Thursday, November 07, 2024

From Ian:

'I believe they are fascists': French intellectual Bernard-Henri Lévy on the Canadian anti-Israel protests
An ad for Israel Alone in the trade publication Shelf Awareness was recently pulled, with editors saying that a pro-Israel book would upset their readers. You’ve taken up many controversial causes, you have faced protests, criticisms and in 2008 you were targeted for assassination by Islamist militants. In terms of opprobrium you’ve faced throughout your life, how does it compare to what faces a Western intellectual who unapologetically champions the cause of Israel?

You put it very well. I’ve seen this kind of incident so much in my life that this is not going to intimidate me. When you’ve spent nearly two years in the Ukrainian trenches, when you’ve filmed Bakhmut or Chasiv Yar under bombardment, when you’ve seen comrades fall just a few metres away, do you really think a miserable little guy like this is going to scare me?

The issue, however, lies with American authors. Especially, the younger authors. Because there is nevertheless an extraordinary climate at play here. Here is a country, two countries in fact — Canada and the United States — that were once homelands for persecuted Jews around the world. Here are two countries that were possible refuges for all threatened Jews worldwide. And now, in these countries, it’s the very name of Israel — and, soon, that of the Jews — that is becoming unpronounceable.

A double bind. The First Amendment: Absolute freedom of speech. Antisemitism: one of these so-called “free” expressions has deadly consequences. This is where we are at. This is the situation of Jews in North America. All communities on the continent have the right to protection. All have the right to guard against provocations. Except one — the Jewish minority.

You have long argued that failure to defeat Vladimir Putin in Ukraine would have dire ramifications for the rest of the democratic West. Do you see Israel’s war with Hamas, Hezbollah, Iran and others as similarly being a bulwark between the West and illiberalism?

Of course. It’s the same thing. There would never have been the Gaza War if there hadn’t been the war in Ukraine. What I mean is that Iran would never have taken the initiative to unleash the dogs of Hamas if it hadn’t observed our timid response to Putin unleashing his own dogs on Ukraine.

Similarly, if we abandon Israel, if we allow Hamas or Hezbollah to claim victory, if we give them even an inch of victory and credit, then I predict that the year will not end without China invading Taiwan.

There is an axis of authoritarian powers. These are the five revanchist countries, the “five kings,” which I described in my book The Empire and the Five Kings. They form an unlikely alliance, but an alliance nonetheless. They observe each other. They spy on each other. When one scores a point, the second takes over, and the third rushes in and asserts its imperial ambitions. In this very precise sense, we can say that Israel, like Ukraine, is fighting a battle of civilization. The battle for rights. For democracy. The anti-totalitarian and anti-imperialist battle of our time.
Eugene Kontorovich: Anti-Israel actions taken by the Biden Administration in the Wake of Oct. 7th Massacre
Here is a list, in no order, of some of concrete ways the Biden-Harris Administration has undermined Israel and encouraged the Iranian Axis, even in the months after Oct. 7th - and how the Trump Administration can swiftly rectify it. 1) Making BDS government policy by creating a sanctions program aimed at Jews living in Judea and Samaria.

2) Preventing Gazans from fleeing conflict to increase pressure on Israel: the Biden Administration supported the Hamas/Egypt policy of keeping Gazans trapped in Gaza, the only people in the world not allowed to flee a conflict. Biden treated Egypt's border with Gaza like he should have treated America's with Mexico, and vice versa. Asylum seekers to America in any number, to Egypt in no number. Now Trump can flip the script.

3) Biden's "Four No's": By stressing the Iranian axis can pay no territorial price for its aggression ("no reduction in territory"), Biden gave Hamas and Hezbollah an insurance policy, and set the stage for them to threaten Israel again. Trump can make clear that invading neighboring countries is not guaranteed to be an at least break-even proposition.

4) Cancelling Trump's sanctions on the ICC, and then refusing to support bipartisan legislation holding ICC officials accountable after the sought to indict Israeli officials for defending the country from Hamas. Trump understands the ICC is simply the international version of the lawfare that has been directed at him.

5) Undermining the Pompeo Doctrine, which announced that Jews living in Judea & Samaria is not a war crime. Its schizophrenic to have this legal issue toggle with every administration. Now Congress can enshrine this position into law.

6) Protecting the @UN even as it justified Oct. 7th, and allowed one of its agencies, @UNRWA , to become a Hamas front, and @UNIFIL_ to be a defensive screen for Hezbollah. Trump can again defund UNRWA, but also end its immunity to lawsuits for supporting terror, and cancel UNIFL, saving American taxpayers hundreds of millions.
Seth Mandel: The Confused Kidnappers of Chaim Weizmann’s Statue
Although the story that Weizmann was rewarded for his service with the Balfour Declaration isn’t true—his biographer Jehuda Reinharz is adamant and convincing on this count—the connections Weizmann made and the favor he won in the eyes of the government certainly helped his later Zionist pleas find sympathetic ears. The Balfour Declaration was made on Nov. 2, 1917. The Palestine Action stunt at the University of Manchester was in protest of the 107th anniversary of this momentous document.

The chowderheads who kidnapped the busts of Weizmann and Dixon have thus demonstrated two important characteristics of the Western “pro-Palestine” movement.

The first is that, although much of this activism is taking place at universities, its practitioners are not learning anything about their supposed passion project. Any true champion of Palestine ought to be able to tell Chaim Weizmann from Harold Dixon.

The second is that, on top of their general ignorance is a deep loathing of the West and their fellow humans and the freedom they all enjoy. Weizmann was in that display case because he was a hero to Britain. I suppose I wouldn’t be shocked if the men and women of Palestine Action preferred Germany to have won the war, though their real German idols would only emerge a couple years after Weizmann helped save the world.

Recognition of the Weizmann-Dixon partnership is a tribute not to the state of Israel and the survival of the Jewish people but to the survival of the United Kingdom. This knowledge would not likely change Palestine Action’s actions. But it is a reminder that hatred of the Jews is part and parcel of the hatred of Jewish contributions to civilization, very much including freedom, democracy, scientific advancement, and academic institutions such as those taken for granted by masked poseurs who steal statues.
From Ian:

Melanie Phillips: Israel dodges a bullet
The Obama and Biden administrations groveled to Iran, negotiated the 2015 nuclear deal that would have legitimized Iranian nuclear weapons after only a few years’ delay and refused to respond with more than a token slap on the wrist to hundreds of Iranian attacks on American assets.

During the Iranian proxy war against Israel following the Oct. 7 pogrom, Washington has put Israel under enormous pressure to surrender, causing the war to be protracted and Israeli troops to be needlessly killed. For Israel, under the Biden administration, America has indeed become “them against us.”

Liberals invert facts like these because they can never allow anything to upset the narrative that defines them in their own eyes as moral and decent—such as that Israel is the rogue actor in the Middle East, or Trump is a fascist—even though the opposite is the case.

Psychologists have a term for this. They call it “projection,” and it is a mental disorder.

Most liberals who told themselves and the world that Harris was on course for an overwhelming victory refuse to acknowledge any reasonable cause for the public to vote for Trump in such huge numbers, such as the cost of living, crime or a collapse of border controls.

This capacity for self-delusion is what characterizes the modern liberal. They will find any number of excuses to justify their own belief system based on a fantasy universe that requires them to lie to themselves to maintain the illusion.

In this presidential election, the American people once again rose up in protest against an entire elite class to reclaim their nation and its culture from those who would destroy it. This was an astonishing, country-wide insurrection against a decadent cultural establishment.

Nevertheless, some 68 million people voted for a candidate who couldn’t string a coherent sentence together—a failing they refused to acknowledge because they were locked into their cartoonish fantasy world in which they painted her opponent as a menace to humanity.

Before Trump had even claimed victory, some of these were threatening to pull the same rolling coup stunt with which they had hounded him in his first term. Would they have as much traction this time? Will Trump be more or less indisciplined and impulsive as president than he was in his first term?

