Monday, May 12, 2008

  • Monday, May 12, 2008
  • Elder of Ziyon
Islamic Jihad today gleefully took credit for the successful murder of a 70-year old women from a Qsssam rocket.

Their webpage describes the victim as a "settler". Perhaps they are slightly embarrassed at the identity of their victim (any man who gets murdered is automatically considered a "Zionist soldier.")
From the Guardian (UK):
In Yemen, the situation is more serious even than it is among its neighbours. In terms of freedom, it is probably Saudi Arabian women who have the hardest time of all. But even there, females have access to education and healthcare. In Yemen, an absence of citizenship rights for women horribly combines with crushing poverty to create a society in which women are not only the property of men, unable to leave the house without the permission of a male relative and vulnerable to arbitrary arrest on the street even once they have it, but are also likely to be illiterate, to be married before they reach puberty, and to die in childbirth. 'Our family law is the worst in the Middle East for women,' says Suha Bashren, a Yemeni who works as a campaign officer for Oxfam. 'It is medieval.' Does the fact that the law permits Yemeni women to drive - something that is illegal in Saudi Arabia - make up for any of this? You'll forgive Suha for thinking that it does not.

Yemen is one of the least developed countries in the world, with a Human Development Index of 149 (out of 177 countries), and a poverty level of over 40 per cent. Only 35.9 per cent of the population has access to safe drinking water. For women, though, life is especially tough. A woman has only a one-in-three chance of being able to read and write (some 71 per cent of Yemeni women are illiterate, as opposed to 31 per cent of men; in most other Middle Eastern countries, the average female illiteracy rate stands at 35 per cent). If a Yemeni woman has a baby, she has only a one-in-five chance of being attended by a midwife, and she has a one-in-39 chance of dying in pregnancy or childbirth over her lifetime. As for rights, she has none - or very few. The law does not state what age a woman must be before she marries, which means that many females find themselves with a husband when they are as young as 12, something that has a serious impact on maternal mortality rates, and which can also result in other serious health problems, such as incontinence.

Male power is total, and not only in politics (one woman MP out of 301 members, 35 women represented in local councils out of 6,000). A woman cannot, for instance, marry without the permission of a male relative; if she has no father, she must ask her brother, or a cousin and so on until, if she has no male relatives at all, she must turn to a judge. Women are regularly the victims of arbitrary arrests, picked up for 'immoral acts' such as adultery, smoking or eating in a restaurant with a 'boyfriend'. It is not only the police who can make such arrests; power is invested in all kinds of men from the minister of the interior to local neighbourhood chiefs, even coastguards.

'Any uniform will do,' says Suha. The country's prisons are full of women who should not be there - their 'crimes' are so vague, even they are uncertain as to what they have done wrong - and many of whom have never faced a trial. Compared to all this, the way that women are expected to dress is unimportant, a cosmetic trifle. But they are highly covered up, and while this may be voluntary - this is a deeply religious society - to an outsider, even one who has travelled widely in the Middle East, it is bewitching and unnerving in equal measure. In Hadramout, a rural province in the south, I see women working in the fields whose every body part is covered in black fabric: even their hands, even their eyes. So, your vision adjusts. You stop expecting to see women's faces. You look at your own in the mirror of a hotel bathroom, and feel vaguely amazed.

...The concept of haram (shame) is so embedded in the culture that people do not always say what they mean, even - or perhaps especially - when asked a direct question. You need a translator not only of Arabic, but of the subtle language of avoidance and denial.

Say'un is a town of 30,000 people in the biggest wadi or watercourse, Wadi Hadhramawt, in the Arabian peninsula. Hadhramawt is extremely inaccessible. ...In Say'un, Oxfam is trying to improve reproductive healthcare, chiefly by funding the training of midwives and traditional birth attendants (TBAs). This is more important work than you may realise. In this part of Yemen - rural, religious, isolated - women are often unwilling to be treated by doctors, for the reason that they are men; it would be shameful for a woman to show her body to a man, even if the alternative meant that she might bleed to death. Getting more women into the healthcare system is therefore vital. 'Our midwives work in the hospital in Say'un,' says Basima Omer, a doctor involved in the programme. 'They save lives. But they also go back to their communities with new information about hygiene, high blood pressure ...' She sips her coffee - in the country that gave the world coffee, everyone drinks Nescafé with condensed milk - behind her veil. So how on earth did she become a doctor? She laughs, quietly. 'Oh, I went on hunger strike for three days until my father agreed.'

