Ruth Wisse, a scholar of Jewish history and culture, writes about what she sees
as 
The Dark Side of Holocaust Education, that teaching about the Holocaust might not be the cure for antisemitism that
some think it is. One of the reasons for Wisse's skepticism is the way that the
teaching of the Holocaust has been universalized to include all victims of
persecution.
  And that is a trend that took a giant leap forward when Jimmy Carter was
  president.
  Wisse points to Carter's surprising support for the construction of the
  Holocaust Museum -- surprising on account of his support for a Palestinian
  state and the sale of F-15 fighter aircraft to Saudi Arabia. In fact, when the
  suggestion was first made to Carter, in 1977, to establish the museum, the
  idea went nowhere. It was not until the following year 
after the suggestion was made a second time
  that 
 
  
    Carter surprised a group of rabbis he was meeting in the Rose Garden by
    saying he had decided to appoint a commission to explore the construction of
    a Holocaust memorial.
  
  
  A presidential aide suggested that the commission overseeing the project
  should not be composed only of Jews. It had to have members who represented
  all those who suffered at the hands of the Nazis. Otherwise, Congress wouldn't
  support it. For example, the aide insisted that the membership had to include
  Lithuanians because they were members of the resistance -- ignoring the fact
  that the Lithuanians had been a part of the problem. 
Wisse comments:
  
    One should have appreciated the leverage this gave him to steer its mission
    in the universalizing direction he preferred. 
  
  
    Eventually, Elie Weisel quit the committee because it became too
    politicized. And as it turned out, the only limit on universality was
    Carter's insistence that when it came to
    funding, that would have to come primarily from the Jewish
    community alone.
  
  
  
    This universalization of Jewish persecution is still alive and well. 
  
  
  
    In January 2019, New York Democratic representative Carol Maloney introduced
    the "Never Again Education Act," which was passed near-unanimously by both
    the House and Senate. On May 29, 2020, the bill was signed into law by
    Trump, authorizing $2 million annually in support of Holocaust education for
    5 years. 
  
  
  
    But just 3 months after Maloney introduced the bill, Democrats in Congress
    responded to antisemitic comments by Ilhan Omar by putting together a
    resolution condemning antisemitism generally, along with anti-Muslim
    discrimination and bigotry against other minorities as well.
  
  
  
    Now, the generalizing of antisemitism is being taken one step further, that
    anyone can speak about and define antisemitism.
  
  
  
  
    Linda Sarsour, who opined that “nothing is creepier than Zionism,”
    praised
    Nation of Islam leader Louis Farrakhan, and
    believes
    one cannot support the right of Jews to a homeland of their own and still be
    a feminist.
  
 
Perhaps they were just looking for the voice of experience.
  In fact, why should Sarsour be the only non-Jew who can lecture Jews on what
  is -- and isn't -- antisemitism:
  Appearing on the panel will be Rep. Rashida Tlaib, who supports a “one-state
  solution” in which Israel is replaced by an Arab state; Peter Beinart, the
  only Jewish panelist, who has openly rejected the existence of Israel in its
  current form; Marc Lamont Hill, who has publicly recited the slogan “from the
  river to the sea, Palestine will be free”; and Barbara Ransby, an academic who
  supports the antisemitic BDS movement.
  And when the topic was described as dismantling antisemitism, the goal
  is to dismantle the claim of antisemitism:
  The panel, billed as “Dismantling Antisemitism, Winning Justice,” claims in the event description that, “Antisemitism is used to manufacture
  division and fear. While anyone can fuel it, antisemitism always benefits the
  politicians who rely on division and fear for their power.”
“We
  will explore how to fight back against antisemitism and against those that
  seek to wield charges of antisemitism to undermine progressive movements for
  justice,” it states.??
Normally, identity politics dictates that members of a targeted group have
shared life experiences which provide them with a special insight and
understanding that outsiders don't fully understand when it comes to the racism
that group suffers.
  But if that does not apply to Jews, maybe it is no longer a thing. If non-Jews
  can now define antisemitism, maybe in this progressive age of
  intersectionality now all persecuted groups fully understand and
  identify with all other persecuted groups.
Not according to Sarsour.
  When Marc Lamont Hill started tweeting earlier this week about BDS, he went so
  far as to claim that even the Palestinian Arabs themselves who work for
  Israelis and enjoy superior wages favor boycotts against Israel. 
  Anila Ali, a Democratic activist and a Muslim, challenged him to debate the
  issue, a challenge Hill declined.
  
  
  
  She's not Palestinian and she will never speak for us.
 
  But Sarsour would have no problem with Ali speaking for Jews.
  
  
    So according to identity politics, when minorities cry racism -- they are to
    be believed.
  
  
    Yet when it comes to Jews, when they cry racism -- they are up to something.
  
  
  
    And what could be more sneaky and underhanded than to describe what
    antisemitism looks like using the IHRA working definition of
    antisemitism? 
  
  
  
  
    By contrast, the Livingstone Formulation, named in 2006 after the then Mayor
    of London Ken Livingstone, is the standard articulation of the opposite
    assumption.
    The Livingstone Formulation says that when people raise the issue of
      antisemitism, they are probably doing so in bad faith in a dishonest
      effort to silence legitimate criticism of Israel. It warns us to be
      suspicious of Jewish claims to have experienced antisemitism. It warns us
      to begin with the sceptical assumption that such claims are often sneaky
      tricks to gain the upper hand for Israel in debates with supporters of the
      Palestinians.
    And this is the substantial position of the ‘call to reject’ the IHRA
      definition of antisemitism. [emphasis added]
  
  Jews just cannot win:
  
    
    
      
        o  Discussion of Jewish persecution must include all
        persecutions
      
      o  Anyone can discuss and define antisemitism
      
        o  When Jews insist they must define what
        antisemitism is, it's a trick
      
      
        o  Antisemitism is being used as a way to deflect criticism
        of Israel
      
      
        o  Anyone can define antisemitism, but not anyone can define
        how other minorities feel
      
      
        o  Intersectionality is universal and encompasses all races,
        classes and genders into common discrimination -- except for Jews.
      
    
    
    
      
        
          Maybe not all progressives are as anti-racist as they think they are.