We don’t know. But for the traumatized people of Israel—still under murderous fire from rocket barrages and yet enduring the venomous hostility of much of the so-called civilized world—the election of Donald Trump has punctured their existential loneliness.

Trump is far from perfect. But at this moment, his election feels like deliverance.
John Podhoretz: Let’s Begin Talking About the Jewish Vote
The initial evidence from last night’s election is that there has been a significant shift in the Jewish vote from previous elections, a delta of anywhere from 10 to 40 percent overall. It’s very hard to quantify such things because Jews are few in number, hard to isolate in larger surveys, and hard to pin down. So, for example, one exit poll I saw showed the Jewish vote for Donald Trump in the low 40s; another at 22; another in the 30s. I’m not linking to them because I don’t trust any of them and don’t want to argue with any of them. So I’m instead going to point to certain counties in the United States where Jews reside in slightly or significantly disproportionate numbers. (As the weeks pass and we get accurate final data precinct by precinct in the United States, we can get a clearer picture of the Jewish vote because we’ll be able to key on concentrated areas.)

But look at what my friend Josh Kraushaar, the editor of Jewish Insider, tweeted: “Wow: Trump carried PASSAIC County, New Jersey. Majority/Hispanic electorate and home to a sizable Orthodox Jewish constituency.” Jews make up about 25 percent of the county’s population and it has been a Democratic stronghold forever. Joe Biden took Passaic in 2020 with 57.5 percent to Trump’s 41 percent. Last night, Trump won it with 50 percent to Harris’s 46.5 percent. That’s a 16 point overall swing in Trump’s favor. We don’t yet know how much of that is attributable to the Jewish vote and how much to changes in the Hispanic vote, but Jews surely played a significant role in this change in the county’s political course.

In Palm Beach County, Florida, there are about 175,000 Jews out of a population of 1.5 million, or about 12 percent. Kamala Harris won this county by .74 percent last night. Biden won it by 13 percent in 2020. Trump’s vote climbed nearly 7 percent while Harris dropped 7 points off Biden’s number. Again, we cannot know what the delta was in the Jewish community, but almost exactly the same type of shift happened in Broward County, where Biden got 64 percent in 2020; the vote shifted 14 percent toward Trump this year. Jews make up about 10 percent of the Broward population.

How about Nassau County, NY? Jews make up close to 20 percent of the population. Trump won Nassau by 5 percent. Biden took it by 10 in 2020.

It will take months to get more precise numbers here by going precinct by precinct and even block by block to quantify this change, but this is now something we are able to do if someone is willing to fork over the cash to make a nationwide study of it.

But make no mistake. The steady work is no longer in the waiting. It is in watching the change.
Caroline Glick: The opportunity of Trump’s victory
To contend with the Palestinian threat, Israel needs to extricate itself completely from the strategic deathtrap of the so-called “two-state solution.” David Friedman, Trump’s first-term ambassador to Israel, recently published “One Jewish State.” Friedman’s book sets out the case for Israeli sovereignty in Judea and Samaria. In it, Friedman urges Israel to determine its goal for securing its national rights and security needs in Judea, Samaria and Gaza.

Israel should immediately take Friedman’s advice. Netanyahu, his ministers and advisers must determine a clear strategy for extending Israeli sovereignty to Judea and Samaria and taking permanent military control of Gaza. They must then work with the Trump administration to secure U.S. support for those plans in the framework of a regional peace.

The moral corruption of the U.N. system is nothing new. But since Oct. 7, Israel has recognized that this system, replete with its in-house terror group the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), terror auxiliary force the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) and international courts trying Israel for genocide and treating Israel’s leaders and soldiers as war criminals, is itself a mortal threat to the Jewish state.

Broadly speaking, the U.N. system today is a full-blown alliance of the Marxist, post-national left, China and Islamic terrorist groups. Israel obviously cannot contend with this behemoth on its own. Working with the Trump administration and other nation states that are similarly—if less existentially—harmed by the U.N. system, Israel must spearhead an effort to dismantle, divide and permanently weaken the U.N. system and restore the power of nation states to work separately and in alliance with others to secure international peace and prosperity.

Finally, in light of Israel’s experience with the Biden administration’s exploitation of Israel’s strategic dependence on the United States for munitions as a means to undermine Israel’s war effort, Jerusalem needs to end its client-state relationship with Washington. Israel and the United States must cooperate in transforming the U.S.-Israel bond into a true alliance between a global superpower and a regional power.

Trump’s determination to decrease America’s foreign aid budgets, and his doctrine of supporting allies to enable them to defend themselves as the surest way to decrease America’s need to fight wars, fully aligns his position with Israel’s strategic requirements. Israel should move quickly to forge a new defense relationship with America that would end U.S. military assistance over a 10-year period. During that period, the relationship would shift from supplier-client to a strategic partnership geared toward weapons systems development. To end its vulnerability, Israel should maintain and expand its efforts to rebuild its domestic arms industries with the goal of being fully capable of producing all the munitions it requires to win its wars and preserve post-war peace by the end of Trump’s term. This transformation of U.S.-Israel ties will enable the alliance to survive and thrive over time, to the great benefit of both countries.

In his congratulatory message to Trump on Wednesday morning, Netanyahu wrote, “Your historic return to the White House offers a new beginning for America and a powerful recommitment to the great alliance between Israel and America.”

This is absolutely true. And by firing Gallant, Netanyahu has facilitated the rebuilding of Israel’s alliance with America on firmer footing than ever before. By working together to achieve common goals, Israel and the United States, under Benjamin Netanyahu and Donald Trump, can secure the peace of the Middle East and their nations’ separate and common interests in the international arena, to the benefit of the world as a whole.
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Beirut, November 7 - Supporters of the Iran-backed Shiite militia exercising political control of Lebanon and forcing the country into armed conflict with Israel railed again today against the Jewish State for deploying munitions in or against Muslim houses of worship, arguing that only one party is permitted to violate the sanctity of such sites for military purposes, while the other, Jewish one must refrain from acting against any military personnel, materiel, or facilities there.

Hezbollah advocates issued further criticism today of IDF operations to destroy structures in southern Lebanon that form part of Hezbollah's military infrastructure. They called the demolitions, which targeted all structures regardless of their pre-conflict use, a violation of the sanctity of the mosques, in which Hezbollah should be permitted to continue locating their positions, tunnel entrances, weapons caches, and other resources.

"The Zionist Entity continues to violate everything sacred by involving mosques in the fighting," declared Mustafa Massiqr of the city's Dahiyeh neighborhood, a Hezbollah stronghold. "Islamic houses of worship are strictly reserved for prayer, study, some community activities, and serving as missile-launching sites or assembly points for our brave fighters."

"The world must condemn the Zionists, but it is only their American backers who make this possible!" charged Massiqr. "This phenomenon, of foreign bankrolling and arming of a malign entity in the region, is illegitimate and must be stopped," added the enthusiastic supporter of Iran bankrolling, arming, and training Hezbollah, Hamas, Ansar Allah, and various Iraqi militias for its own hegemonic ends.

Human rights organizations and international humanitarian organizations echoed Massiqr's position. "Israel has demonstrated again and again its disregard for the hors de combat status of houses of worship," stated former director of Human Rights Watch Ken Roth. "As if the allegation that someone else had made such a facility a military site can justify atrocities. We saw it in Gaza, as well: Israel thinks armed groups supposedly taking up position in a hospital makes that hospital a legitimate military target. As if we apply such provisions to Israel. Everyone knows we don't."

UNIFIL troops similarly noted that Hezbollah's buildup around the UN peacekeeping force's positions deserved no comment or criticism, whereas Israel's attempts to get the UNIFIL troops out of the way in order to target Hezbollah positions was inexcusable. "Outrageous," declared the head of the Irish unit. "Israel can't just do what its enemies do."