In a side room in the hospital, I meet some of these newly qualified midwives - and find proof of something I was told before I came here: that in Yemen there are women who, having taken the veil when they reach puberty, show their faces to no one - not even their own mothers - until they marry. For this reason, though we are in a private room, I am able to see the face of only one of the midwives (she lifts her veil because she is a divorcee).

...Wameedh and Suha take me to Hudaydah prison and, after a long wait on the governor's Seventies leather sofa beneath a creaking ceiling fan, I'm taken to meet women on whose cases Oxfam's volunteer lawyers work in their free time (the prison governor is unaware that I am journalist). The women's prison is a squat concrete building, its communal cells built around a yard in which washing can be hung in the sun. The place is clean and tidy, the cells, open to the yard, freshly scrubbed by the 52 inmates who inhabit them. But it's shocking how many of the women have babies, and how terribly young some of the prisoners are; when a warder gathers them to ask for volunteers to meet me, it's as though I've walked into a classroom rather than a prison. S (for their own safety, I am unable to identify the women) is 21, A is 22 and M just 14. Their stories are patchy and dreamlike, a quality that perhaps catches the sophistry that led to their arrest.

'I was visiting a friend,' says M. 'We were in a friend's house. We were chewing qat. Suddenly, I was arrested for prostitution. I've been here 11 months.' M, who has been in prison for two months, recounts that she was watching TV in a neighbour's house when she was arrested on suspicion of having committed an immoral act.

A tells me that a man offered to pay her for sex; when she refused, he took her to an interrogation centre where she was beaten until she admitted 'to everything I had done in the past'. She has been in prison for three months. None of the women has so far faced a trial.

Between them, Wameedh and Aminah unpick their stories for me. The friend whom S was visiting in her friend's house was probably a boyfriend. In the case of M, Wameedh believes that she is probably too ashamed to admit to me that she was having sex with a boy as well as watching television with him, though she later passed a virginity test. A has fallen victim to a local self-appointed religious vigilante, who is making it his business to arrest women on the streets. S begins to cry. 'My family are poor,' she says. 'They cannot do anything.' (Some prisoners are released if their families can pay up - irrespective of the so-called legal process.) The truth drawn out, it would not be an exaggeration to say that I am lost for words.

... Most of the women gathered here, all of them married as teenagers, insist that they have been happy in their marriages. Then one, Shueiyah, who suddenly found herself with a husband at 12, before she'd even had her first period, tells me how horrible it was.

'At first, I was happy. There was singing, I had new shoes. Then I was alone with him in my room. I was afraid. I started to cry. He called his mother. She had to explain: "This is your husband. Don't be afraid. You're grown-up now. Act like a woman." I couldn't say no to my parents, but I didn't know what marriage involved.'

She didn't mind the cooking and cleaning. The only thing she didn't like was the night time. She used to try and find excuses to stay away from him. 'We argued a lot. But I couldn't explain why to his family. I couldn't tell them that it was because of sex. He wanted to have sex every night. No one told me anything about sex.'

She gave birth to a son, but four years later she and her husband divorced. We seize the moment. Was she too young? Would she put a daughter of hers through such a marriage? She laughs. 'I would be happy for my daughter to marry early.' When Suha starts to argue with her, Shueiyah becomes annoyed. It isn't long before she brings up Aisha.

