Wednesday, June 18, 2025

From Ian:

Roz Rothstein: Iran’s Nuclear Escalation Is Not Just Israel’s Problem — It’s the World’s
Many talking heads who disagree with Israel’s preemptive attack on Iran are asking, “What is Israel’s endgame?” The answer should be obvious. Israel’s end goal is to prevent an existential threat from, and denuclearize, a theocratic government that has openly called for the destruction of not just one nation, but an entire people. Iran left Israel no choice. The alternative would have been to wait for a nuclear-armed dictatorship to make good on its promises of annihilation.

It is important to remember that this is not Israel’s first confrontation with existential threats. From its founding, Israel has been forced to defend itself against those who sought its destruction. But what we are seeing now is different. This is not another border conflict or skirmish with a non-state terrorist actor funded by Iran. This is a direct confrontation with Iran, a regime that has both the ideology and, increasingly, the capacity to inflict catastrophic damage, not only on Israel but on the broader international community.

What would the world expect Israel to do in this moment? Sit silently while its enemies prepare weapons of mass murder? Wait until the regime that funds more terror proxies than any other country in the world gains the ability to launch nuclear warheads? Every sovereign nation has the right — and the duty — to defend its people. When that nation is the first target of a radical regime’s nuclear ambitions, that duty becomes urgent and non-negotiable.

Now is the time for moral clarity and international resolve. A maniacal regime with nuclear ambitions that openly threatens to destroy Israel, the U.S., and the West, cannot be appeased or ignored. This is not just an Israeli problem. It is a test of the world’s ability to recognize evil, call it by its name, and confront it before it is too late.

Israel is on the front lines, but the danger reaches far beyond its borders. What Iran is attempting is not just a regional conflict — it is a challenge to the global order. If the world fails to stop Iran now, the consequences will be felt from Jerusalem to London to New York and beyond. The safety of our shared future depends on our ability to see the threat that is staring us in the face, and to act — not with delay, not with equivocation, but with unity, courage and resolve.
By defanging Iran, Trump would also bloody China and Russia
Clearly, it is in America’s best interest to give Israel what it needs to succeed, and to pursue a strategy that exploits Iran’s multiple internal and external pressure points to further weaken the regime’s hand.

This is important not just for containing Iran, but because of the message it will send Iran’s autocratic allies, Russia and China, about America’s commitment to restoring deterrence.

Make no mistake: Russia and China are also — at least metaphorically — being bloodied by Israel’s success.

The collapse of the Assad regime in Syria last year already dealt a blow to this alliance’s strategic depth in the region; the prospect of a weakened or collapsed Iran puts put an even larger dent in the armor of this dangerous partnership.

More importantly, by demonstrating American resolve on the issue of nuclear proliferation, dictators like Xi Jinping will have to think twice before making any aggressive or destabilizing moves — for example, in the South China Sea, or toward Taiwan.

To critics who argue that America is on the verge of being dragged into yet another Middle Eastern entanglement, it’s worth remembering that wars generally start when bad actors perceive weakness — not the other way around.
Brendan O'Neill: Israel’s clash with Iran is nothing like the Iraq War
For the Iraq comparison to carry moral weight, Saddam would have had to have attacked the US and the UK – and savagely. In Britain, which has a population of 70million to Israel’s nearly 10million, he would have had to have funded a terror army that slaughtered 8,400 of our people. And sponsored fanatical militants who fired 35,000 rockets at our cities, causing nearly half a million Brits to be displaced. And fired 2,500 of his own missiles directly at our cities. I was implacably opposed to the Iraq War, but if Saddam had visited such horrors on my countrymen I would have supported action against him. I’m an anti-imperialist, not a hippy.

Regionally, too, the Iraq comparison speaks to the ahistoricism of Israel’s critics. The worst thing about the Iraq War is that it was a violent pummelling of a destitute nation. War with Iran, war with Kuwait, war with its own freedom-yearning Kurdish population, war with America, the UN-enforced partition of its lands, the UN’s sanctions that caused chronic hunger and disease – Iraq was a feeble, pathetic half-nation in 2003. ‘Our’ war against it was pure moral pantomime, with well-known deadly consequences.

Iran, by contrast, is an energetic actor in the Middle East. It does pose a strategic threat. It deploys its proxies to the imperial end of extending its theocratic writ across the region. It has fought brutal proxy wars with Saudi Arabia, most notably in Yemen. And it unquestionably menaces Israel. Its missiles and its proxies’ pogroms are testament to that. Iran’s dream – openly – is to eradicate the Jewish State. Which other nation on Earth would be told to chill out in the face of such an extremist neighbour which in both word and deed had made plain its annihilationist aspirations?

The ‘invoking of the spectre of Iraq’ deserves ridicule. If people want to campaign against US or UK assistance for Israel’s war with Iran, that’s their business. I don’t want to see Western boots on the ground in Iran – let the IDF and the mullahs fight this war that Iran started. But the frothing anger with Israel for waging a supposed ‘forever war’, the feverish depiction of Israel’s leaders as modern-day Bushes or Blairs promising the world nothing but catastrophe, smacks of political infantilism. An addiction to the easy anti-war positions of the 2000s has blinded people to the moral and even civilisational questions raised by the multi-pronged Islamist effort to destroy the Jewish State.

Israel’s critics see themselves as being on the side of peace. Really? In railing against Israel for striking back against the regime that has visited extreme violence on its people, they are essentially instructing the Jewish State to live meekly alongside an existential hazard. They want to maintain a status quo ante in which the permanent threat of annihilation hangs over Israel. They see the existential endangerment of the Jews of Israel as a small price to pay for their own peace of mind. That isn’t ‘peace’ – it’s the displacement of war on to the Jews in order to save non-Jews’ arses.