That phenomenon parallels the one in which only Israeli retaliatory action attracts characterization as "escalation."




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Or order from your favorite bookseller, using ISBN 9798985708424. 

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  • Thursday, November 07, 2024
  • Elder of Ziyon

AIPAC tweeted yesterday that 318 of its endorsed candidates won their elections so far, and since then tweeted about four more candidates whose results showed they won, making it 322.

An anti-AIPAC organization shows 327 Congressional candidates endorsed by AIPAC. I cannot find a full list of AIPAC endorsees for Senate; in March I found an article listing about ten.  If AIPAC endorsed  between 10 and 20 candidates in the 34 Senate races, and add the 322 endorsed for Congress, that would mean that between 93% and 96% of their candidates won.

AIPAC endorses pro-Israel candidates on both the Democratic and Republican sides. Contrary to how the media portrays AIPAC as being against progressive candidates, I count 34 of their candidates self-describing as progressive.

By any measure, AIPAC has done extremely well this year, including in the primaries, with both its Democratic and Republican candidates.







Buy the EoZ book, PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism  today at Amazon!

Or order from your favorite bookseller, using ISBN 9798985708424. 

Read all about it here!

 

 

  • Thursday, November 07, 2024
  • Elder of Ziyon
Yesterday, people wearing Hamas headbands were protesting in Manhattan.


Where can wannabe terrorist fans of Hamas or other antisemitic groups get their stuff?

From Dayton Beach based 3SJShop! You can find Hamas, Hezbollah, PFLP, Houthi products and many more!


But just because that logo says "Damn the Jews" doesn't mean that the shop promotes terror, they say. They are against terror! 

At 3SJShop.com, we adamantly reject and denounce terrorism, Nazism, Fascism, and any other dictatorial or destructive ideologies. Our commitment to these principles is reflected in the meticulous craftsmanship of our products. Every patch, piece of militaria, and item of regalia is proudly handmade in the USA using 100% American materials.

These items cater to a diverse audience including historians, collectors, educators, archivists, and re-enactors, serving as invaluable tools for historical exploration and understanding.  
Our mission is to provide high-quality replicas that serve as historical artifacts and pieces of art, reflecting our dedication to craftsmanship and authenticity....Our items are designed for collectors, reenactors, and those with a historical interest, not for promoting or supporting any specific ideology.
See? They don't intend to promote terrorism - their stickers and patches, are meant for historians who love to collect reproductions made in Florida!

Of course, when their products are used for promoting terrorism, 3SJShop is quite proud:



And even though they really, really care about historical research, they don't have any Nazi products which would fit under the same category. 

I don't think that they are doing anything illegal, but they clearly support terror and attract terrorist supporters are their major customer base. 

With all the anti-Israel protests over the past year, it looks like business is booming.




Buy the EoZ book, PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism  today at Amazon!

Or order from your favorite bookseller, using ISBN 9798985708424. 

Read all about it here!

 

 

  • Thursday, November 07, 2024
  • Elder of Ziyon

The Council on American Islamic Relations (CAIR) issued a final pre-election poll on November 1 showing a slight lead for Green Party candidate Jill Stein over Kamala Harris among registers American Muslim voters.

This virtual tie between Harris and Stein was seen in their earlier polls as well.

This story was published in numerous media outlets. 

So how did Muslims end up voting? It wasn't anything close to the poll.

According to the Fox News exit polls, among Muslims, Harris got 63% compared to Trump's 32%, with all others at 4%.

According to AP's exit polls, 61% of Muslims voted for Harris and 30% for Trump. Stein could not have gotten more than 9%.

Why did CAIR get it so completely wrong?

CAIR described their polling methodology in their August survey:

Who is Molitical Consulting?  CAIR says that its president is Mohammed (Mo) Maraqa

The LLC has no Internet presence. It has not done any surveys besides for CAIR that I can find.


Jihad Watch looked at Mo Maraqa in September and found that he was the head of three other shady companies, all of which have no Internet presence.  One is  "American Third Pillar Charities, " another is "Jasmine LLC."  The third is called, no kidding, "ISIS Research Group." 

The address for all of them is an apartment house in Washington DC.

Maraqa was a panelist at Arabcon in Dearborn in September at an Election Strategy Session - along with Linda Sarsour. He also led a session called "Empowering American Voters to Advocate for Palestinian Human Rights."



Maraqa is also involved with the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee, and Molitico jointly created an initiative called  "Arab.Vote" with the ADC and CAIR.

From everything we can see, Molitico is a one person operation whose polling techniques are provably unreliable, yet its only member is prominent in the Arab community. Maraqa's creation of multiple organizations, and his claims of being involved with several more, indicate that he is a scammer. 

But are CAIR and the ADC in on the scams? Is it possible that CAIR hired a polling firm without any track record whose address is an residential apartment? Or did they choose a company of someone they knew and not care at all about accuracy?

Even if we assume that the poll itself is what Molitico says it is, it is inherently a bad poll. Molitico says the survey was done via SMS messages to tens of thousands of Muslim voters. It only received 1,500 responses. Which means that the poll is worthless - only people who want to respond are counted, and people who respond to SMS polls do not represent the electorate at all. It is a self-selecting sample, and any  pollster worth their salt would never create such a poorly designed poll.

But a poll like that could be done by a single person, as opposed to legitimate polls that require teams of people. 

Today, at 10 AM, CAIR will announce their own exit poll and analysis. Almost certainly, Mo Maraqa is the one behind the exit polls. It will be interesting to see what happens. 

UPDATE: The live video of the exit poll analysis seems to have been scrapped. As of 10:15, it cannot be found on the Facebook site they pointed to.



Buy the EoZ book, PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism  today at Amazon!

Or order from your favorite bookseller, using ISBN 9798985708424. 

Read all about it here!

 

 

  • Thursday, November 07, 2024
  • Elder of Ziyon
In Jacobin, there is a review of a book called "The Radical Jewish Tradition: Revolutionaries, Resistance Fighters and Firebrands," by Janey Stone and Donny Gluckstein.

The point of the reviewer is that Zionism was a "fringe movement" in Europe before World War II and Jewish socialists had completely different ideas on how to fight antisemitism:


Turn of the century Russia also faced a series of increasingly severe political crises as the ossified Romanov monarchy struggled to keep pace with a modernizing economy, a militant labor movement, and emerging national liberation movements. These tensions made Russia a tinderbox for antisemitism as Tsars Alexander III and Nicholas II attempted to displace popular frustration onto Jews. Tsarist propaganda drew on Christian anti-Jewish prejudice to portray Jews as either wealthy capitalists responsible for the world’s economic misery or, alternately, as socialists who threatened to tear apart civilization itself.

Combined with poverty and legal discrimination, the experience of often brutal day-to-day antisemitism pushed Russia’s Jewish population toward three broad alternatives. A minority founded organizations promising a better life in an exclusively Jewish homeland. Far more, however, emigrated to developed capitalist countries.

And to those who rejected the first two answers, the Bund offered a radical leftist political project that sought to end antisemitism by transforming society entirely.

Zionists claimed that antisemitism would never be defeated, and argued that to live freely and in safety, Jews needed an exclusive homeland. Bundists rejected this as pessimistic and separatist and argued that it was necessary to fight racism and capitalism at the same time, by uniting working-class and oppressed peoples across national, religious, and ethnic lines. Contrary to Zionists, Bundists understood that the fate of Jewish people in Russia and Poland was bound up with that of the entire regional working class and all the ethnic minorities therein.
And the point of the article is:

[As] the number of Jewish people opposed to Zionism grows, it’s crucial that the Left revisits histories like those presented by Stone and Gluckstein in The Radical Jewish Tradition, both to undermine the Zionist conflation between Israel and Jews, and to outline a Leftist Jewish tradition.