On the journey back to our hotel, Suha lets off steam. She wonders aloud how she can prove to people that refusing to marry off children is not haram. Then she invites me to join her and Wameedh at the house of one of the Oxfam lawyers to chew qat. I do join them, though I don't chew qat; I don't have the taste for it. Our hostess has prepared delicious food, and she lights a water pipe for us. She dabs at our ears with exotic scents as if we were in a harem. No one is veiled; there are no men in the house. We could go on all night. Abdullah, our driver, is happy to wait for us: he is lying with the guard on a divan outside, chewing qat, in the cool of the night. It's a happy evening, our last before we go back to Sana'a. I admire these women more than I can say. So I get out my camera. I'm going to take a picture. But, no. Our hostess - a lawyer who gives up hours of her time fighting the cases of abused and forgotten women - gives me a big smile. 'I'm sorry but you can't take a photograph of me,' she says. 'Not like this.' She points to her unveiled face. 'I must ask my husband's permission, and he is out with his friends.' Like I said, nothing is straightforward here. Suha chews on her qat furiously.

Sunday, May 11, 2008

  • Sunday, May 11, 2008
  • Elder of Ziyon
Major newspapers are dutifully printing Palestinian Arab nakba nonsense. Here's a sample.

From Ahmad Samih Khalidi in the Guardian:
Despite a public discourse that often claimed the opposite, the Zionist movement set out to build a Jewish state in Palestine with a Jewish majority. This could only come about at the expense of the local inhabitants, the vast majority of whom were Palestinian Arabs - both Muslim and Christian. From this perspective, neither the Zionists' intentions nor the reactions of the Palestinians are at issue: Israel could not have been built as a Jewish state except on the ruins of Arab Palestine.
Given that there are now more Arabs in Israel than existed there in 1948, this is manifestly untrue. Of course, the Arab leaders in the 1920s and 1930s did all they could to stop Jewish immigration, even though none of them were being dispossessed by it - and in fact their people became much richer as a result.

From Daoud Kuttab in the Washington Post:
Jews worldwide, including modern-day Israelis, should be the first to understand Palestinians' desire to return. For 2,000 years Jews reminded each other of the prayer for Zion, repeating the hope "next year in Jerusalem." No one opposed that dream. Likewise, no one should demand Palestinians stop yearning to return.
Sorry, Daoud, but your heroes like Haj Amin Husseini did all they could to oppose that dream, and your tolerant Arab brethren in Jordan made sure that historic Jerusalem was Jew-free when they controlled it. But it really sounds good.

From Saree Makdisi in the Los Angeles Times:
To resolve the conflict with the Palestinians, Israeli Jews will have to relinquish their exclusive privileges and acknowledge the right of return of Palestinians expelled from their homes. What they would get in return is the ability to live securely and to prosper with -- rather than continuing to battle against -- the Palestinians.
Yes, just as Jews lived securely and equally with their Arab neighbors for centuries, right?

No, having a single Jewish state in an ocean of Arab states - almost all of which declare Islam to be their official state religions - is inherently abhorrent to Arabs. Their love for democracy starts only as soon as they can rig the results to ensure an Arab majority.

Note that Saree Makdisi teaches at UCLA, Daoud Kattab teaches at Princeton University and Ahmad Samih Khalidi teaches at St Anthony's College, Oxford. As I pointed out in my last posting - all these former Palestinian Arabs are living in the West, claiming to want what is right for their brethren still in the Middle East, but not willing to actually leave their cushy academic positions to truly help. Their protests ring hollow when one realizes that they pretend to be advocating for a people who just want to raise their families somewhere, and cannot because of the actions of "friends" like these.
  • Sunday, May 11, 2008
  • Elder of Ziyon
As Israel's 60th anniversary passes, and the news media goes out of its way to contrast the past sixty years from the Israeli and Palestinian Arab perspectives, one question not being asked is: where is the ideological core of Palestinian Arab nationhood?

From following articles by Palestinian Arabs in the West decrying Israeli "crimes" and pretending to yearn for their land, one is struck by a simple fact: most if not all of them live, quite comfortably, outside "Palestine." From universities in the US and the UK they rail about "justice" and the suffering of their people - but none of them seem to want to actually move to "Palestine."