It’s understandable that Iraq gave rise to a new isolationism. But it’s clear now that concern about that war has curdled into a deep and fretful cynicism where military action of any kind is viewed suspiciously. The role of the ‘Iraq spectre’ in public life is less to promote a principled opposition to Western interference in the affairs of other states than to institutionalise a politics of precaution in which every nation is encouraged to batten down the hatches lest ‘another Iraq’ occur. Between this nervous isolationism and the imperial hubris of those who smashed Iraq, there’s something else: internationalism, a support for democratic liberation everywhere. Israel has a right to defend itself against anti-Semitic tyrants, and Iranians have the right to choose who rules them – those are my uneasy positions.
John Spencer: What Is the Bomb Israel Needs from the U.S. to Quickly Destroy Fordow?
Why Fordow Is the Ultimate MOP Target
The Fordow facility is not just underground. It is inside a mountain, roughly 260 to 295 feet below the surface. Iran’s engineers designed it to survive even advanced airstrikes. The facility is thought to be constructed beneath at least 80 meters of rock, potentially reinforced by concrete and blast-resistant barriers. It is one of the most protected uranium enrichment plants on Earth.

Fordow’s depth and fortification render it immune to standard air-to-ground munitions. Even advanced Israeli bunker busters like the GBU-28 would likely fail to reach the centrifuge halls.

Some analysts believe that two MOPs may be required to guarantee mission success at Fordow. The first would weaken or breach the protective layers, and the second, following in short succession, could then reach and detonate inside the heart of the facility. This tandem-strike approach would maximize the likelihood of collapsing the internal chambers or destroying centrifuges beyond repair.

Could Fordow Be Attacked Another Way?
While the GBU-57 is the most capable conventional weapon for destroying the Fordow facility, it is not the only potential option. Israel has demonstrated alternative approaches, most notably in Operation Many Ways in 2024, where Israel conducted a complex, multi-domain campaign deep inside Syrian territory. That operation involved deception, intelligence penetration, cyber disruption, precision strikes, and a special forces raid on the ground to eliminate the high-value missile construction facility by placing explosive inside it and then extracting the Israeli soldiers. A similarly bold campaign could theoretically be designed to target Fordow, possibly involving cyber attacks to disable critical systems, electronic warfare, or even special operations forces inserted to destroy key components from within. However, such an approach would carry significantly higher risks, including mission failure, and loss of personnel. Compared to these contingencies, the GBU-57 remains the most direct, reliable, and strategically low-risk option to ensure the physical destruction of Fordow’s deeply buried enrichment infrastructure.

A Strategic Choice for the United States
As Israel weighs its military options against Iran’s rapidly advancing nuclear program, the question is not whether it has the will to strike Fordow. It is whether it has the means. The United States is the only country in the world with the capability to field the GBU-57. Granting Israel access to the weapon would involve not only transferring the munition but also addressing the delivery platform, a logistical and geopolitical decision of the highest order.

There is no substitute for the GBU-57 in this mission set. It is not just the bomb Israel needs. It is the only bomb that can do the job.


Disclaimer: the views expressed here are solely those of the author, weekly Judean Rose columnist Varda Meyers Epstein.

Benjamin Netanyahu has often referred to a divide between Iran’s regime and its people. The Israeli prime minister seems convinced that the Iranian people, as distinct from its oppressors, desire friendship with Israel. “Israel wants peace. We want peace with all those who truly want peace with us,” said the PM in an address to the Iranian people six months ago. “And I have no doubt that you, the People of Iran, know this. I know that just as we want peace with you, you want peace with us.”


If true, it sure would be an amazing thing to get Khamenei out of the picture and watch this friendship bloom.

Cyrus II le Grand et les Hébreux, Jean Fouquet, 1470 

More recently, in his June 13 address to the Iranian people, Netanyahu said, “Israel's fight is not against the Iranian people. Our fight is against the murderous Islamic regime that oppresses and impoverishes you. The nation of Iran and the nation of Israel have been friends since the days of Cyrus the Great.”

The idea of a friendship between Israel and Iran can be hard to reconcile with years of “Death to Israel” chants and regime-backed propaganda. How do we square what we’ve seen and heard with what Bibi tells us? Is there real evidence to support his assertion that the Iranian people might want peace—or even friendship—with Israel?

Let’s take a look:

Signs of Friendship from the Iranian People

Despite decades of regime-sponsored antisemitism, surveillance, and repression, many Iranians—both inside the country and across the diaspora—have expressed admiration, sympathy, and even affection for Israel and the Jewish people.

💬 Voices from Inside Iran

As Israel’s June 2025 strikes on Iranian military infrastructure shook the Islamic Republic, some Iranians were not trembling—but cheering.

“I … lost my control and was shouting, thanking Netanyahu for killing these criminals.”
Zahra, a 50-year-old mother of two in Karaj near Tehran, speaking to NPR

Another Iranian told Ynet:

“Iranians are not worried about Israel’s attack because we all know that the Israeli government has no problem with the Iranian people,” said “A” from Ahvaz. “This is not just my opinion. We all wish to see the destruction of the Islamic Republic as soon as possible.”

In other words, some Iranians trust the Israeli military more than their own rulers.

Just over a year ago, after an Israeli airstrike in Damascus eliminated seven Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps officers, graffiti appeared in Tehran encouraging the Jewish state to hit them harder next time.”

'Israel go ahead and strike; they don’t have the courage'

'Hit them harder next time Israel, they’ve s*** themselves'

🕊️ Support in the Streets and on Social Media

Social media has become a powerful window into Iranian public sentiment—particularly among younger generations and diaspora voices. After Hamas’s October 2023 attack on Israel, many Iranians online expressed solidarity with Israeli victims using hashtags like #IraniansStandWithIsrael and #IranIsHappy.

Here are just a few examples:

Meanwhile, Iranian attorney and activist Elica Le Bon, a prominent voice in the diaspora, has called Iranians and Israelis “old friends,” echoing a shared historical bond. On June 13, 2025, she tweeted, “Praying for the safety of the people of Iran and Israel. There has never been a war between our people, only a failed attempt to divide an ancient bond between old friends.” Her words resonate as a bridge across decades of division.