I would argue that their statistics on the number of Zionists in eastern Europe is undercounted, sine they are comparing members of Zionist organizations with members of the Bund, and most Jews sympathetic to Zionism would not have necessarily joined organizations.  My quick research found that perhaps 20% of Jews were Zionist in the 1920s compared to perhaps 15% who were Bundists.

But the bizarre part is how little self-awareness there is in this article. 

The Bundists fought antisemitism by building solidarity with their fellow Russians, Poles and other workers.

How did that work out for them? 

Did it protect them during the Holocaust? Did the socialist Poles come out in force to block Nazi deportations of Jews - or did they enthusiastically participate? How did the Jews fare in the Soviet Union under Stalin?

Now, if Zionism had successfully created an independent Jewish state by 1938, how many millions of lives could have been saved?

Even before Israel was created, and through the time of the British White Paper, some 400,000 Jews immigrated from Europe to Israel between 1900-1940, the heyday of the Bund. Meaning, Zionism saved 400,000 Jews from death. 

How many did socialism save?

The article is positioned to say that socialism is a better alternative than Zionism in fighting antisemitism. By the most important metric - which one saved more lives - Zionism did far, far better than socialism did, although some socialist groups did speak out against Nazi antisemitism.

It is not a winning argument to say that there were hundreds of thousands of socialist Jews in Eastern Europe during the 1930s, when most of them were killed and their fellow socialists they thought they were in solidarity with didn't so a whole hell of a lot. (To be sure, some of the righteous Gentiles were socialists, like Irena Sendler, but I am not aware of any worker's party that make saving Jews a priority.)

The crazy part is that the Jewish socialists today still make the same argument that worker solidarity is the key to fight antisemitism. Yet are these people doing anything to fight antisemitism today? They only talk about far-Right antisemitism, but they condone - or embrace - the antisemitism of the Muslim world, Black antisemitism, and progressive antisemitism. 

And if they argue that Israel is causing antisemitism, that is because of the socialists themselves, who are in the forefront of making antisemitism-as-anti-Zionism acceptable in Leftist circles. 

The cluelessness is remarkable. 



Buy the EoZ book, PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism  today at Amazon!

Or order from your favorite bookseller, using ISBN 9798985708424. 

Read all about it here!

 

 

Wednesday, November 06, 2024

From Ian:

Seth Mandel: The Unapologetic Bernie Marcus
Bernie Marcus, the billionaire Home Depot founder and philanthropist who died yesterday at age 95, was in the process of giving away the majority of his fortune. But there’s a good lesson in one of his more-recent causes. In 2020, Marcus gave $20 million to launch RootOne, a program to send Jewish teenagers to Israel. He later put another $60 million into it.

The point of the program, according to Marcus: “We want young people stepping onto their college campuses with deep connections to Israel and strong Jewish identities.”

Marcus saw what Jewish students were up against and wanted them to feel a sense of pride and comfort with their Jewish faith before they entered the whirlwind of brainless anti-Zionist hostility on campus. Marcus had also given to organizations like Hillel International. The craziness of the past year has only reinforced the urgency of supporting Jews on campus.

His unapologetic Zionism was matched by his unapologetic advocacy of economic liberty and the free market. In 2019, he and grocery-chain billionaire John Catsimatidis cowrote an op-ed in the Wall Street Journal that began, provocatively: “The two of us are quite rich. We have earned more money than we could have imagined and more than we can spend on ourselves, our children and grandchildren. These days getting rich off a profitable business is regarded as almost sinister. But we have nothing to apologize for, and we don’t think the government should have more of our profits.”

To be clear, he wrote, “We believe in a well-funded government, and we understand it is our duty to pay our fair share of taxes. And we do.”

Marcus’s parents were Russian Jewish immigrants and his dreams of becoming a doctor were dashed when was accepted to Harvard Medical School but couldn’t afford it. So he found other dreams—one of which was the concept that would become Home Depot. In 1978, he and business partner Arthur Blank teamed up with financier Ken Langone to make it a reality.

Marcus’s life story is an uncommon one, but it does carry a universal lesson: We could do with less apologizing for success—and no apologizing for Zionism.
The US must reject the Palestinian claim of a ‘right of return’
American foreign policy can be quite resistant to change. When it comes to the Arab-Israeli conflict, that inertia includes a perennial refusal to take a decisive position on the so-called Palestinian right of return. The result has been decades of failed peace negotiations. With renewed talk of a two-state solution, it’s important to revisit this issue as a new approach is in order.

During the 1948 Israeli War of Independence, approximately 700,000 Palestinians fled or were expelled from what is now the State of Israel. Those refugees were housed in Judea and Samaria, the Gaza Strip and various refugee camps in neighboring Arab countries. Except for Jordan, those countries did not offer them citizenship.

Shortly after the war, the United Nations formed the U.N. Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) to manage the welfare of the refugees. UNRWA’s original mandate was to resettle the refugees in their host countries. However, in the face of Palestinian opposition, UNRWA abandoned that goal and instead began to advocate for the return of the refugees to their former homes. To complicate matters, it has taken the position that the original 1948 refugees and all of their descendants are entitled to refugee status. Today, that amounts to approximately five million people who, UNRWA maintains, have a “right of return” to what is now the State of Israel. The Palestinian leadership agrees, arguing that this supposed right is non-negotiable.

But there is no such right as Adi Schwartz and Einat Wilf have shown in their book, The War of Return. One study after another confirms this. Perhaps the best example is an exhaustive analysis by professor Andrew Kent, as cited by Schwartz and Wilf, in which he concludes that it is “clear that the claimed Palestinian ‘right of return’ for refugees from the 1947–49 conflict has no substantial legal basis.” Most legal scholars without a political agenda who have addressed the issue agree that 5 million Palestinian refugees are not entitled to take up residence in the State of Israel.

Nevertheless, American peace negotiators have failed to take a firm position on this crucial issue. And so, Palestinian officials have been free to claim that the conflict cannot be settled without recognition of a full right of return.

Perhaps because this issue is so contentious, the parties have largely avoided it over the history of peace negotiations. Under the Oslo Accords, questions regarding refugees were designated as a “final status” issue to be addressed at the end of peace negotiations. That set a pattern that continues to this day.

American foreign policy views the right of return as a bargaining chip in peace negotiations. For example, negotiators have suggested a symbolic right of return limited to only a few thousand refugees. However, U.S. policy has been ambiguous and noncommittal if such a right exists.
Macron’s error: The UN did not create Israel
French Prime Minister Emmanuel Macron told his cabinet last month that Israel was created by a decision of the United Nations and that the Jewish state should not “disregard the decisions of the U.N.”

However, the United Nations did not create Israel. Point of fact: U.N. General Assembly Resolution 181, generally known as the Partition Plan, was never implemented. By its express terms, it was merely a recommendation. While it requested that the U.N. Security Council take measures to implement it, this never occurred.

The Partition Plan was unequivocally rejected by the Arab world, which sought, by force, to eliminate any possibility of a Jewish state in any part of Israel (then referred to as the British Mandate of Palestine). There was no real appetite by the permanent members of the Security Council to intervene militarily to effectuate the recommended Partition Plan in the face of Arab militant intransigence or to prevent the existing Arab nations from invading and overrunning the country. The Jews in Israel were left on their own to deal with the onslaught and invasion.

It is important to note that there is no reference in Resolution 181 to the so-called Palestinian people. The label was invented more than a decade and a half later. There was also no reference to a so-called West Bank. This was an artificial construct by Jordan, which illegally annexed the land to distinguish it from Jordan proper, located on the eastern side of the Jordan River.

Resolution 181 referred to the area as the hill country of Samaria and Judea. The name given to the proposed partitioned area intended to house Arab residents of Israel was the “Arab state,” not the “Palestinian state.”