It's not like it is so hard. Even if Israel limits immigration, there is no shortage of ways to get in from Jordan. Tens of thousands of opportunistic Jordanians did exactly that during the early Oslo years as it appeared that the economy in the West Bank was poised to leapfrog Jordan's.

It is instructive to compare the early ideological Zionists, many of whom of whom risked their lives for a very uncertain future in Palestine (even before Herzl), and today's "settlers" who do the same, with today's ideological Palestinian Arab nationalists who are quite happy to pontificate from afar.

The lives of the early Zionists were no more secure in Palestine than in the West. It was far from clear that they would be able to build a homeland successfully. Yet they sacrificed themselves for an idea that they believed strongly in.

Similarly, there are hundreds of thousands of Jews - today's pioneers - who choose to live across the Green Line. They build schools, clinics, farms, against the wishes of not only the Arab world but most of the West and sometimes even their own government. Yet they choose to stay, and more choose to move there. Even if you disagree with them you must admit that they have a strong ideological core that makes them want to move there.

But where are the Palestinian Arabs who grew up in the West? They stay in the West. The ideology of "return" is great to talk about, but not so important to live.

Palestinian Arabs have hijacked the terminology of the Jews ("Diaspora," for example) but they have always suffered from a black hole at the center of their ideology: their most passionate nationalists were either terrorists or lived outside Palestine altogether, with no desire to build the land.

Of course they applaud and encourage the miserable Palestinian Arabs who live in the Middle East to have lots of children so the next generation will be even more miserable. They are in the forefront of screaming "Zionism=Nazi" in left-wing rags. But they simply do not put their money where their mouths are.

Because they really don't care nearly as much about a Palestinian Arab state as they do about the destruction of a Jewish state.

  • Sunday, May 11, 2008
  • Elder of Ziyon
A religious council called the "Palestinian Scholars Association" has given a legal ruling that it is forbidden to ask real Palestinian Arabs to vote for compromise with Israel. From PalToday (Arabic):
Palestine Scholars Association said "it may not in any way resort to a referendum if it is a virtue, about the fixed legitimate right of God or public rights of the nation."

A copy of the fatwas received today states that "one cannot accept the judgment as is the case in Palestine in the right of return and self determination, or waive a portion of the land of Palestine or of the sacred Islamic shrines, or coordination with the enemy to strike the resistance."

It went on to say "that the presentation of these rights and fold the referendum, represents a betrayal of God and His Prophet and the believers and the homeland."
We've seen this sort of thing before. Palestinian Arab religious and political leaders know that their people are not nearly as interested in destroying Israel as in just gaining normal lives for their families, and that their nationalism is very weak, so they impose artificial limitations on the people's rights in order to shore up their true goals.

This is why Abbas is so much against Lebanese citizenship for hundreds of thousands of his people stuck in camps there. This is why Hamas is against any compromise that allows Israel to exist. They know that a large number of Palestinian Arabs would be happy to move elsewhere if given the chance, and they desperately want to make sure that they aren't given that chance.
Hamas' Al Qassam Brigades English site says:
As Al Aqsa Intifada against the occupation assault on the Gaza Strip continues, Ezzedeen Al-Qassam Brigades has its best men to be in the playground of death to defend their people from any attack by the enemy.. Today , Al-Qassam Brigades mourns the death of the Mujahid :

Osama Salah Al-Astal - 28-year-old - Khanyounis, south of Gaza Strip

The Mujahid was martyred in a resistance mission east of Al Qarara area to the east of Khanyounis city . Ezzedeen Al-Qassam Brigades mourns the death of the Mujahid, reaffirms the commitment and determination to continue the resistance against the belligerent occupation forces.
In normal English, the Jerusalem Post explains what happened:
A Hamas operative was killed on Sunday in an explosion along Gaza's fence with Israel, the group said.

The Islamic group's military wing says the member was killed, and another injured, during a "holy mission." Such language is used when explosives meant for an attack on Israel explode prematurely.