🕯Clerical Courage 

It didn't win him any popularity contests for saying so, but former senior Iranian cleric, dissident Ayatollah Hadi Ghabel, spoke of friendship between Jews and Iranians as far back as 2021:

“Iranians and Jews have many years of friendship. I haven’t met Iranians who don’t have a positive opinion of Israel.”

As we see, even within the heart of Iran’s religious establishment, there have been flickers of goodwill.

🌺 Conclusion: A Friendship Waiting to Blossom?

There could be no more hostile regime to Israel than that of Khamenei—but these brave, hopeful, often anonymous voices through the years, suggest that the people of Iran may indeed want peace, friendship, and even cooperation with the Jewish State. Of course, most of all, they want out from under their repressive regime. And Israel is making that happen even now as you read this article.

For years, Netanyahu has spoken of Iranian-Israeli friendship—and now, for the first time, it feels within reach. From defiant graffiti and diaspora rallies to viral hashtags and heartfelt tweets, there is mounting evidence that Iranians are not Israel’s enemies. In fact, many are potential allies.

Perhaps, when the ayatollahs are gone, we won’t need to imagine peace between Israelis and Iranians.

We’ll simply watch it unfold.



Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 



  • Wednesday, June 18, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon

Iran isn't the only regional power with balletic missiles. Israel has the Jericho-3 and older Jericho-2 - not thousands, but hundreds. 

But there is little reason to use them.

First of all, fighter jets are more accurate and effective for the missions Israel is embarking on - attacking specific buildings, for example.

Another reason is that the Jericho missiles are really meant as a deterrent, especially since they are almost certainly nuclear capable.

But the other reason is simple: more innocent people would be killed if Israel shot conventional warhead ballistic missiles. They aren't as accurate and their explosive charges are generally greater than most bombs being dropped by Israeli fighter jets.

In other words, Iran is shooting missiles because it has no air force to speak of anymore, and it considers civilian casualties to be a bonus, not something to be avoided.



Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 



We've already discussed the idea of community as an essential concept in building a moral society. A community can give people the incentive to act responsibly, as part of a covenant between them and others, in a practical and non-abstract way.

But community is also a pillar of a universal ethical system in another essential way. It can provide an answer to the basic philosophical  question of how to have an ethical system while respecting autonomy and pluralism.

Pluralism is not merely the reality of difference. It is the challenge of living with difference ethically. we live in a world where cultures, religions, and ideological tribes hold radically different views of right and wrong. We need a way to preserve those distinct ways of life without descending into either relativism or authoritarianism. 

Most modern ethical frameworks fail at this task. They either flatten all traditions into interchangeable preferences, or they impose a rigid universalism that denies communal identity.

Jewish ethics offers an alternative: a framework that honors the moral agency of communities while preserving universal ethical boundaries. 

Here's how it works: A community - whether religious, cultural, national, or ideological - may define obligations for its members. These obligations and priorities may, and inevitably will, not be identical to the triage rules and priorities we've defined in the Jewish ethical framework project. Each community will have its own customs, standards and priorities. But, crucially, these community standards must not violate what we've defined as the universal Tier 1 ethical values: life (Pikuach Nefesh), dignity (Kavod HaBriyot), communal responsibility (Areivut) and justice (Tzedek). These values serve as a kind of moral firewall: they do not dictate outcomes, but they delineate the space within which moral diversity can operate.

This boundary applies both across communities and within them. Communities are allowed to enforce internal norms, like rituals, roles, customs, so long as they do not cross the moral firewall. But they must also allow room for legitimate sub-communities or dissenting voices within. A community that demands total agreement and suppresses all variation ceases to be morally defensible. It cannot demand community autonomy while being intolerant of individual autonomy. It can provide communal pressure to conform, but it cannot coerce. Individuals who disagree with specific community standards but who do not want to secede from the community at large may create their own sub-communities: no one should be deprived of the enormous benefits of belonging to a community. 

In this model, "community"  is not a rigid, top-down unit. It is dynamic, overlapping, and contextual. Individuals are not members of a single moral collective - they inhabit many at once. A person may belong simultaneously to a religious community, a profession, a family, a nation, and a culture. Each of these may exert moral claims on them, and at times those claims will conflict.

This moral complexity does not have to result in chaos. It requires structure. This framework responds by offering a consistent process for evaluating competing communal obligations: one that begins by honoring community autonomy but draws clear boundaries around what communities may not do. A person who needs the Internet for work but does not want it in their home can navigate a solution to work from home with a minimum of violating community standards. We make these sorts of decisions every day; this system makes it easier to define the issues at stake and therefore to find the best solutions.

Critically, this framework does not prescribe coercive enforcement against communities that cross the line. It is not a court of law. Instead, it prescribes clarity: moral violations should be named, public accountability asserted, and complicity avoided. Intervention, if warranted, should be rare and proportional, focused on egregious harm, not normative difference. The goal is not control, but conscience and transparency. If a community can defend its own moral standards, let it - but it should use the universal grammar this framework provides so everyone can understand and debate the issues fairly and not talk past one another. 

In this way, Jewish ethics affirms that communities are the laboratories of moral diversity. But they are not moral kingdoms. Communities are responsible to their members, to each other, and to shared ethical values that apply across all communal lines.

Handling Conflict and Dissent

If individuals belong to multiple communities at once, then dissent is not only possible: it is inevitable. A person may find that their professional ethics contradict a religious expectation. Or that their national duty clashes with a communal norm. Or that their conscience diverges from a family tradition.

The question is not whether communities should have norms. They must. The question is how they treat those who live within them but do not fully conform.

A community that preserves dignity allows disagreement. It offers space for sub-communities to evolve, for members to question, and for roles to be negotiated. It does not resort to coercion, humiliation, or excommunication as the price of staying. Community identity is not brittle; it can stretch to accommodate diversity without losing integrity. And it invariably changes over time. 

This principle is deeply rooted in Jewish tradition. The Talmud records minority opinions with care. Prophets rebuke kings and priests in the name of justice. Halachic disputes remain preserved for future generations to study. The Jewish people has always contained internal plurality, not as a weakness but as a sign of moral seriousness. 

