Natan Sharansky: Jews may feel abandoned but good people will step up — as they did for me in the gulag
Having spent nine years in the gulag, I know something about loneliness.Seth Mandel: Life Under Iran’s Tyrannical Proxies
Back then, locked up in a Soviet prison, I was for years denied the company of other human beings.
It was absolutely forbidden for us to communicate with prisoners in other cells, a prohibition we skirted by inventing risky and creative methods to speak to each other, from tapping Morse code on the walls to shouting into our toilets and hoping our voices carried through the pipes.
But despite these draconian measures, I was never really alone: Out there, I knew, were my people and my country, Israel.
I knew there was a great big country, America, where free people lived, and a president, Ronald Reagan, who wasn’t afraid to look at the Soviet Union and call it precisely what it was — an evil empire.
And as long as there were principled people in the world willing to fight for what they believed, I knew that there was no reason for despair.
I am, thank God, a free man now, living happily in the Jewish state of which I dreamed for so long.
And yet, these days, witnessing the very same Western world I once regarded with such admiration cheer for the murderous marauders of Hamas, I — like Israel — feel more lonely than I have felt in a very long time.
My friend, the French philosopher Bernard-Henri Lévy, captured this feeling eloquently in his new book, which he sadly and wisely called “Israel Alone.”
Like me, Lévy asked himself how it could be that American universities, say, once bastions of the free and unfettered exchange of ideas, are now awash with young men and women who wave the flags of Hamas and Hezbollah and readily repeat antisemitic lies without sense or compassion.
Or how it could be that the United Nations, formed to help curb violence and aggression and promote justice and well-being to all, now watches its employees take part in deadly pogroms against Jews.
Or how it could be that world leaders, themselves facing the challenge of grappling with homicidal Islamism, fail to support Israel as it stands up to the very same benighted forces.
Contemplating these questions and so many more, it’s tempting to feel, well, alone.
It’s tempting to abandon hope and argue that there’s little hope of Western civilization surviving this onslaught.
Everything in Gaza is touched by Hamas. If aid convoys want their humanitarian aid to get to anyone, they first “must coordinate their efforts with local Hamas leaders.” Hamas has been known to shoot “looters,” but that can apply to any non-Hamas-affiliated Palestinian disbursing aid.Democratic terrorism: Jamal Khashoggi's vision of political Islam
Beyond that, the story notes plainly Hamas’s strategy of firing at Israeli troops from civilian homes, hiding hostages among civilian neighborhoods, freely using “humanitarian” zones in a bid to draw Israeli fire, and pockmarking residential blocks with entrances to terror tunnels inside private homes.
Yes, we already knew that, but the scale of the tunnel system is a reminder that during peacetime, when Hamasniks aren’t using your house as a rocket launching pad, they might commandeer it to drill a tunnel through your kid’s bedroom floor.
“There’s no such thing as being outside residential areas in Gaza,” senior Hamas official Husam Badran told the Times. “These pretexts, primarily made by the Israeli occupation army, are meaningless.”
While there doesn’t seem to be anything in the region quite as miserable as life under Hamas, Lebanese civilians aren’t having much of a picnic these days thanks to Hezbollah. In South Lebanon, during wartime, civilians face many similar challenges from Hezbollah that Gazans do from Hamas: namely, the terror groups’ raison d’etre is to kill and be killed. So they fire in order to draw fire.
But even during lulls in the conflict, parts of the country, including Beirut, appear to be somewhat frozen in place. That is largely because Iran has promised retaliation on Israel for Israel’s assassination of Hamas’s political leader in Tehran this summer. Everyone knows Hezbollah is Iran’s chosen tool to deliver that retaliation, so airlines have been canceling service to and from Beirut, according to reporting from last month in the Times. Five weeks later, we’re still waiting for the retaliation.
Hezbollah has so fully conquered South Lebanon that the Lebanese army apparently won’t allow journalists into the area without approval from “the group.” Many residents have fled from “Hezbollah and their war,” as one civilian put it—a mirror reflection of northern Israel, which has seen the prolonged displacement of entire towns because of Hezbollah and its war.
This is life under the thumb of the “revolutionary liberation” movements that are essentially Iranian colonies living under tyranny not merely supported by Tehran but enabled by the West, sometimes with money and sometimes with the kind of diplomatic cowardice we are witnessing from Washington and from the capitals of Europe, who don’t consider defeating their enemies a particularly high priority at this time.
Upon his election, Biden proceeded to make Khashoggi a human rights cause célèbre, releasing a CIA report that placed the blame for his murder firmly upon the Saudi monarchy. He repeatedly recalled the affair, including in a 2022 one-on-one meeting in Riyadh with Crown Prince Mohammad Bin Salman (MBS), as a glaring example of the dismal Saudi record on human rights and political freedom.
Throughout the prolonged saga, one issue went almost entirely unaddressed in the international media: What ideals did Khashoggi believe in? Was this dissident in a self-imposed exile in the United States for his profound commitment to democracy and civil liberties? Was he a Saudi Alexei Navalny assassinated by ruthless autocrats merely for his love of freedom?
In short: Yes, Khashoggi advocated for democracy in the Middle East, but of a very specific kind.
IN THE months leading up to his death, he was in the process of launching an organization later known as DAWN – Democracy for the Arab World Now, working in close collaboration with Palestinian-American Nihad Awad, executive director and co-founder of the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), and currently a board member of DAWN.
CAIR is a powerful US Muslim advocacy group long known for its sympathies – and the denial of them – for Global Muslim Brotherhood (GMB) organizations in the West and in Muslim countries, including murky links to terrorists and terror funding that garnered public attention during the 2007 Holy Land Foundation trials and the conviction of CAIR affiliate Ghassan Elashi.
Awad was among the participants in the 1993 Philadelphia Meeting: A Roadmap for Future Muslim Brotherhood Actions in the US – a three-day summit in which ways to sabotage the Oslo Accords and enhance fundraising for Hamas in the US were discussed.
Post-Oct. 7, at a speaking event in Chicago, Awad applauded the Hamas massacre as a paragon of Islamic justice and faith, stating that “The people of Gaza only decided to break the siege – the walls of the concentration camp – on October 7... Yes, I was happy to see people breaking the siege... And yes, the people of Gaza have the right to self-defense, have the right to defend themselves, and yes, Israel, as an occupying power, does not have that right to self-defense... Gaza transformed many minds around the world, including people who are not Muslim. What kind of faith do these people have? They are thankful, they are not afraid.”
These remarks drew fierce condemnation from the Biden administration and led to Awad’s disinvitation from all his government-related functions, severing ties that had grown dramatically under the Obama administration.
HAMAS IS the Palestinian chapter of the GMB.