Thank Israel for no nuclear fears in post-Assad Syria
Following the collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s murderous regime, protracted uncertainty or outright chaos should be expected in Syria. Among other things, assorted remnants of al-Qaeda and ISIS terrorist groups will configure or reconfigure in the area, and Sunni Islamic states such as Turkey, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia could present Israel with a unique and unpredictable foe. Though Iran will suffer a temporary strategic loss from the defeat of its surrogate in Damascus, Jerusalem will not have to face any consequent nuclear threats. The core reason for this relatively good news lies in the Jewish state’s Operation Orchard, executed in September 2007.Seth Mandel: How Amnesty International Became Its Own Repressive Regime
Until then, Israel’s most visible effort to prevent an enemy nuclear state had been its widely remembered June 7, 1981, Osiraq raid against Iraq. Nonetheless, a later preemption was undertaken in Syria. Code-named Operation Orchard, it expressed Israel’s country-specific Begin Doctrine and also the general international law principle of anticipatory self-defense.
Meticulously planned, as was Operation Opera in 1981, Orchard represented a prudent defensive action against then-originating Syrian nuclear infrastructures. In essence, if the already-genocidal Damascus regime had not been the object of this 2007 Israeli preemption, nuclear weapons could eventually have fallen into the hands of Sunni jihadi terrorist organizations now beginning to contend for power in post-Assad Syria.
Israel’s first use of anticipatory self-defense against a potentially nuclear adversary in 1981 was directed at Saddam Hussein’s developing reactor near Baghdad. It was the broader international community’s failure to act in a similarly decisive fashion against North Korea that created still-expanding security woes with Kim Jung Un. Ironically, North Korea – which secretly built the Al Kibar plutonium-producing heavy water reactor destroyed by Orchard in 2007 – had been sending assembled nonnuclear arms to Syria. At that point, North Korean arms transfers supported Shi’ite Iran’s destructive influence in the region.
There are noteworthy regional intersections. Whatever the United States might assume about Pyongyang, it will be necessary to prevent Kim Jung Un from undertaking any North Korean aggressions against Japanese or South Korean nuclear power plants. In any such eventuality, especially in extremis atomicum, a further danger would surface: Unlike the Israeli preemptions against Osiraq and Al Kibar, which had been directed against pre-operational nuclear reactors, these prospective North Korean targets could suffer nuclear core meltdowns. Such events could produce calamities far worse than what was caused by the catastrophic accidents in Chernobyl and Fukushima.
During the attack on Osiraq, Israeli fighter-bombers destroyed Iraq’s nuclear reactor before it was ready to go “online.” Nonetheless, following the attack, the immediate global community reaction was generally hostile. In Resolution 487 of June 19, 1981, the UN Security Council indicated that it “strongly condemns” the attack and declared “Iraq is entitled to appropriate redress for the destruction it has suffered.” Largely forgotten is that then-US president Ronald Reagan took multiple steps to ensure the United States would vote in favor of this resolution of condemnation.
Amnesty International is free to operate in Israel, but Amnesty Israel isn’t free to operate within Amnesty International.Amnesty International suspends Israel branch for rejecting NGO's reports
That is the important takeaway from the news that the anti-Zionist NGO is suspending its Israel branch for the crime of disagreeing with management.
Even when groups like Amnesty and Human Rights Watch begin operating in good faith, they inevitably fall into a trap they have set for themselves: Dictatorial and authoritarian regimes don’t let them operate in their countries, but democracies do. So “human rights” organizations end up focusing their reporting on places with far fewer human-rights violations, skewing the entire concept of humanitarian law and ultimately serving as little more than dictatorships’ organs of Sovietesque whataboutism.
Democracies end up looking bad because they’re free. And the leaders of these supposed humanitarian organizations end up serving as the willing shields of repression.
So it is, ironically enough, with Amnesty itself. It has officially become the thing it was founded to expose.
The background to this current kerfuffle is recent and deceptively simple.