This universal ethical framework builds on this tradition. It asserts that a moral community is defined not just by what it expects of members, but by how it handles dissent. It allows communities to maintain standards - even strong ones - but only if they are enforced without degrading human dignity or suppressing moral conscience.

When internal dissent becomes widespread, it may catalyze a transformation. Sometimes a sub-community becomes the new center; sometimes the community divides into branches; sometimes it evolves. The framework does not fear this. It recognizes that ethical evolution, when conducted transparently and with respect for life, dignity, and justice, is not fragmentation. It is growth.

Belonging is not conditional on total agreement. It is conditional on mutual responsibility, respect, and an open structure of moral reasoning. A community that makes no room for principled difference is not a strong community. It is a brittle one.

In a world where individuals live in multiple moral spaces - between work and home, prayer and politics, culture and conscience - this system does not ask them to be morally seamless. It asks them to be morally honest. And it gives them the tools to weigh those obligations with integrity and with a clear ethical prism to navigate these different obligations. 

Case study: Modesty

Few communal norms are as emotionally charged as modesty. In many traditional societies, expectations around dress, behavior, and gender separation are seen as essential expressions of identity, reverence, or sanctity. For outsiders, however, these same norms can appear restrictive, coercive, or degrading.

This makes modesty an ideal case study for how to balance morality with pluralism. It is a genuine communal value, but one that frequently intersects with questions of autonomy, dignity, and inclusion. The question is not whether modesty can be a legitimate moral norm: it certainly can. The question is how it is taught, enforced, and negotiated.

The Jewish ethical system permits communities to uphold standards of modesty as internal expressions of sacred value. A house of worship may require covered shoulders; a school may have a dress code aligned with its ethos. These are legitimate within the boundaries of community autonomy.

But the moment modesty is used as a weapon - to shame, to exclude, to dominate - it crosses the line. A woman who wears red is not inviting exile. A man who wears jeans is not rejecting tradition. Enforcement that humiliates or silences violates human dignity, even if done in the name of religion.

Additionally, this distinction between universal dignity and community standards can help clarify even issues even within religious communities. Modesty is seen in religious communities as a means for protecting dignity, but each religious tradition also emphasizes human dignity as a separate standalone obligation. Modesty in principle can protect dignity, when it is enforced by using humiliation or public denigration as enforcement mechanisms, the claim to protect dignity becomes hypocritical. 

A community that values modesty must also uphold dignity. The tension between them is not a weakness in religious systems  - it is the essence of ethical judgment. This ethical framework provides a language and tools for competing values to be surfaced and debated even within communities, and it can act as a powerful tool against those who use religion to give themselves power.

Case study:  Polygamy and Child Marriage

Some of the hardest ethical tensions arise from ancient traditions that communities insist are normative. Marriage norms are one of the clearest examples. While Western liberal societies treat monogamy and adulthood as unquestioned prerequisites, other cultures maintain different traditions: polygamy, child marriage, and patriarchal household structures. 

Can these be morally acceptable under a pluralistic framework? Or are they violations in disguise?

The Jewish ethical framework does not begin by assuming that unfamiliar customs are wrong. But it also does not excuse serious harm just because it is wrapped in tradition. The key question is always the same: Does this structure uphold or undermine the top values of life, dignity, responsibility and justice?

Polygamy, for instance, is not inherently immoral. In certain historic or resource-scarce contexts, it may even have served a protective function. While it appears to Western eyes - correctly - as being difficult to implement fairly and with respect to all parties, it is certainly possible that the wives prefer this arrangement to alternatives available to them. But when polygamy becomes a tool of control, emotional harm, or coercion - especially toward women who have no say in the arrangement - it violates dignity and justice. Polygamy isn't the issue - it is the way power and choice are structured. 

The same principle applies to child marriage. A culture may claim that early marriage is traditional, or that it is voluntary. But if the girl lacks meaningful choice, access to education, or power to refuse, the practice violates justice and dignity, even if her community deems it normative. Consent must be real, not performative. Tradition cannot shield harm. As with polygamy, context is crucial:  a 20 year old forced into a marriage she is not prepared for is ethically more problematic than a physically and emotionally mature 16 year old who enthusiastically wants to get married to her beau.

Even well-meaning communities can uphold unjust structures without realizing it. Norms may be internalized. Roles may be reinforced by theology or law. But none of that excuses ethical evaluation. The moment a structure degrades dignity, suppresses justice, or risks life, it becomes subject to moral scrutiny, no matter how longstanding or sacred it may be.

That scrutiny does not require violence, sanctions, or conversion. It requires naming the harm, refusing to enable it, and supporting those who resist it. If a woman trapped in a coercive polygamous marriage seeks support, the ethical system demands she receive it. If a tradition silences dissent by invoking holiness, the ethical system must protect the dissenter.

The Jewish ethical framework we are presenting does not flatten cultures. It does not demand universal sameness. But it names injustice wherever it hides - even inside sacred institutions and even inside Jewish communities. 

Case study: Circumcision and female genital cutting

Of all culturally charged practices, bodily rituals involving children test the limits of ethical pluralism most acutely. Circumcision, celebrated in many Jewish and Muslim communities, is viewed by others as a violation of bodily autonomy. Female genital cutting (FGC), practiced in some parts of Africa and the Middle East, is widely condemned in liberal societies as inherently harmful. Can a pluralistic moral framework accommodate such practices? Where do we draw the line between tradition and harm, between identity and integrity?

This framework navigates this terrain. It does not begin by assuming that all bodily rituals are equal. Nor does it dismiss cultural meaning as irrelevant. Instead, it asks: Does the practice violate Tier 1 values? Does it degrade dignity, endanger life, or subvert justice? And how does consent factor into the picture, especially when the subject is a child?