At the time and historically, Arab residents in Israel were viewed—and, indeed, viewed themselves—as a part of the Arab people. As Anwar Nusseibeh, a Jordanian minister in the 1950s, explained, Arabs who resided in the areas assigned to the re-established Jewish State of Israel saw themselves as a part of the Arab nation, generally and specifically as a part of Syria. There was no concept of a separate so-called Palestinian people, nor was there any distinct identity beyond being a part of pan-Arabism.

It is critical to appreciate that the U.N. Charter explicitly provides, in Article 80, that “ … nothing in this chapter shall be construed in or of itself to alter in any manner the rights whatsoever of any states or any peoples or the terms of existing international instruments to which members of the United Nations may respectively be parties.”
From Ian:

John Podhoretz: Trump the ‘colossus’ is the comeback king of American politics
We are in the midst of the greatest political comeback in American history — which follows, by eight years, the greatest political stunt in American history.

That stunt was Donald Trump’s first win, in 2016. The comeback is his extraordinary performance over the past four years following his defeat in 2020.

I am not here going to adjudicate Trump’s sins or errors, though I am so mindful of them that I did not vote for him and wrote in someone else.

No, I am here to represent hundreds of millions of slack-jawed people around the world, gaping in wonderment at the fact that Trump got to this place on Election Night 2024.

Think of it. This is a man who was impeached (for a second time) two weeks before leaving office in 2021. In the years that followed that second impeachment, he was pursued by a state attorney general, two local prosecutors and a federal special prosecutor.

He was indicted 91 times in three different criminal courts and found liable in two civil courts. He has been convicted (ludicrously, in my view) of 34 (ludicrous, again) felonies.

He has had his home raided by federal agents. He has seen his eponymous business effectively shut down by a Manhattan judge.

He has been the subject of relentless and limitless hostile press coverage that dwarfs any negative characterizations of any other human being of our time.

And yet here he is, on the cusp of becoming president of the United States for a second go-round.

His utter refusal to be bent or broken by his enemies and his critics and his determination to redeem himself by recapturing the office he lost has no parallel that I can think of — not in American history, anyway.
Seth Frantzman: Trump will not restrain Israel: the clock is now ticking for Iran and its proxies
These groups have believed over the last several years that they could keep pushing the envelope in the region. They felt there was a wind at their back as the world shifted from a US-led world order to one that is multi-polar and increasingly challenged by Russia and China. Hezbollah, for instance, threatened Israel into a maritime deal in 2022 that Israel was falsely told would bring stability and security. The Houthis assumed they could attack ships and block a major maritime route after the October 7 attacks because they believed the US and its allies in the region would appease them. The Houthis have been largely correct in this analysis. They have been appeased, suffering only minor pushback. The Biden administration talked tough but it wasn’t willing to go far enough to keep maritime trade corridors open. This was a major change from more than a century of US foreign policy that has focused on freedom of navigation, a key policy of US President Woodrow Wilson.

Iran still feels empowered. It has threatened more direct attacks on Israel. The sense in Iran and among Iranian proxies, friends and allies that time is on their side came amidst major shifts globally. Iran looked at the US withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021 and the displacement of Armenians from Nagorna-Karabakh in 2023 and assumed it could do as it pleased.

Hamas, hosted by Doha, believed that the time was ripe in 2023 for its genocidal attack on October 7. It calculated that it could massacre 1,000 people and take 250 hostage, including numerous Americans and other foreign citizens, and face zero consequences. Hamas believed it could get away with October 7 and get Doha, a key US ally, and Iran to leverage that into a deal that would leave it in power in Gaza and bring it to power in the West Bank. Hezbollah believed it could rain down rockets on Israel. Iran felt it could launch hundreds of missiles at Israel.

Donald Trump’s victory may change this sense of impunity. It could set in motion several processes in the region. First, it could accelerate plans by Iran and its proxies to continue the war and chaos they unleashed on October 7. They may think they have another two months to increase attacks before their window of opportunity closes. However, they know they are being watched in Washington by the incoming US administration. They also know that Israel will not be restrained by the US. Iran and other anti-western countries and proxies have believed over the last decade that time is on their side. Do they think that the US election has changed the clock? This is the big question they will face in the next two months.
Seth Mandel: The Birth of ‘the Jewish Vote’?
Similarly, elections in the modern era have been keeping track of the “Jewish votes.” But there was no evidence for the existence of “the Jewish vote.”

This year, that has changed. I have heard more than one person say something to effect of: “I wasn’t shocked by Oct. 7 in Israel but Oct. 8 in America.” Meaning that the horrific massacres carried out by Hamas were perfectly in character for a terrorist group that exists solely to carry out the mass murder of Jews. But many Jews here and around the world did not expect to see the streets and public squares of major American cities fill to the brim with people celebrating those atrocities. They did not expect to see U.S. campuses become, overnight, outposts of explicit Hamas and Hezbollah superfans. They were surprised that members of the U.S. Congress would make pilgrimage to the tentifadas calling for genocide against the Jews, and that a Democratic congresswoman would headline a China-backed conference whose organizers were affiliated with the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, a designated terrorist organization. They were unnerved by the successful campaign to prevent a Jewish governor from becoming Harris’s running mate.

Jewish Democrats did not, by and large, stop being Democrats. But they did stop being invisible—at least in Michigan and Pennsylvania. What this means for the concept of the “Jewish vote” going forward will not be apparent for some time, because it’s never clear whether one election constitutes an outlier or the beginning of a trend. Additionally, there are not many Jewish voters, at least compared to other politically prominent ethnic and racial groups, no matter how you count them—and so there will be even fewer Jewish voters who start to consistently vote on Jewish issues.

Jews don’t need to be “emancipated” from the Democratic Party—or any party. But they do need to be emancipated from their invisibility to the major parties. If that is changing, it is a change for the better.
Guiding Ambassador Ron Dermer on the March of the Living, with Professor Steven T. Katz

Dr. Elana Yael Heideman has a list of accomplishments so long it will make your jaw drop, with every last accomplishment earned in the service of her people and the Jewish homeland. Heideman, CEO and executive director of the Israel Forever Foundation, is a Jewish rights activist, historian, leading educator, author, and dynamic public speaker. Her knowledge of Jewish history and of the Holocaust is both vast and encyclopedic. If I want to find a specific Holocaust photo and have only a vague memory of what it depicts, Elana will always know which one I mean and quickly pull it up for me from her extensive personal archives. After all, this is the woman who studied for her thesis under famed Holocaust survivor, writer, and Nobel laureate Elie Wiesel.

Since October 7, I and many others have turned to Dr. Heideman to gain clarity and understanding of just how this could have happened to us: how Hamas could have attacked us as we slept, safe in our own land, secure in the knowledge that unlike during the Holocaust, we had our own Jewish army to protect us?

Was it all a mirage?

Heideman is the right address to discuss these things: How to make sense of world indifference to the plight of the Jews, the victim-blaming, the antisemitic campus protests. Whether to avoid upsetting graphic photos and stories from October 7. These make it difficult to carry on with our family and professional lives, but do we even have a right to avoid these things? Don’t we have a responsibility to bear witness to what has happened for the sake of future generations?

And of course, now that the elections have drawn to their fiery close, Dr. Elana Yael Heideman will also be the right person to help us understand the implications of the hateful Nazi label rhetoric so blithely applied to President Trump by his failed opponent and her fellow Democrats. What can we do to stand up to this ugly phenomenon of Nazi name-calling in modern day politics?

 

Dr. Elana Heideman

As a people we are lucky to have Dr. Elana Heideman. Heideman, who made Aliyah in 2005, and today lives in Nes Harim with her 3 beautiful children, is a visionary. She saw long before October 7 that the global Jewish world needed the Israel Forever Foundation, “an empowerment and engagement organization that provides experiential learning opportunities to the global Jewish world to celebrate, strengthen and mobilize the personal connection and activism of Jewish People as the nation of Israel.”

