MK Mansour Abbas: Israel is not an apartheid state
Ra'am Party leader MK Mansour Abbas rejected the claim that the state of Israel was guilty of the crime of apartheid within its sovereign borders.
"I would not call it apartheid," he said during a virtual talk he gave at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy on Thursday.
He pointed out the obvious, that he led an Israeli-Arab party that was a member of the government's coalition.
"I am within the coalition," he said, adding that the option exists for Israeli-Arabs to also be ministers in the government.
He was quizzed about the issue during his talk, in light of Amnesty International's report last month which accused Israel of the crime of apartheid both within sovereign Israel and within the West Bank and Gaza. Human Rights Watch and the Israeli NGO B'Tselem have made similar claims.
Abbas was asked if he felt the term apartheid aptly described the relationship between Arabs and Jews within sovereign Israel.
Mansour said that the was not a fan of exploring the situation from the broad macro level such as apartheid or racism, but preferred instead to take a hands-on approach to solve discrimination at the micro-level.
Such accusations, he said, do not help resolve the issues.
Caroline Glick: The ayatollahs' men in Washington
Former Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif recently co-authored a book in Farsi about the 2015 nuclear deal that tells us a great deal about how we should be assessing the nuclear negotiations taking place in Vienna between Iran and the P5+1 (the US, Russia, China, France, Germany and France). Titled, "The Nuclear Deal: The Untold Story of the JCPOA, Projecting Iran's Security, Rights and Development," the book sheds light on a critical question. How did the US come to accept Iran's negotiating terms on all the major issues despite bipartisan opposition to Iran's illicit nuclear program?Melanie Phillips: How America is helping Iran get a nuclear arsenal
Iranian human rights activist Heshmat Alavi translated the relevant portion of Zarif's memoir on his Twitter account. Zarif wrote that in 2014, the regime decided to send a copy of their draft agreement to the other negotiating teams through "an individual in contact with the US delegation and an active International Crisis Group (ICG) member."
"The goal," Zarif explained, "was to pave the path for lobbying for our draft agreement."
Zarif wrote that the highly secretive move produced the desired result. After the ICG's Iran desk officer Ali Vaez received Iran's draft agreement, the ICG published its own policy paper, which he authored that reflected the contents of the Iranian draft. Vaez's paper, "Iran and the P5+1: Solving the Nuclear Rubik's Cube," was embraced by Americans and became the basis for the 2015 nuclear deal.
Until 2014, Vaez's boss was Robert Malley, who joined the Obama administration that year after serving as the ICG's Program Director for the Middle East and North Africa. Shortly after joining the Obama administration as Special Assistant to the President and the White House Coordinator for the Middle East, North Africa and the Gulf Region, Malley became a leading member of the US negotiating team with Iran.
In 2017, Malley returned to the ICG as its head of policy and later became its president. Malley left the ICG again in 2021 when President Joe Biden appointed him to serve as his envoy for talks with Iran.
As Alavi noted, the ICG denies that it served as a lobbyist and effectively as a proxy of Iran, presenting Iran's draft agreement as its own. True or not, both Malley's and Vaez's records indicate that even if they didn't launder Iran's draft agreement to sell it to the Obama team, they have long been champions of the Iranian regime and apologists for its terror proxies. Both men support the full removal of nuclear sanctions on Iran. Last October, when Iran was still refusing to renew nuclear talks after the change of government in Tehran, and so signaled Washington that it would accept no meaningful restraints on its nuclear program, Malley said, "We are prepared to remove all of the sanctions that were imposed by the Trump administration."
Vaez, for his part, has defended Iran's nuclear program, attacked sanctions, and defended Iran's missile program, among other things. He has praised the current government, led by Ebrahim Raisi, known as "the butcher of Tehran" for his central role in the mass murder of tens of thousands of dissidents in the 1980s.
It’s hard to imagine that the Biden administration can be so stupid. What’s more likely is that — astonishingly — it is either indifferent to Iran getting the bomb or even actually wants it to do so.
After all, the administration is stuffed with people who are the enemies of Israel and the west. President Joe Biden’s envoy to Iran, Robert Malley, whitewashed Yasser Arafat’s duplicity at Camp David and has a long track record of sympathy for the Iranian regime and animus towards Israel.
And since it gained power, the administration has been pivoting away from its allies in the Gulf towards their Iranian foe. This near-incomprehensible position was explained last year in a devastating and authoritative piece in Tablet by Michael Doran and Tony Badran.
The appeasement of Iran, they wrote, could be described as the third and final stage of former President Barack Obama’s hitherto unfinished policy. This had sought to achieve a new Middle East order which relied on partnership with Iran.
The aim was for America to withdraw from engagement in the Middle East. To enable that to happen, there had to be a new equilibrium between states to achieve a balance of power. The authors called this policy the “Realignment”.
It’s not too fanciful to see this as Obama’s strategy, since Biden has remained close to him while key Biden staffers, such as Malley, are even closer.
With signs that the United States might be about to cave in completely to Iran and close a renewed nuclear deal, several US lawmakers have become increasingly alarmed and outspoken. Sen. Bob Menendez (D-N.J.), chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, last week argued for an hour on the floor of the Senate against reviving the deal.
Yet in stark contrast to the ferocious public opposition to the 2015 deal voiced by Israel’s former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, there has been almost total silence from Israel’s current Prime Minister Naftali Bennett.
Last weekend, in what’s been described as a friendly phone call between Bennett and Biden, Bennett reportedly expressed disagreement with America’s Iran policy.
It seems that he wants to keep Biden sweet by keeping such a disagreement private. But without public pressure from the world becoming aware of America’s treacherous perfidy over Iran, which is endangering not just Israel but America itself, it will be far easier for the Biden administration to flick away Israel’s profound and all-too-real concerns.
After all, how can sober realists like Menendez gain any traction if Israel itself remains silent?
And meanwhile, as the US advertises to the world its terrible weakness, Russia and China are watching, and making their plans.