Take male circumcision. In the Jewish tradition, it is not merely a custom but a covenantal act—one that links generations, sanctifies the body, and expresses belonging. Medically, it involves minor and well-studied risks, and the child typically suffers no long-term harm. While the child cannot consent, the act is framed by communal responsibility and love. Not to mention, most Jewish adults would prefer to have been circumcised when they were very young to making that choice in adulthood. In this framework, this is a case of legitimate intra-community practice. It may be questioned, but it does not clearly violate Tier 1 ethics.

Female genital cutting, by contrast, involves greater harm: pain, medical complications, long-term trauma, and reduced bodily function. Even where culturally accepted, it raises serious questions of coercion and silence.  The procedure typically aims not at covenant, but at controlling sexuality. In the Jewish ethical framework, this violates both dignity and justice. It may be culturally meaningful, but that meaning cannot outweigh the harm.

The distinction, then, is not purely anatomical. It is ethical. It rests on purpose, harm, agency, and context. A ritual that causes minor physical change for profound communal meaning may be permitted. One that imposes significant and irreversible harm - especially to restrict freedom - must be challenged. (Incidentally, ear piercing babies for purely cosmetic reasons must be evaluated under the same ethical standards.) 

This analysis gives religious communities a test they can apply to themselves. Not: Is this sacred to us? But: Does this uphold the dignity of the person undergoing it? Is harm minimized? Is the act consistent with our own highest moral claims? Grappling with these questions with honesty and integrity is itself a moral obligation. A tradition that refuses ethical scrutiny will eventually lose both its authority and its adherents. A tradition that asks hard questions about its practices is not weakened. It is purified.

And for the broader society, this framework provides a way to intervene without imposing. When FGC is clearly harmful, it may be restricted. But male circumcision, where harm is minor and meaning is deep, should be respected. The standard is not cultural preference. It is universal dignity.

This is what principled pluralism looks like: not avoiding controversy, but engaging it—openly, rigorously, and with the moral clarity that only a structured framework can provide.

Case study: Abortion

Few moral disagreements cut as deeply across communal lines as abortion. But when looked at through this framework, it is a different type of issue than what we have been discussing so far.

All major moral traditions agree with the sanctity of human life. In the case of abortion, the question is not this sanctity but the very definition of life itself. 

For some communities, life begins at conception, and any termination is tantamount to murder. For others, fetal life is a continuum - biologically real but morally emergent, gaining weight as gestation progresses. For still others, the moral agent is not the fetus but the woman, whose bodily autonomy and lived experience take ethical priority.

This framework does not aim to resolve the metaphysical question of when life begins. Instead, it offers a structure for navigating communities with different answers to that question. And it insists that moral pluralism must still respect Tier 1 values: life, dignity, and justice.

If a community defines life as beginning at conception, it may restrict abortion among its members, treat the fetus as full human being, and uphold a culture of life. But it may not enforce those views beyond its own borders through coercion, shame, or violence. Nor may it treat miscarriage or contraception as criminal acts if doing so undermines dignity and justice.

Conversely, if a community views abortion as permissible until birth, it may support reproductive autonomy. But it must still account for the moral complexity of fetal life. Late-term abortion, while it may be legally justified, must still pass the test of justice and compassion. The fetus is not a nullity. This  framework does not require it be treated as fully human, but it cannot allow it to be treated as worthless, either. A decision for an abortion should be at least as weighty as a decision for amputation or putting down a beloved pet. 

The ethical system permits deep disagreement on the definition of life, but not on the ethical process for weighing competing values. A pregnancy involves two morally significant realities: a developing life and a human in full possession of her own. Ethical clarity does not come from pretending only one exists. It comes from acknowledging both and balancing them with rigor.

Judaism provides a model of this complexity. The fetus is not a person, but it is not nothing. It has potential. Its destruction is tragic, even if sometimes necessary. Jewish law places the life of the mother first, but not without sorrow for what is lost. This middle ground—this refusal to absolutize either side—is not a compromise. It is a moral stance.

Moral pluralism allows communities to adopt different abortion standards. But it requires them to be consistent, compassionate, and transparent in their logic. A community that criminalizes day-after pills while ignoring maternal mortality violates justice. A community that celebrates unrestricted abortion without reflection violates dignity.

In this way, the Jewish ethical system transforms abortion from a binary battlefield into an ethical case study. It asks: What do you believe life is? Why? And how does that belief guide - not override - your commitment to justice and compassion? This is not a dodge. It is moral adulthood.

Conclusion: A Framework for Pluralism Without Relativism

This article has traced some of the most ethically contentious issues of our time - modesty and gender, polygamy and child marriage, circumcision and bodily autonomy, abortion and the moral status of life - and shown how a single ethical framework can hold them all. Not by reducing them to sameness, and not by imposing uniformity, but by offering a method: a way of reasoning that respects community, protects dignity, and navigates difference without surrendering to chaos or coercion.

The strength of this system lies in its refusal to retreat into either pole of the modern moral trap and of falsely defining everything in terms of stark moral binaries.  It does not dissolve all norms into relativism, nor does it enforce a brittle universalism that flattens cultural meaning. Instead, it honors pluralism with structure. It draws a boundary - life, dignity, responsibility, justice - and permits moral diversity within that space. It acknowledges conflict without panic, tension without collapse.

While those Tier 1 values provide a non-negotiable ethical floor, different communities will inevitably prioritize other values - such as modesty, tradition, or equality - based on their own identities. This framework allows for that internal variation, but expects each community to develop a coherent and transparent way of adjudicating and prioritizing those competing values. The Jewish ethical triage system can serve as a model: it has evolved over centuries to balance sacred priorities through structured reasoning. Other communities are invited - not forced - to do the same, and to explain their logic using a shared ethical grammar. 

What emerges is a system strong enough to handle complexity. It can tolerate disagreement on definitions, like when life begins or what modesty requires. It can even tolerate disagreement on prioritization of values or adding additional values.  The reason is because the system is anchored in a deeper agreement on process. That agreement is not abstract - it is functional. It allows communities to govern themselves, to evolve, and to diverge, but it requires them to take moral responsibility for the consequences of their norms and to be consistent in how they apply their own versions of the values and rules. It does not tell them what to think. It requires them to think ethically.