Today, we need Heideman and her foundation more than ever. She will always have something to teach us. Hopefully, this interview will give the reader a taste of Dr. Elana Heideman’s particular brand of genius.

***

Varda Epstein: You’ve been a Jewish rights activist since the time you were young. What’s your earliest memory of fighting for Jewish rights? What are some of the Jewish causes you’ve battled?

Elana Heideman: When I was very young, I encountered not only Jew-hatred in my middle school in Louisville Kentucky, but also Messianic Jews for Jesus who were out to persuade, and Holocaust deniers determined to falsify historical fact.

I can recall various instances where my identity was challenged, and where I had to think on my feet as to how to address the twisted misinformation of the people in groups I encountered. I have found that my pride and confidence as a Jew rooted in Jewish traditional life has aided my ability to counter each obstacle, including the cadre of self-hating Jews that have emerged in the past decades.  

Dr. Elana Heideman teaches children about the Holocaust

Varda Epstein: Can you tell us a bit about your family and the milieu in which you were raised? How did your family impact your Jewish identity and the trajectory your life has taken?

Elana Heideman: Activism is a part of my blood, and my part in that tradition emerged from a very young age, having watched my parents serve as prominent leaders fighting for Jewish rights, each in their own way. In a traditional home, rich with Ahavat Yisrael, I found myself active in more than one youth movement out of a desire to be involved in the many different avenues of Jewish expression. In the B'nai B’rith Youth Organization, following the legacy of leadership set by my parents who met as youth members of BBYO, I worked my way through chapter offices up to council and the International involvement. Simultaneously I was active in National Conference of Synagogue Youth (NCSY) where I was able to explore and embrace aspects of my religious and spiritual life as a leader. From a very early age I was involved in program development, something I have continued throughout my career as an educator, consultant, and transformational guide for young activists and interns.

Elana Heideman with her parents and children.

Varda Epstein: Your specific expertise is in Holocaust studies and antisemitism. What drove you to choose these specific fields of study? What is it like to be so constantly immersed in these grim subjects? How do you stay sane? And what is the impact of all this on your children?

Elana Heideman: From a very young age I was drawn to the mystery of the Holocaust. I was somewhat fascinated by the experience that each victim and survivor had to endure. I entered that world through the children's stories of Terezin, and one of my very first books I ever read at a very young age was Elie Wiesel's Night. I was immersed; I felt the lives and the pain of each person I met through his words and those of every book I read and every survivor I met throughout my life.

My life was directed toward the discovery of how these tragedies could impact those of us living so many years in its aftermath. Sometimes I wonder if I chose the topics or if they chose me, but I know that being constantly immersed in this study is indeed grim. Yet it is also so often a source of astonishment, even hope and strengthened faith, knowing that even through all of the nightmares, moment after moment, there are those who lived, breathed, and died never forsaking their part in the destiny of what it means to be a Jew. 

Sanity is relative. Sometimes I feel I live with a part of my soul in each of these worlds, but rather than allow it to overwhelm  my senses with sadness or despair, I continue, even after all of these 36-plus years, seeking out the messages of strength and empowerment that help to balance the pain that I have inevitably inherited.

I am quite blessed by the openness of my children, that together we are able to explore many relevant topics on this dark history without their feeling that such a memory is a burden. Rather, we are able to talk openly, dissect stories and fears. Especially in light of the October 7th massacre that has awakened in our entire nation a correlation to the historical Jewish experience of suffering, we have been able to balance ourselves and never take for granted any element of the courage and resilience shown during the Holocaust or any other era in history where our people have been forced to suffer such atrocity. Indeed, my children even have found themselves strong enough to join me to visit the memorial sites, including Nova, as we passed one year since the catastrophe, where together we could feel and consider its meaning in our lives.

Elana with Atir Vinikov, survivor of Nova who has been sharing his story with Israel Forever

Varda Epstein: Famed author and historian Elie Wiesel was your thesis advisor. That’s certainly something most people cannot claim. What was it like working under Professor Wiesel, himself a Holocaust survivor?

Elana Heideman: I had the great honor of being invited by Elie Wiesel to study under him for my doctoral research. He was more than just an advisor, he was my mentor, he was my Rabbi; he was my guide through the past and towards the future. It was a very powerful experience, every single encounter leaving an indelible impression on my soul, and of course, on my mind. He shared details of his own life and his own thinking that enabled me to carry his voice further as I continue to do now, even years after his passing. As one of only a handful of doctoral students who studied under his guidance, I am honored to have filled the unique role of being the only student to focus specifically on the Jewish Human Experience during the Holocaust. It was not easy for him, and we would engage in very healthy debates on the analytical interpretations of the transformation of The Jewish Human Condition in particular, which I termed “momentary survival.” I was able to engage with my esteemed master not only as my professor, famed Holocaust Survivor, writer and eloquent speaker, but also with the young Eliezer that I had met in my childhood encounter with his life experience. And to this day I am determined to protect Elie's Echo and to help others learn from his absent voice, especially now at a time when our people desperately need the guidance that he once offered to our nation.

While people can no longer hear him in person, it is essential that we continue to share his voice. I am honored to be considered his protégée and a carrier of his legacy.

Dr. Elana Heideman with Prof. Elie Wiesel, her mentor and "rabbi"

Varda Epstein: Can you describe some of the work you’ve done at/for Yad Vashem, Israel’s Holocaust museum and on behalf of Holocaust education? From your perspective, why is this work so critical?

Elana Heideman: My work on behalf of Holocaust education continues every day, and it pulses through the activism work I do on behalf of our people and our country. I educate educators, I train teachers, and continue to work with students looking to explore the field for research or other methods of memory transmission.

I began my work at Yad Vashem as a student, going there for my endless research efforts and taking part in every program I could get involved with. I attended their summer courses and went on to become an educator for the International School of Holocaust Studies and have served as a private guide for 20 years, providing a most unique and personalized experience through the Historical Museum. I was a part of an initiative that brought together teams from Yad Vashem with the United States Holocaust Historical Museum on applications of academic research to the future of Holocaust memory, and I have been a mentor for many students who seek to make Holocaust research and education a part of their future career path. I continue to educate and train educators and do my very best to encourage creative methods of the transmission of memory in a purposeful and meaningful way. Most importantly, I believe the work that we do as historians is, as Elie Wiesel said, our tool in our fight for Jewish rights and freedom. Those of us who are capable of translating the messages of history into action for today and the future are essential as our history and our very existence as the Jewish Nation continues to be threatened.

October 7 presented an unexpected comparison with the events of the Holocaust and I have tried to help people contend with the (im)balance of these atrocities. I am involved in memory efforts in Israel for the future of the memory of the Simchat Torah massacre, and I am involved with helping survivors tell their stories onward. I am working with descendants of Holocaust survivors who suddenly feel their identities shift following this tragedy, and am helping those who are trying to find their voice in the process of memorialization and meaning. Along with that comes helping people find clarity in the relationship between events of the past and those of today, as well as the warning signs for the future. 

Nazism of today does not look or sound like the Nazism of yesterday, yet people are quick to leap to unrealistic comparisons and sleight of tongue in name calling. The true lessons of the Holocaust would be a recognition of the power game of its perpetrators, and the language used to demonize the Jew and anything and everyone non-Aryan. To use the terms Nazi, Hitler  and, in fact, the term genocide so loosely for political gain, as has been done about Trump and Netanyahu, and the battle for existence in the defensive wars of Israel, is irresponsible and inaccurate. We should do better to retain the integrity of the survivors and the experience of fascist tyranny, and to recognize the patterns of public manipulation that employ the same fear tactics as the Nazis before them. The closest comparison can only be found in the global jihadist movement for the extermination of Israel and the Jewish nation that has become the rallying cry of the antisemitic hate fests taking over the streets and social streams of the world. That is where energy should be directed - to stopping the trend enabling the violent vitriol that will lead whole societies into dark and trying times.

