Seth Mandel: Bibi the Good Cop?
Let’s cut to the chase: How many hostages can Hamas release this Saturday without inviting pitiless retribution?Prof. Efraim Inbar and Brig.-Gen. (res.) Yossi Kuperwasser: Trump's Gaza Proposal Shifts the Diplomatic Landscape
There are 76 remaining in Gaza. Trump’s comments didn’t seem to leave much wiggle room, so Saturday’s noon deadline would mean Hamas must release 76 hostages.
Israel’s security cabinet at first simply said it supported Trump’s position but did not specify what that position was exactly. Then, as the Times of Israel explained, an Israeli official said that “all” the hostages meant all nine hostages on the list for the first stage of the ceasefire who are still alive (that would be nine out of 17).
After that, an official said that the prime minister’s position was the same as Trump’s: “all of them.” But, in classic talmudic fashion, saying “all of them” instead of “all of our hostages” was viewed as leaving room for interpretation.
Finally, Wednesday evening saw reports that Israel has privately communicated to Hamas that if it releases the three hostages as per the original agreement on Saturday, the ceasefire will hold. This seems to be Israel’s way of embracing its new role as the good cop.
But that doesn’t fully end the drama. What if Hamas releases three hostages on Saturday? Israel might accept that. But will Trump?
On the one hand, Trump is unlikely to do anything that would blow up the ceasefire deal if both sides are still committed to adhering to its terms. He’s proud of the deal and doesn’t want the war to resume if he can help it.
On the other hand, in this scenario, Hamas’s threat to suspend the deal would go unpunished. Further, while we can assume Trump and Netanyahu are privately communicating over their messaging, that messaging remains vague—and that could just as easily confuse Bibi and Trump as it could Hamas.
The closer it gets to the weekend without any breaking news, the more likely it becomes that the hostage releases will continue as originally scheduled. If Trump’s threats are seen as the reason the ceasefire gets back on track, it should be enough of a victory for the president to claim. And he’ll have made Netanyahu look like the more reasonable one in the process.
President Trump's proposal to relocate Gaza's Palestinian population points to the price that the Palestinians will have to pay for their decision to carry out the terrible terror attack of Oct. 7. Israel paid for its unreadiness with many lives and the freeing of a large number of terrorists as part of the hostage release agreement. It is evident that under the current leadership, the reconstruction of the area will not be possible.Amb. David Friedman: The Trump Plan for Gaza Offers a Realistic Chance to Bring Peace
To enable the realization of the U.S. president's proposal, first, Hamas will have to be removed from power in Gaza. At least in the first stage, this would mean Israeli military control of the territory.
Second, assuming that there is no intention of forcibly evacuating the Palestinian population, based on surveys, it appears that a significant number of Gazans would be willing to emigrate.
Third, Arab nations and other countries would need to cooperate in absorbing Gazans and funding the project. At present, such a move runs counter to their interests. Moreover, it is doubtful that the people of the region can be convinced to abandon their fundamental concepts.
Nevertheless, the Trump proposal for the first time challenges conventional wisdom. The proposal makes it clear that after Oct. 7, the approach to the Palestinian issue must change fundamentally. Moreover, it acknowledges for the first time that the "two-state solution" is not the only possible solution.
Even if Trump ultimately fails to secure the conditions for implementation of the plan, the very fact that it has been put on the table will force the Palestinians and Arab countries to propose practical alternatives to deal with the difficult reality in Gaza, and to do so in a way that is acceptable to both Israel and the U.S.
The President's plan for Gaza signals a long overdue rejection of the "two-state solution." Back in 2005, when Israel removed its entire civilian population and military presence from Gaza, the Bush administration told the Palestinian Authority that this was its chance to prove to the world that it could create a working model of peaceful coexistence that could be extrapolated to Palestinian statehood. The experiment failed almost immediately, but its death knell occurred on Oct. 7.Reckoning with the Red Cross
President Trump's plan would allow the civilian population of Gaza to leave the demolished enclave, something refugees have done from every war zone in history. Some had argued that removing the civilian population from Gaza is a war crime. This is false: Gaza is unlivable, and moving the civilian population out of Gaza represents the best of humanitarian intentions.
Most civilians in Gaza were desperate to leave long before the latest war began, for the simple reason that living under Hamas rule was a nightmare even before Gaza was turned to rubble. It is nothing but a smear to suggest that allowing desperate civilians to voluntarily leave a war zone is a crime; it is Gazans' leaders who have committed war crimes.
Many of the people of Gaza elected Hamas, and many supported and cheered Hamas when it kidnapped, murdered, raped, burned, and tortured Israeli civilians. From a moral perspective, they have forfeited the right to the land which they have destroyed.
As an additional important benefit, when the Islamic world sees that Hamas has lost its hold on Gaza and that the nightmare of Hamas has been replaced with a new reality of peace and prosperity, the suicidal psychosis of radical Islam will suffer a crushing blow.
The ICRC failed to ensure the safety and well-being of the hostages. They failed to advocate for them. Not once did the ICRC work to ensure that hostages were receiving medical care or that they were being properly treated and fed. Indeed, the ICRC didn’t see a single hostage during their time in captivity. For many fortunate enough to have been freed, the first time they saw the International Red Cross was at their release. In short, the ICRC played the role of a glorified Uber driver, taking released hostages from Gaza to Israel. And even here, they failed.
On Jan. 25, four Israeli female hostages were released. Before they were loaded into Red Cross vans, Hamas forced the women to walk onto a podium and thank their captors before a baying crowd. The hostages were given gift bags, a framed “certificate of completion” and a key chain with a Palestinian flag. As the Red Cross looked on, these women were forced to smile and have their picture taken while holding their “certificates of completion.” The whole spectacle is as gruesome as it is outrageous. Many female hostages endured sexual abuse and rape from their captors, and some were allegedly drugged before their release.
The square arranged for the spectacle, filmed by an Al Jazeera journalist working with Hamas, was festooned with Arabic and English slogans proclaiming “Palestine: The victory of the oppressed people vs the Nazi Zionism.” Palestinians attempted to attack the Israeli women while they were being loaded into vans. As a further insult, the windows of the Red Cross vans were uncovered, ensuring that the women could see their tormentors as they drove away from Gaza.
The ICRC has claimed it couldn’t advocate for the hostages without shedding its role as a “neutral intermediary.” Yet the organization’s timidity is tellingly one-sided; the ICRC hasn’t shown a reluctance to criticize Israel during this conflict.
The United States is the largest contributor to the ICRC, contributing roughly a quarter of its budget. The press should note the ICRC’s failings. And Americans should ask themselves whether they want to fund glorified Uber drivers for Hamas.