Importantly, this framework recognizes that the moral landscape is not clean. It is human. People belong to overlapping communities. we face real tradeoffs. We  live in gray areas. This system does not pretend to offer perfect clarity. It offers honest tools.

Possibly even more importantly, this system provides a universal moral language that allows ethical debate using a consistent framework where people can engage honestly and without rancor. 

And that is what a working moral operating system must do. Not command, not collapse, but clarify. It gives people and communities the means to speak to one another across difference = not just with passion, but with reason. Not just with identity, but with integrity.

In an age of ideological tribalism and moral exhaustion, this is more than a method. It is a lifeline. It is the beginning of a better conversation. And  while there will always be disagreements, the system allows and even encourages respectful argument based on a shared moral grammar.







Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 

  • Wednesday, June 18, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon


Everyone is wondering what President Trump will decide to do in Iran.

I can guess as well as anyone.

Trump wants to project American power, but he is risk averse. He does not want to put any American lives at risk and he does not want to get involved in wars with no clear way out.

On the other hand, he agrees that Iran should never have nuclear weapons, and he seems to agree that Iran had a clandestine nuclear weapons program.

He also wants to tell the world that when he sets a deadline for action, he means it - including the 60 day negotiation deadline with Iran. He views himself as a master dealmaker, and if he perceives (correctly) that Iran was just using those nuclear negotiations to buy time and had no intention of dismantling its path to an atom bomb, then there must be consequences.

The most important factor is that Israel has already destroyed Iranian air defense systems and has greatly damaged Iran's ability to launch a massive missile attack.

All of this points to Trump deciding to drop a GBU-57 30,000 pound Massive Ordnance Penetrator or two on the Fordow nuclear facility, destroying or damaging most of what remains of Iran's uranium enrichment program.

It is a low-risk move that would support Trump's desire to frame the US as a nation no one wants to mess with. It strengthens the US position in every future negotiation and deal. It makes US threats around the world, a key component of Trump's negotiation strategy, more credible. 

Not to mention that the symbolism of using the largest non-nuclear weapon in the world, dropped by a US-built B-2 stealth bomber that no one else has, fits Trump's personality to a T.

Together with Israel's strikes on Natanz, assassinations of Iran's leading nuclear scientists and attacks on  weaponization facilities, this can virtually end Iran's nuclear program.

The risk/reward ratio is tiny. The worst that can happen is that Iran shoots a few missiles at US military interests in the Middle East, and the chances that they would hit successfully become lower every day that Israel continues to destroy their launchers and missiles. The US would strike back, get some private assurances from Iran that they won't attack the US again, declare victory and go home, sort of how Trump dealt with the Houthis. 

There is also a small chance that Iran's proxies in Iraq and Yemen would attack US interests in the region, but their orbit is around Iran, and a clear defeat for Iran makes them less likely to risk their own power bases with a large US counterattack.. Hezbollah already made its calculation of not supporting Iran militarily in this war. While the Houthis are a wildcard, usually self-preservation wins out over solidarity with an "axis of resistance" that is weakening by the day.

Using America's muscle in such a spectacular and public way would not only cripple Iran’s nuclear ambitions but also signal to North Korea, Russia, China and others that Trump’s deadlines are non-negotiable. 

Trump isn't interested in regime change or giving Iranians freedom. But virtually destroying what is left of Iran's nuclear program with US-made bombers and bombs definitely fits in with his America First philosophy. 







Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 

  • Wednesday, June 18, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon
In my last post I described how Iran, which has been all but defeated militarily, has been relying more and more on operations to influence Israeli public opinion by exhausting Israelis with smaller but more frequent barrages of missiles, which have become increasingly ineffective as weapons but cause Israelis to run to shelter more often.

This is only one component of Iran's psychological operations, which have become essentially their entire war plan. Much of the psy-ops are aimed not at Israel but at the US and the world, as well as the Iranian people. And the messages are often contradictory depending on the audience.

In Farsi, the IRGC tries to convince Iranians that they are winning the war and that the Muslim world is behind them (Defa Press current headlines):


To Israel, Iranian state media has been sending a message that maybe Iran already has a nuclear weapon that they are just itching to fire at Tel Aviv:




At the UN, Iran emphasizes not its supposedly massive attacks on Israel but its victimhood, saying that this is a defensive war and Iran's attacks have been limited. 



For the US, Iran says that it will strike hard if the US enters the war, using advanced technology that it claims has sent cowardly Zionists scurrying to shelter in fear:


On X, Khamenei threatened a massive and devastating attack on Israel - on the first day of the war.


The message hasn't changed. At all. 



A more sophisticated message was sent to Reuters, using anonymous Iranian insiders to warn that Khamenei is increasingly unstable and might do something unpredictable and "extremely dangerous" if the war continues:

Iran’s 86-year-old Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei cuts an increasingly lonely figure.

Khamenei has seen his main military and security advisers killed by Israeli airstrikes, leaving major holes in his inner circle and raising the risk of strategic errors, according to five people familiar with his decision-making process.

One of those sources, who regularly attends meetings with Khamenei, described the risk of miscalculation to Iran on issues of defense and internal stability as “extremely dangerous.”
This source is obviously loyal to Khamenei- he wouldn't be in his inner circle if he wasn't - which means that this message of Khamenei's supposed instability and unpredictability is approved by Iran's Supreme Leader himself. He is adapting Trump's "I'm crazy, so you better not mess with me" tactic. 

Notice that the specific nature of the threat is left unsaid, to use Western imagination as the weapon itself. But what can Khamenei do that he hasn't tried already, when his armed forces have lost and are reduced to crowing over shooting down a single drone while IAF planes have unchallenged dominance over the skies of Iran?

Last night Iran promised a huge attack on Israel. There was no damage from a couple of dozen missiles. The threats are becoming increasingly desperate and geared towards making the war end, keeping the regime in power and saving at least parts of its nuclear program.

And if that is what this genocidal regime wants, it is the exact opposite of what must happen.





Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 

Tuesday, June 17, 2025

  • Tuesday, June 17, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon
Times of Israel reports:
Iran fired a pair of ballistic missile barrages at Israel early Wednesday, as Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei declared “the battle begins” and called to show “no mercy” toward Israelis.

The first salvo began to trigger sirens across a large swath of Israel shortly after 12:40 a.m., and included some 15 projectiles. The next barrage of approximately 10 rockets began around 40 minutes later and triggered alerts in central Israeli communities and a number of West Bank settlements.
Last October, Iran shot nearly 200 missiles at Israel. In the first two days of this war, it shot about 100 a day.

Each succeeding barrage has had fewer and fewer missiles.


Iran clearly wants to cause as much damage to Israel as possible, but the best way to do that is to send as many missiles as possible and hope to overwhelm Israel's (and its allies') defenses to intercept them.

But as Israel has been taking out missile launchers, as well as attacks on Iran's infrastructure (we can assume communications included), Iran's ability to shoot large numbers of missiles from multiple locations simultaneously has gone down dramatically.

Most of the recent barrages (as of this writing, midnight Tuesday night) have had little destructive effect in Israel.

It means that Iran has mostly given up on trying to hurt Israel. It will still try but it simply no longer has the ability.

That's why it has changed its strategy from kinetic to psychological. Iran's current war is geared towards making Israelis' lives miserable with disruptions in the middle of the day - because even a few rockets cause a Red Alert and force millions of Israelis to shelter. 

They are hoping, probably based on their own readings of Haaretz and the New York Times, that Israelis are sick and tired of war and will pressure Netanyahu to ask for a ceasefire. 

This is part of their strategy to place absurd claims of victorious attacks and shooting down Israeli planes into social media via Western useful idiots. Add to this their attempts to claim that Israel is violating international law, hoping for UN resolutions against it. 

Iran has all but given up trying to damage Israel physically. All it has left is psychology. And in the meanwhile its own citizens are getting closer and closer to overthrowing their own leaders - the scenario they have been expecting to happen in Israel for several years. 





Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 

From Ian:

Garry Kasparov: Israel Won’t Fall for the Illusion of Stability
Pour one out for Ben Rhodes. In some ways, The World as It Is is a perfect title for the longtime Obama foreign policy adviser’s memoir, because the illusion of the status quo is all that Rhodes and his fellow travelers could ever stomach in geopolitics. But it was always just that: an illusion. Rhodes never really looked at the world as it is; he simply imagined a facade of post–Cold War stability. The historic Israeli military campaign against Iran that began last week represents another crack in that facade, joining the October 7, 2023, attack on Israel, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the annexation of Crimea, and the Arab Spring.

After spending the past year and a half knocking out one Iranian proxy after another, Israel has dealt the Islamic Republic a heavy blow in recent days. Not just militarily, but politically too. Israeli forces killed a number of senior officials in Tehran, including the chief of staff of the military, the head of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the commander of the IRGC’s Aerospace Force, and a senior adviser to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. And that was just in the first few hours. I suspect that the occupational hazards associated with employment in the Iranian government will continue to grow with each passing day.

Now that the Islamic Republic is severely weakened, the alarmist foreign policy commentariat is apprising us of the unacceptable risks, raising their well-worn red flags. (Or should I say white flags?) “Escalation!” “Global war!” And the ultimate enemy of the status quo: “regime change!” In the shadow of the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq, I don’t doubt that Rhodes and some like him had good intentions, but we all know what the road to hell is paved with.

Under President Obama, American officials frequently stared down the nastiest offenders in the international rogues’ gallery and insisted that there was “no military solution.” “No military solution” might sound nice to enlightened ears. Unfortunately, it’s a meaningless slogan. Tellingly, Russian officials repeat it all the time too. The Russian ambassador to the UN used that Ben Rhodes-esque turn of phrase at the Security Council, declaring that “no military solution can be legitimate or viable” in Iran. But Russia does believe there are military solutions to its problems—ask any Ukrainian, Syrian, or Georgian. Yet too many in Washington remain determined to fight armed marauders with flowery words.

The initial takeaway from Rhodes on the well-earned battering that the Iranian regime has received was that “this war will above all harm innocent people for no good reason.”

In the shadow of the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq, I don’t doubt that Rhodes and some like him had good intentions, but we all know what the road to hell is paved with.

Notice the reliance on the future tense. Status-quo huggers hide behind fear of what might happen instead of confronting the brutal truth of what’s actually happened or is happening. Call it a preference for deadly reality over frightening uncertainty.
Andrew Fox: Israel’s bold, and dangerous, gamble
So what does ‘success’ look like for each side? For Israel, the best-case scenario in Iran is that a combination of internal unrest, elite fragmentation and sustained sabotage, along with airstrikes, either collapse the regime or force it to retreat from its nuclear programme. The second-best outcome would be a significant delay to Iran’s nuclear programme, perhaps buying a decade or more. The worst-case scenario is that Iran weathers the storm and sprints for a bomb.

For Iran, ‘success’ means surviving the onslaught while projecting strength, deterring future attacks through visible retaliation and perhaps leveraging the threat of nuclear capability to force concessions. If Tehran can maintain regional influence, continue enrichment and keep Israel guessing, it will consider that a strategic win. The Iranians may accept Trump’s offer of a deal to reconsider their nuclear ambitions, although this would represent a humbling strategic defeat.

There is a darker prospect, too: unending escalation. This cycle could spiral into a painful and damaging campaign of attrition for both sides. Should Iran refuse to compromise, firmly on the back foot and battered from the skies, it is conceivable that Israel will escalate. This could mean striking at the political leadership itself, and forcing the regime change Israel is currently only hinting at.

Which brings us to the crucial question: how does this de-escalate? At present, it does not. Neither side is incentivised to back down. Israel views a nuclear Iran as an existential threat; Iran perceives Israeli aggression as justification for doubling down. The lack of a credible mediator and the erosion of American deterrence highlight just how fragile the situation is.