In early December, Amnesty International produced a report accusing Israel of committing genocide in Gaza. The report was an unmitigated disaster for Amnesty: It was leaked because employees were embarrassed by its lack of scholarship. The report admitted that Amnesty was changing the definition of genocide in order to apply it to Israel, and Amnesty’s Israel branch—the organization’s researchers on the ground—publicly disputed its conclusions and revealed that they had not even been consulted on the report that was all about Israel.
Amnesty International has responded by suspending Amnesty Israel.
Which is to say, the supposed “human rights” organization now operates on authoritarian principles.
I would say this is a case of Amnesty becoming what it hates, but it’s not clear to me that Amnesty ever actually hated authoritarianism or repression.
In explaining its decision to suppress dissent, Amnesty unintentionally admitted its critics were right, though the communications team clearly thought it was making a different point when it released this statement:
“AI Israel has sought to publicly discredit Amnesty’s human rights research and positions. Its efforts to publicly undermine the findings and recommendations of Amnesty’s 2022 report on Israel’s Apartheid against Palestinians and, more recently, Amnesty’s 2024 report on Israel’s genocide against Palestinians in Gaza, have been deeply prejudicial to Amnesty’s human rights mission, threatening our credibility, integrity and operational coherence.”
“Operational coherence” means Amnesty intends for its leader’s voice to be its only voice, and that the company line must be toed at all times. “Threatening our credibility” means Amnesty Israel has exposed the fact that Amnesty International has bypassed its country-specific researchers so that their expertise won’t interfere with the predetermined conclusion handed down from on high.
Former Amnesty Israel director Yonatan Gher supported the article in a December 17 social media post, asserting that the Israeli branch served as “the guardian of the Israeli government against the human rights movement.”
Amnesty Israel criticized the 2022 report for painting the country in broad strokes, ignoring the differences between different groups and exaggerating some of the framings, The Times of Israel reported.
Anonymous sources within Amnesty International disagreed with claims that the Israel branch’s characterization was “hostile” to criticism of the country, contending that the local group had been critical both of the Israeli government as well as Palestinian bodies, addressing human rights issues regardless of where they arose.
One source shared with The Jerusalem Post that AI didn’t allow local branches to review the 2023 genocide allegation report, limiting access to the executive summary. This was reportedly a unique practice.
AI also said that it was suspending the Israeli branch because of “endemic anti-Palestinian racism.”
“AI Israel has failed to respond effectively to findings of endemic anti-Palestinian racism – a situation which led to complaints from Palestinian board members to the international board in 2022, and successive resignations in 2022, 2023, and 2024,” said Fa’afiu.
'Palestinian voices low on the agenda' - then-Amnesty Israel chair
The international board shared a notice from then-Amnesty Israel chair Daniil Brodsky announcing his resignation on November 29, as well as the resignation of his vice chair and another board member ahead of the genocide allegation report.
“During the last members’ assembly, it quickly became apparent that Palestinian voices were not just something low on the agenda, but that they were actively silenced,” said Brodsky.
“One of the Palestinian board members was humiliated in a racist and disgusting way at the assembly. We could not respect the decisions made by the assembly, and certainly not represent them.
“We could not condone a space hostile to Palestinians, and a human rights space for Israeli Jews only is one that I can scarcely justify.”
Brodsky claimed in the letter and a December 10 The Forward article that he had attempted to introduce more Palestinian representation in managerial roles, but to no avail.
According to him, not only did Amnesty Israel not have the legal experts to criticize the genocide report, but it didn’t have Palestinian input in its analysis. This was part of an alleged systemic problem in the group in which Palestinians were ignored.
“Amnesty Israel finds itself in the awkward position of being neither a source of legal expertise nor providing a diverse human rights perspective of Israelis and Palestinians,” wrote Brodsky.
“It is just another place for Israeli Jews to express themselves.”
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL insiders told the Post that they didn’t believe reports about anti-Palestinian racism in the Israel branch, noting its commitment to Palestinian human rights issues.
The sources were also suspicious about the proliferation of the allegation and material like Brodsky’s article, with one source going so far as to assert that the AI leadership had laid the groundwork for the racism allegation to justify the suspension.