At Nova

Varda Epstein: Why did you make Aliyah? Do you see Aliyah as a Jewish imperative?

Elana Heideman: Aliyah for me felt inevitable since my very first visit to Israel at the age of 13. The experience transformed my life and my identity, my self-awareness and my motivations. I had postponed my desired Aliyah for the sake of my academic career, and was blessed with the opportunity to spend 12 years under the tutelage of Elie Wiesel, but right in the middle of our learning together I felt a change. Having guided many journeys to Poland within a short timeframe, it was that last arrival back to America where I understood this was no longer my home where I could feel at peace, where my soul was complete. I knew that in order to write the best work and to do the best teaching I could do for the sake of the future, I needed to be where I was my best and most complete self, and that was in the land of Israel. 

As we know, making Aliyah is not easy for anyone, but I found myself so enthralled by the ability to live the miracle and to learn the language of our people, that I built quite a beautiful and substantive life here where I now live on a moshav with my three children in the Judean mountains. I know that Aliyah is not for everyone, however I do wish more people would consider it so that we can carry on the pioneering dream of our people, those who lived in exile for too many years. I believe Aliyah could be a greater ideal for some Jews today, but of course as we've seen throughout history, it is not easy to pick up an entire life and face the countless challenges of the cultural, financial, social, and even religious shift that comes along with such a major move.

I do believe that it should be a Jewish imperative, and frankly I believe that every diaspora Jewish youth should be obligated to inherit their birthright as a virtual citizen of Israel, and to serve one year of either volunteer army service or community service, Sherut Leumi, or other opportunities.  Sadly, not enough of our diaspora family feels that it is worth the potential sacrifice, no matter how many years we repeat the phrase “next year in Jerusalem”, or “if I am not for myself who will be for me”, or singing the songs that remind us that we are all watchmen on the wall. Unfortunately we will continue to see Aliyah of despair, of escape from the rising Jew-hatred in every corner of the world.  

I pray that Jewish families today and those of the future will understand that Aliyah by choice is something that we can each make possible if we dream it. But the dream must be fostered by a sense of shared responsibility to our homeland, a shared destiny with the ancestors of thousands of years ago and every generation since. Only then can someone realistically envision taking on the more difficult life, the many bureaucratic and cultural obstacles. Building a meaningful life in Israel outweighs so much of the burden of the obstacles we face because we know that it is the chosen life to be a part of blossoming and living our land, and being a part of the collectivity of the nation of Israel as fulfilled in our biblical blessing. 



Varda Epstein: Tell us about the Israel Forever Foundation. What is the mission of this nonprofit of which you are the executive director, and how did it come to be?

Elana Heideman: Israel Forever was born as an organization focused on celebrating Israel's centrality in Jewish identity and her contributions to humanity and civilization. Expanded to become a home for engagement, inspiration, and empowerment, Israel Forever offers programming, resources, and consulting for our global community of members, who we recognize as Virtual Citizens of Israel. 

I developed Israel Forever to meet the continuous need of Jews from all backgrounds and places in the world to feel connected to our source as Israel and the many dimensions of what that means. This vision extends to those already involved and also for the unaffiliated and non-religious. It includes creating opportunities for informal learning to reach those who lack a community or educational connection.

We cater to the continuously growing needs of the Jewish world, for those who are unaffiliated, isolated, seeking to deepen their personal connection, to mobilize their families and friends in creative ways that help them feel like they're making a tangible difference. We serve as a partner and often a guide, creating opportunities for learning, activism, and to bring together those in the diaspora with grassroots efforts in Israel, helping to not only raise awareness but to increase compassion and connection no matter how far apart the members of our global Jewish family might be. 

We have been active for 14 years in designing content that meets the needs of educators, parents, community leaders, organizations and individuals. Since the war, we have been sponsoring Healing Hearts mosaics therapeutic activities to displaced communities, distributing messages and packages of support to bereaved, traumatized and displaced families. We have supported soldiers and soldier’s families, especially miluimnikim reservists, and we have been sharing the stories of Israel and helping to inspire those around the world to be IsraelStrong in every way possible. 

Israel Forever was built on the understanding that not all Jews would come to Israel to foster the sense of belonging. Instead, we have brought pride in Zion and Israeli identity to those around the world. Now, as our people face a war on multiple fronts and platforms, Israel Forever continues our vital role in serving as a bridge and a source of empowerment.



Varda Epstein: Can you tell us about your work on behalf of Zionist organizations, such as B’nai Brith and the World Zionist Council?

Elana Heideman: When I was growing up, Zionist was not a bad word. And it was with immense, unfettered pride that I served as a B’nai B’rith delegate of the World Zionist Council from a very young age. I was exposed to the activism and voices of elders and leaders from all over the world, and I was able to learn from their expertise.  Eyewitness to debates both civil and non, I gained greater insight and appreciation by listening deeply to the various perspectives that I encountered. I recognized and appreciated the different styles of communication and activism of Israelis, empowered by their confidence in our nation state. I learned how to navigate the intricacies of international collaborations and networking, and to find a balance between ideas and passion, and actualization and implementation. 

As the chairperson for the Young Leadership Action Network, I was able to not only meet fellow young activists but also share my ideas for potential improvements in making possible the change we all were hoping to see. Then again, as a delegate for the Global Conference for Combating Antisemitism, since its inception in 2004, I do feel as if we continue to fight the same battle that many of us were shouting about for all of these years since. The new waves of Jew-hatred we see on the streets right now were already in their inception phase, incubated by years of indifference and accusations of paranoia for anyone who was, like myself, able to see the writing on the wall and trying to be involved in every way possible to find solutions to the lack of preparation or response. 

I continue to sit in the conferences, serve as a delegate, and see how I can make an impact while wading through the organizational bureaucracies that we all know are obstacles to our ability to make change. Israel Forever, as a grassroots independent unaffiliated apolitical Jewish Rights Movement, allows us to succeed in making Israel and Jewish identity empowerment a personal goal. 

"Silly me."

Varda Epstein: What is Declaration Day, and what drove you to this initiative?

Elana Heideman: In simple terms, Declaration Day commemorates the day on which Ben Gurion declared Israel's independence as a nation state following the end of the British mandate over Palestine on May 14th, 1948. The Declaration Day initiative aims to establish this day of recognition on international calendars. While Yom HaAtzmaut is our day of celebrating our rebirth as a sovereign nation in our ancestral homeland, the international world must remain continuously aware of the facts that surround this reestablished sovereignty.

Every year the lies get worse. The Nakba lie has grown in popularity and has circumvented nearly all elements of historical truth surrounding the formal establishment and recognition of the modern Jewish state of Israel. But rather than create a reactionary campaign, we aim for Declaration Day to be a proactive affirmation of the ancestral rights that were affirmed on this historic date. With increased programming for recognition of the path to independence as a just cause for Jewish national freedom, reaffirmed again and again in international law, we can prevent the future deterioration of the facts in the minds of common people. We can educate them as to the fundamental values on which not only was Israel created, but values Israel continues to uphold in both our pursuit of peace and in our methods of war, as we are continuously forced to demonstrate.

No international body gave Israel the right to exist. Not the Balfour on November 2nd, 1917; not the League of Nations on June 24th, 1922; not the United Nations vote for the partition on November 29th, 1947. But by virtue of these recognitions of Jewish rights to the biblical and indigenous homeland of the Jewish people, Jewish life has continued to grow and blossom in a desolate land, fulfilling our ancestral destiny and the blessing bestowed upon us by God. Declaration Day allows people to stand proud for these same values and ideals. 

With a group of ambassadors at Israel Forever Foundation Declaration Day event

Varda Epstein: What is the most frustrating aspect of antisemitism and the fight against Jew-hatred?