One path to stability may lie in backchannel diplomacy, particularly if the US and Gulf states can persuade Iran to halt enrichment in exchange for an end to hostilities. However, Israel’s leadership seems to have little faith in diplomacy and no desire for a pause. They believe time is not on their side.

Israel’s absolute penetration of Iran’s security environment and its total air supremacy over its enemy’s capital city should be understood as both a message and a warning. It says: ‘We are inside your defences. We can strike you at will.’ It also reveals a strategic conundrum. Israel has embarked on a campaign that may be beyond its means to finish. Effective as these strikes are, they may not stop Iran’s nuclear drive and might even accelerate it.

What began with a covert drone strike has now turned into open conflict. Rockets are being fired at Israeli cities and airstrikes are lighting up the skies over Tehran. Israel is gambling on precision, pressure and psychological warfare to bring down a regime it hopes to bomb into submission. Iran is betting that it can absorb the blows, outlast its enemies and emerge nuclear-armed. Both sides are pushing the boundaries of strategy and restraint.

Right now, neither side has the option to stop. Both are willing to find out what happens when they do not. Whatever happens next could shape the Middle East for decades.
Michael Oren: Trump: Greatest Peacemaker of the Century
For many years now, under both Republican and Democratic administrations, American diplomacy on Iran has focused on curbing its nuclear program. Successive presidents have pledged to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. But that approach, however admirable, did not seek to deny Iran the ability to make nuclear weapons nor did it address what was euphemistically called Iran’s “malign behavior.”

That behavior includes Iran’s status as the world’s foremost state sponsor of terror attacks that have claimed countless lives on multiple continents. The regime has murdered Iranian dissidents around the world and tried to assassinate senior American officials, among them President Trump. The Islamic Republic has supplied the missiles and drones used to kill thousands of Ukrainians and helped ignite the current disastrous Middle East war by backing Hamas and Hezbollah. The regime enabled Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad to massacre a half million of his own countrymen and the Houthi terrorists in Yemen to block international shipping. Pro-Iranian militias launched dozens of attacks against US bases in Iraq, Jordan, and Syria killing and wounding American soldiers. And the Ayatollahs did all this while brutally oppressing their own people, women, LGBT+, and ethnic minorities especially. Malign behavior indeed.

By insisting that Iran not only limit its nuclear program but dismantle it, President Trump is the first world leader to ensure that the regime will neither have nuclear weapons now nor the means to produce them in the future. But once the Ayatollahs are defeated or overthrown, the president can achieve vastly more.

The president can end Iran’s support for global terror, its backing of Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis, and its supply of the weapons that kill Ukrainians. The president can guarantee the sovereignty of Syria and Lebanon and the demilitarization of Yemen and Gaza. Through President Trump’s diplomacy, Iranians can once again enjoy freedom.

The fall of the Islamic Republic’s empire can give rise to peace between Israel and Lebanon, Syria, Saudi Arabia, and possibly Iran itself. A ceasefire deal can be achieved in Gaza and all of the Israeli hostages released. The Middle East will be thoroughly and stunningly transformed. President Trump will be hailed as modern history’s greatest peacemaker.
David Harsanyi: Iran is nothing like the Iraq War
Iran, of course, has been an enemy of the U.S. for over four decades, regularly taking American citizens hostage, hatching assassination plots against U.S. leaders, undermining U.S. interests in the Middle East, and threatening Gulf allies and international shipping lanes. Iran is responsible for the death of over 600 American troops, or approximately 1 in every 6 combat fatalities in Iraq, maiming thousands of others. Imagine how fundamentalist Islamic leadership would conduct itself with nuclear warheads.

It is, in case anyone has forgotten, the longtime position of the U.S. that Iran should not possess nuclear weapons. This was, ostensibly at least, the purpose of former President Barack Obama’s deal with the mullahs. Remember that Ben Rhodes’s “echo chamber” narrative was conceived to gin up support for the failed Iran deal. Trump, who backed out of that disastrous agreement, has on multiple occasions not only unequivocally stated that Iran would be denied nuclear weapons, but that he would allow Israel to take out the program. “Hit the nuclear first and worry about the rest later” does not sound like the sentiments of a neoconservative nation builder but a pragmatic Western leader.

Though Israelis have likely funded and employed public relations efforts to boost the prospect of internal opposition groups, not one leader has ever expressed any interest in landing troops on Iranian soil for any occupation to make it happen. If Iranians want to depose the Khamenei regime, and they have shown repeatedly that they do, they will have to do the hard work themselves.

For Israel, the strategic goal is clear: degrade, hopefully destroy, Iran’s ability to produce a nuclear bomb. Israel is trying to win a war of survival, not remake the Middle East. Numerous outlets have reported that Israel has asked the U.S. to participate in strikes. This might be true, or it might be information warfare. Perhaps the story was planted to scare the Iranians into surrendering. Perhaps Israel could use help destroying the Fordow nuclear facility, buried deep under the mountainside. Doing so would be in our best interests as well.

As of this writing, however, there is no evidence that the U.S. has engaged in any combat missions. The Iranians, thus far, haven’t attacked any American bases in the region because the last thing they need is further pulling us into the conflict.

And it’s about time rogue terrorist regimes were terrified of the U.S. again.

AddToAny

Printfriendly

EoZTV Podcast

Podcast URL

Subscribe in podnovaSubscribe with FeedlyAdd to netvibes
addtomyyahoo4Subscribe with SubToMe

search eoz

comments

Speaking

translate

E-Book

For $18 donation








Sample Text

EoZ's Most Popular Posts in recent years

Search2

Hasbys!

Elder of Ziyon - حـكـيـم صـهـيـون



This blog may be a labor of love for me, but it takes a lot of effort, time and money. For 20 years and 40,000 articles I have been providing accurate, original news that would have remained unnoticed. I've written hundreds of scoops and sometimes my reporting ends up making a real difference. I appreciate any donations you can give to keep this blog going.

Donate!

Donate to fight for Israel!

Monthly subscription:
Payment options


One time donation:

Follow EoZ on Twitter!

Interesting Blogs

Blog Archive