Israel's army said it was not operating in the area at the time of the explosion early Sunday.
Yet even though Hamas itself never says that the IDF killed him, Ma'an shamelessly reports otherwise:
Eyewitnesses told Ma'an's reporter that Al-Astal was on lookout duty east of the town of Al-Qarara, when he noticed Israeli special forces entering the area. He immediately hurled a grenade towards the Israelis, who fired back, killing him and wounding three other fighters.
Showing yet again the trustworthiness of both Ma'an and Palestinian Arab "eyewitnesses."

Palestine Today (Arabic) is a bit more honest:
When suspected Israeli special forces sneak into the region then to the explosion was a bomb in his possession which led to his martyrdom and wounding three others resistors.


Our 2008 PalArab self-death count rises to 69. (There have been a couple of ambiguous West Bank deaths recently as well - a dead woman found outside a mosque, and a man who died while in Palestinian Arab custody, but not enough evidence of foul play in either case.)
  • Sunday, May 11, 2008
  • Elder of Ziyon
From the Jordan Times:
Criminal Prosecutor Amjad Kurdi on Saturday charged a 23-year-old man with the premeditated murder of his younger married sister for reasons related to family honour, official sources said.

Kurdi also charged the victim’s father, mother and sibling of complicity in premeditated murder in connection with the drowning of the 22-year-old at dawn on Saturday.

The victim, who was not identified by officials, was reportedly badly beaten by the suspects at her family’s home, then driven by her 22-year-old brother from Amman to the Dead Sea where he allegedly drowned her, according to the source.

The 23-year-old suspect, an electrician who got engaged a week before the murder, then placed his sister’s body in the trunk of the car, drove back to Amman, headed to the Jabal Hussein Police Station and informed officers on duty that he murdered his sister to “cleanse his family’s honour”, the source added.

The victim, who was married almost two weeks before the incident, was returned to her family home on Friday by her husband, who questioned “her fidelity”.

The victim’s family interrogated her and she allegedly told them that “she knew a man but was not involved in an affair with him” so they beat her until she almost fainted, the source told The Jordan Times.

The 23-year-old brother then told his sister he wanted to take her for a ride to calm things down, the source added.

“He drove her to the Dead Sea, and when the call for dawn prayers began, he asked her to recite verses of the Holy Koran, then dunked her head in the water until he made sure she was dead,” the source said.

The victim tried to resist and informed her brother that she did nothing wrong, but “he did not listen and killed her,” the source added.

A postmortem conducted on the victim indicated that she died of drowning and was tortured before she was murdered.

“Pathologists detected multiple bruises on different parts of her body caused by a wooden stick… the woman was beaten on the head, shoulders, legs and stomach,” the source said, adding that blood and tissue samples were sent to the criminal lab for further analysis.

The victim became the sixth woman to be killed in a so-called honour murder in Jordan since the beginning of the year. She is also the second to be killed during the past week.

Last Wednesday, a 22-year-old man reportedly shot his pregnant married sister three times in the head for reasons related to family honour.

Jordan had 17 known honor killings in 2007.

Saturday, May 10, 2008

  • Saturday, May 10, 2008
  • Elder of Ziyon
This was on Al-Jazeera a month ago, showing Gazan volunteers making phone calls to the US to campaign for Barack Obama.

Friday, May 09, 2008

  • Friday, May 09, 2008
  • Elder of Ziyon
By the definition of the international community, the UN has engaged in collective punishment against a poor and starving people who are suffering from a humanitarian crisis:
The World Food Program said Friday it stopped shipping aid to cyclone-ravaged Myanmar after the government impounded the program's first delivery.

The U.N. unit said the military junta seized tons of aid sent to help victims of Cyclone Nargis, which killed tens of thousands, and left millions homeless, the BBC reported.

"It is sitting in a warehouse. It is not in trucks heading to Irrawaddy Delta where it is critically needed," WFP spokesman Paul Risley said.

The aid included high-energy biscuits that could feed 95,000 people, WFP said.

"It should be on trucks headed to the victims," said WFP regional director Tony Banbury told The Daily Telegraph. "That food is now sitting on a tarmac doing no good."
While aid has resumed since this morning, it would be nice to know the UN's justification for doing something to limit aid to Myanmar - when the UN isn't even being attacked daily by that nation?