Elana Heideman: On one hand the most frustrating aspect is how easily the masses are persuaded by the lies about Jews. On the other hand, the most frustrating aspect is how careless and callous people have become when it relates to expressions of Jew-hatred. Elie Wiesel taught that indifference is amongst the most dangerous elements of a society. And yet, people are inevitably susceptible to compassion fatigue and, in the competition for empathy, the Jews simply do not factor in. We seem as nothing but a burden; a thorn in the side of societies who just want to be able to forget that the Jews exist. To many, we represent something beyond “foreignness;” rather an entity whose existence and resistance they cannot understand, and in too many cases cannot accept as legitimate, no matter human. So I believe that our fight against Jew-hatred begins with respect for the Jew and what the Jew stands for, and it is immensely frustrating to know that we cannot achieve this respect while our people continue to have such internal divisions and public conflicts. They weaken us, they demonstrate that we are, within our own community,   indifferent to the impact of this internal division on how the external world accepts us or understands us. For years, and especially in the past year, we hear how Israel hasn't done enough to explain ourselves. But in fact the fight against antisemitism should not rest on the shoulders of Israel alone, but on those of the diaspora organizations who, sadly, have spent these last decades treating the rise of antisemitism as if it was insignificant. Now we see how such indifference to our own reality has fostered some of the inadequate response to what we are currently seeing happening everywhere around us.

Varda Epstein: Talk to us about October 7. What was your original reaction when news of the atrocities began to filter out? How have your feelings and purpose evolved over the one year since that black day?

Elana Heideman: The first siren in my community was within the first hour of the onslaught, which began at 6:29 a.m. I immediately grabbed my phone in spite of Shabbat. The videos were the first thing I saw. I felt like I had been transported in time. Like everyone else here, it was impossible for me - for anyone at that time - to understand the extent of what was happening, such as how many terrorists had infiltrated what we believed to be our safe borders, the depravity of their acts or the extent of the psychological tortures inflicted on children, elderly, and women. Where were the soldiers to protect them, was, of course, one of everyone’s first questions as I was already seeing some of the conversations that were happening in these communities as they were under attack, simply by virtue of random shared connections in my social feeds. It was everywhere, and I saw before they were taken down some of the most graphic images of the fields of Nova, the bodies of raped women, beheaded corpses, and burned babies. I found myself seeking story after story from that day and onward, knowing that my role as an atrocity memory expert might somehow be an asset in trying to comprehend and cope with the aftermath of this slaughter. I still continue to inherit these stories, and I do everything in my power to pass them along. Much as I had done with the stories of painful suffering and abuse during the Holocaust, I knew that this was a part of the blessing/curse I had inherited. I had to be able to give voice to the voiceless; I had to be able to keep people informed while alleviating their personal fears and anxieties. For each month of the one year following the slaughter, I held a virtual program on the 7th that allowed people to learn, listen, and to feel some small glimmer of solace in knowing that they were not alone and that they could have a safe and private space to feel somehow together, even with people who are far away. Another program we developed to foster this connection was our Healing Hearts mosaics project, a therapeutic craft that we provided to displaced families, and that we continue to provide for bereaved and traumatized families, individuals and communities, through the generosity of donors from around the world. At a time when we all feel helpless and yet wishing we could do more, I continue with every chance I get to create opportunities for interaction, healing, and the continued learning about what October 7th means to each one of us, especially as the months continue to pass.

I will say that my feelings have only grown more intense, and my purpose even more empowered. And my intensity grows despite the fact that everybody since October 7th is now an “expert” on anti-Semitism and the holocaust. While it is indeed difficult to wade through the new voices of influencers, whose popularity are dominating the conversations, I know that my role is perhaps even more relevant as a link between generations of knowledge and insight that I have learned and inherited. 

 


Varda Epstein: How has the focus of your work changed since October 7? What are you doing to spread awareness and fight back against misperceptions and anti-Israel sentiment?

Elana Heideman: The focus of my work has changed only in the continuous need to keep our war for Jewish rights and freedom at the forefront of people's consideration and consciousness. Alongside the necessary awareness of our hostages in captivity we must look at ways we could be fighting our fight better, such as emphasizing the full transparency of the IDF in their unprecedented care to reduce civilian casualties, and to call out the propagandists and their manipulated numbers and demonization. The focus of my work just has even more purpose now than ever because, in truth, many Jews are simply feeling lost. We must join our soldiers fighting this just war for freedom against this tyranny of terror that is taking over the world and so I will continue to seek opportunities, partnerships, and find ways to help the common person, the every Jew, so that they might feel more confident as they wade through the sea of confusion and encroaching despair. I have increased our visual presentations of information and empowerment messages, interviews with people who are involved in a grassroots level of activism, philanthropy, and community strength. We continue to reach people directly with ideas on how to channel their energy into positive ways during this most trying time. I have expanded the lessons on historical relativism, recognizing that we are indeed living through a historic time.

 

Elana and her beautiful family

Varda Epstein: What is your advice to those who want to make a difference on behalf of Israel and the Jewish people, but don’t know where to begin?

Elana Heideman: This is precisely what I have been doing for years - helping people find their spark, polish their voice, and find ways to be involved with activism that meet their personal abilities, interests and availability. In our busy lives, we have to make the time - we have to commit ourselves to something in particular that helps us feel we are making a tangible difference. For some that might be advocacy, for others it could be letter-writing and call campaigns to administrations and organizations. Whether for the release of our hostages or the rights of Israel or of Jews in classrooms and communities, these individual voices are essential to keeping up momentum. Of course, finding a local group or leader works for some; but for others, they are looking for ways to fit activism into our already overstimulated and over-programmed reality. 

Anyone can take a first step - don’t be shy, and definitely reach out for help. I do private consulting for people looking for direction, and help develop skills through a hands-on internship program that has propelled many into activism or even career pursuits. Helping stay motivated is often a challenge, and feeling helpless or lonely can be obstacles to having a sense of accomplishment - especially in social media activism, which is very difficult to navigate because of the exposure to the toxicity of hate. So I believe starting small and making meaningful connections is a great first step to finding your personal niche of how you can use your time and energy.

Israel needs every voice, and we all have a potential to do more to join the efforts to go beyond just Jewish pride to be Zion-proud - deeply invested in the success of our ancestral national project. You can find connections in the most random of spaces and build creative expression in the most diverse of platforms that can all serve our collective purpose of keeping alive the legacy of the nation of Israel. 

Our unity is at the helm of our fight to overcome the hatred and danger we face today, and that unity begins with sharing what we know about the issues and what we have seen work over the years. Don’t underestimate the meaningfulness, the power and importance, of your single voice. Consider the many skills and relationships you have picked up over your life, and how they can help you to grow and strengthen your own Jewish identity and that of other Jews in your life. Be the ambassador for the Jewish fight for freedom and sovereignty with Israel Forever, or come explore with me your next path - the opportunities are yours if you want them. 

 


Varda Epstein: What’s next for Elana Heideman?

Elana Heideman: My vision for myself in 5 years is to continue to be at the helm of an organization that I believe plays a crucial part in the continuity of connection for Am Yisrael. I have channeled my passion for learning and activism into meaningful programming and content, creating engagement and empowerment opportunities and inspiration for a wide range of audiences around the world. I continue the work of Elie Wiesel in utilizing the lessons of the Jewish lived experience into our current realities, facing a new war against the Jews.  I hope the future allows me to carry Israel Forever into new levels of global awareness and programming opportunities, to continue building upon the thousands of hours taught, hundreds of articles and resources written and published on israelforever.org, to create partnerships allowing us to reach, connect and collaborate with local communities for the sake of our collective future. And above all, I hope I will still be inspiring fellow Jews in discovering their connection and destiny as a part of the nation of Israel, knowing that Israel Forever can play a historic role in protecting the integrity of one of the great civilizations of the world. 



Buy the EoZ book, PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism  today at Amazon!

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