the reestablishment of diplomatic relations between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran and emphasize that deescalating tensions and managing differences through dialogue and diplomacy is key to peaceful coexistence in this strategically important region of the world. We reaffirm our support for Yemen’s sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity, and commend the positive role of all the parties involved in bringing about a ceasefire and seeking a political solution to end the conflict. We call on all parties to engage in inclusive direct negotiations and to support the provision of humanitarian, relief and development assistance to the Yemeni people. We support all efforts conducive to a political and negotiated solution that respects Syrian sovereignty and territorial integrity and the promotion of a lasting settlement to the Syrian crisis. We welcome the readmission of the Syrian Arab Republic to the League of Arab States. We express our deep concern at the dire humanitarian situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territories due to escalating violence under continued Israeli occupation and the expansion of illegal settlements. We call on the international community to support direct negotiations based on international law including relevant UN Security Council and General Assembly resolutions and the Arab Peace Initiative, towards a two-state solution, leading to the establishment of a sovereign, independent and viable State of Palestine. We commend the extensive work carried out by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) and call for greater international support for UNRWA activities to alleviate the humanitarian situation of the Palestinian people.
The Palestinian situation is barely a footnote. Haiti gets its own paragraph.
This is a far cry from how things were ten years ago, when the Palestinian issue was consistently put forward in every non-aligned venue as being the pre-requisite to Middle Eastern peace and stability.
The Joint Statement by the BRICS Deputy Foreign Ministers and Special Envoys for the Middle East and North Africa referred to in the declaration had a more expansive section on the Palestinian issue, but it is remarkably even-handed:
8. They expressed their deep concern at the deteriorating situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territories as a result of continued occupation and the expansion of settlements. They noted with concern that there is neither a proposal being currently discussed for a permanent solution to the Israeli/Palestinian conflict nor any perspective of resuming negotiations in the foreseeable future. They shared the view that the mere “management of the conflict” does not constitute an acceptable way forward towards peace and stability in the Middle East. They also acknowledged with great regret the current escalation of violence between Israelis and Palestinians, which underscores the pressing need to advance towards a politically just and lasting solution for the conflict. They stressed that the question of Palestine must be resolved through direct negotiations based on International Law. They reaffirmed the position that the two-state solution achieved through such direct negotiations without preconditions remains the internationally recognized basis for the peaceful resolution to the conflict. They reiterated their support for the just cause of the Palestinian people to restore their legitimate rights including but not limited to their right to self-determination. They reaffirmed their call for greater solidarity among all parties of Palestine to achieve internal reconciliation. They encouraged Palestine and Israel to resume peace talks based on a negotiated two-state solution. They called on the international community to intensify its efforts in support of UN-led effort with a view to achieving a comprehensive, lasting and just settlement that allows Israel and Palestine to live side by side in peace, security and stability while recognising the legitimate security needs of Israel and Palestine. They stressed that efforts should be made to leverage respective strengths, actively promote peace talks, and to help Palestine develop its economy, ease its humanitarian situation, and improve its people’s welfare. They commended the extensive work carried out by UNRWA to alleviate the humanitarian situation of the Palestinian people. They reiterated the call for the international community to provide developmental assistance to support UNRWA activities to increase its reach amongst the Palestinian community.
There is not a word here that could not have been expressed by the US State Department:
Almost certainly the Palestinians - who want to join BRICS - lobbied for a much stronger anti-Israel statement, using the language of :"apartheid" and "racism." That verbiage is now common in the UN. Yet even in venues where the US and Western democracies are absent, BRICS is almost completely in alignment with the West in their stated position towards the conflict.
The Palestinians might be publicly calling this a victory, but these statements are not at all what they wanted to see.
Buy the EoZ book, PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism today at Amazon! Or order from your favorite bookseller, using ISBN 9798985708424. Read all about it here! |
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