Nah, it isn't hypocritical. Insisting for Israel to do something that even the UN is queasy about must be justifiable, because of occupation, or settlements, or something.

(h/t David)
  • Friday, May 09, 2008
  • Elder of Ziyon
There have been a number of good articles commemorating Israel's 60th birthday, and some of the best are linked to in today's Daily Alert, as well as some other enlightening links.

Check it out.
  • Friday, May 09, 2008
  • Elder of Ziyon
The proselytizing of Islam in Western universities continues:
Two of the country's best known universities are to set up research centres aimed at promoting a better understanding of Islam.

Cambridge and Edinburgh universities will share a £16m endowment from Prince Alwaleed bin Talal Abdulaziz al-Saud, a member of the Saudi Arabian royal family and chairman of the Kingdom Foundation – a charitable and philanthropic foundation set up to alleviate suffering around the world.

Both universities, members of the 20-strong Russell Group, which represents the leading research institutions, will set up study centres with the aim of fostering better understanding between the Muslim world and the West.

In Cambridge, the HRH Prince Alwaleed Bin Talal Centre of Islamic Studies will seek to develop a "constructive and critical awareness of the role of Islam in wider society". There will be research programmes on Islam in the UK and Europe and the portrayal of Islam in the media. Public lectures, conferences and summer schools will be organised to promote better understanding, with policy makers from both worlds invited to become visiting fellows at the centre.

Any chance that these research programs will be the slightest bit objective?

The Kingdom Foundation is specifically set up as a conduit for Islamic propaganda with a few dollars spent on Islamic-only charities, not to "alleviate suffering around the world." A short glance at where they spend their money shows that the foundation will give a couple of hundred thousand dollars to various Arab and Islamic causes, a pittance compared to the $30 million being spent on propaganda here and the $40 million spent at Harvard and Georgetown.

And as we've seen before, whenever Muslims claim to be interested in "fostering better understanding" or "dialogue" between Muslims and the West, they always mean propaganda, with no interest at all in Muslims understanding the West.

  • Friday, May 09, 2008
  • Elder of Ziyon
Islamic Jihad again shot four mortars at the Nahal Oz fuel depot.

A Qassam rocket was fired at Israel.

Hamas abducted another Fatah member in Gaza.

Pretty much the usual.

Thursday, May 08, 2008

  • Thursday, May 08, 2008
  • Elder of Ziyon
Yom Ha'atzmaut celebrations, combined with the Palestinian Arab "Nakba" commemorations, are a good opportunity to notice a fundamental difference between Zionists and Palestinian Arab nationalists.

Zionists define themselves completely independently of any other players. Zionism is the national revival movement for the Jewish people in the land of their forefathers. Nothing to do with Europeans or Arabs or anything else - it is a completely positive, self-sustaining definition. One may argue that Zionists treated Arabs unfairly but the Arabs were not an inherent factor in the definition of Zionism; Zionism as a term is independent of other factors. Arabs who tried to destroy that dream weren't considered a threat to Zionism - they were considered irrelevant to the concept. If they accepted Israel, fine, if not, too bad for them.

Palestinian Arab nationalism, on the other hand, defines itself purely in relationship to others, and the definition is negative. And this 60th anniversary of Israel shows these differences in sharp relief.

Today, Yom Ha'atzmanut is being celebrated, but it is not the anniversary. The anniversary is on the fifth of the Hebrew month of Iyar, which is on Saturday. Since that is the Jewish Sabbath, the date was moved up to today to enable everyone to celebrate properly.

Nakba events were originally slated to occur on May 15th, "Nakba Day," but the very idea that Israel was celebrating today irritates Palestinian Arabs so much that they needed to declare today a day of mourning:
A national day of mourning will be held across the Palestinian territories on Thursday to commemorate the sixtieth anniversary of the Palestinian Nakba.

Palestinian and black flags will be raised on roof tops of buildings, a partial public strike will be conducted between 12-1 am on Thursday in addition to demonstrations in cities across the West Bank.

In a statement issued on Thursday, the National Committee for Commemorating the Nakba called for all Palestinians to participate in the action in protest at " the celebrations by the state of occupation [Israel] at its establishment on the remains of Palestinian cities and villages by expressing the clinging of the Palestinians of their 'Right of Return' which is a legitimate right."
Today isn't the Hebrew or Gregorian or Muslim calendar anniversary, but since Israel celebrates today, Palestinian Arabs need to start their commemorations today as well. Their history and self-view is fully defined by what Israel does, not by what their supposed goals are.

If the Nakba is meant to mark the anniversary of the Palestinian Arab flight from their homes, it could occur on any day of the year, as there were no particular major population shifts on May 15th. They could choose the date of the surrender of Haifa or the date that Israel signed a cease fire with Jordan - ensuring that they would not be able to build a state. Yet they choose to mark it specifically when Israel does, and when Israel moves the date - so do they.

Similarly, look at this Nakba poster:

The shape of "Palestine" (portrayed as a keyhole) betrays the fact that Palestinian Arab nationalism is wholly dependent on external factors. Historic Palestine looks nothing like this picture; and while it would be hard to draw as the borders were never set in stone, everyone would agree that the Negev is not a part of it and that significant parts of what are now Jordan would be included in it. The fact that Palestinian Arabs have abandoned any pretense of trying to reconstitute "historic" Palestine and are only interested in the areas that Israel happens to control, with national borders created by the British and French, shows that Palestinian Arab nationalism is not at all about building a state, but about destroying one.

Of course, their history of accepting Jordanian sovereignty and citizenship in 1949 also shows that an independent nation was not their goal of the so-called "nationalists."

It has been nearly 15 years since Oslo. During most of that time, much of the West Bank has been under Arab autonomy. The PA has access to the same tools that embryonic Israel had access to in 1948. Before the intifada, there was a viable economy there; before 2003 there were no checkpoints.

Now look at how much progress they made with the autonomy they have, and compare it with what Israel accomplished in the 10-15 years after gaining its own autonomy. (We are not even beginning to talk about Gaza, the poster child for Palestinian Arab anti-nationalism.)

A real, independent national movement would take any opportunity and autonomy they could to build their institutions - their schools, hospitals, infrastructure; to build trade with other states, to gain jobs and security for their people. A sham national movement whose real purpose is destructive would do none of those things.

It is obvious which one fits the recent history of Palestinian Arab nationalism.
  • Thursday, May 08, 2008
  • Elder of Ziyon
Another EoZ exclusive...

Firas Press reports that the car of Israel's ambassador to Egypt was stolen last night in front of his house. He was home for only a short time to change his clothes for a dinner party.

This was despite the Egyptian security that surrounds the ambassador, Shalom Cohen.

His chauffeur had the keys to the car, a black 2008 Mercedes.

Of course, if someone could steal the ambassador's car under the noses of Egyptian security, someone could also plant a bomb on it.

Egyptian authorities are investigating the incident.
  • Thursday, May 08, 2008
  • Elder of Ziyon
More bile from Iran's madman:
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad said on Thursday that the State of Israel is a "stinking corpse" that is destined to disappear.
"Those who think they can revive the stinking corpse of the usurping and fake Israeli regime by throwing a birthday party are seriously mistaken," the official IRNA news agency quoted Ahmadinejad as having said.

"Today the reason for the Zionist regime's existence is questioned, and this regime is on its way to annihilation."

Ahmadinejad further stated that Israel "has reached the end like a dead rat after being slapped by the Lebanese" - referring to the Second Lebanon War in the summer of 2006.

Meanwhile, it is hard to find news stories about people risking their lives to move to Iran. I'm also not seeing much about Iranian startups in Nasdaq, Iranian innovations in medicine or a strong Iranian economy. Last I checked, they were having problems even refining their own oil.

Somehow, I think that the days of the current Iranian regime are far fewer than Israel's. But if Iran can figure out a way to export insults, then the situation might change.

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