The Coalition of the Sentimental and the Homicidal
The short answer is peer approval, credibility, and a temporary sense of moral righteousness, purchased only at the cost of their prior principles. For these are people who, presumably, once upon a time, were morally opposed to rape, mass murder, and the taking of hostages.The Bibas Children and Ivan Karamazov’s Rebellion
That most of the campus protesters are to be found at the most expensive universities, and thus either come from wealthy families or are the recipients of highly prized scholarships, is not incidental to this hypocrisy; poshlost is a crime of privilege. It is a political statement that serves to please the issuer of the statement while not, in any way, advancing the interests of the cause it purports to represent. It is virtue-signaling in which the purpose is to impress oneself rather than change the opinions of others. It is selective sentimentality, frequently accompanied by astonishing callousness. It is an idle amusement, as it’s easy to cry crocodile tears about a conflict one knows nothing about when there is no job at stake, and no bills piling up, and there is the assurance that, if arrested, bail will be immediately available.
Thus, the term poshlost is even more apropos than Nabokov could have imagined and deserves acceptance as a new English-language portmanteau word: These posh and comfortable protesters, play-acting like children in their keffiyehs and waving flags whose meanings are unknown to them, are well and truly morally lost.
Many of these purveyors of poshlost are not merely falsely sentimental or insincere; they are deliberately manipulative in their lust for likes and clicks. They use their selectively empathetic personas in service of nakedly mercantilistic ends. One professional therapist writes: “Now that we are blocking all celebrities, influencers and businesses that do not support Palestine by speaking out and fighting to end the genocide in Gaza, might I suggest we start following those that do? Like, perhaps my small hypnotherapy practice.”
The novelist Milan Kundera, who well knew the horrors of totalitarian rule, has nicely skewered false sentimentality: “Two tears flow in quick succession. The first tear says: how nice to see children running on the grass! The second tear says: how nice to be moved, together with all mankind, by children running on the grass.” Put another way, “sentimentality is that peculiarly human vice which consists in directing your emotions toward your own emotions, so as to be the subject of a story told by yourself,” as the English philosopher Roger Scruton noted in his autobiography.
The sentimentalists are playing a double game: They are dispensing, and attracting, warm feelings and approbation for themselves and their kind, while at the same time providing cover for totalitarians and terrorists. Though some are well-meaning, and genuinely naive, the innocents among them have long ago been outpaced by the calculating cynics. The latter dress up evil in a manner no different from that of the directors of the Nazi-run Theresienstadt labor camp, where the Nazis planted pretty gardens and painted barracks in lively colors to dupe inspectors from the International Red Cross. (Not that the International Red Cross, then or now, has ever needed any assistance in overlooking Jewish suffering.)
To be clear, there are many different categories and types of lies about the conflict. The insincere sentimentalism about the Palestinians may not be the worst type, but it is the most insidious because it wraps itself in a phony cloak of decency and compassion that appeals to people’s innate moral narcissism. It infiltrates the psyches of the very people who think of themselves as the most kind, the most sincere, and ostensibly the most peace-loving.
They are, in fact, exactly the opposite of these things.
One folksinger on Instagram, who acknowledges living on Tongva land, sings a song referencing “from the river to the sea.” In a musical litany of complaints about capitalism, Covid, hurricanes, “policing gender roles,” climate change, and Israel’s supposed “pinkwashing,” the singer declares, “Lord, at least we have our souls.” This person, like so many of the poshlost army, has posted nothing about the October 7 massacre or the years of rocket attacks against Israeli communities. Which makes Scruton’s point that “a moral argument must be consistent if it is to be sincere.”
If you plant metaphorical gardens that obscure your view of actual murders and sing poshlost folk tunes designed to paint over and glamorize the likes of Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis, you have become morally bankrupt. Despite your guitar, your guilt, and your peer-approved opinions, you have long ago lost your soul.
So powerful is Ivan’s argument that Konstantin Pobedonostsev, chief procurator of the Holy Synod governing the Russian Orthodox Church, wondered how Dostoevsky, whom he knew to be a Christian, could possibly answer it. Pause to consider that the strongest arguments against God ever made are advanced in the world’s greatest Christian novel. But that is the whole point: If one is intellectually honest, as both Ivan and Dostoevsky were, one does not refute one’s opponents’ weakest arguments—any fool can do that—but his strongest ones. And if they have not formulated the strongest arguments on their side, one should do it for them. Dostoevsky was proud that he had made a more powerful case against God than any enemy of religion had. The rest of the novel attempts to answer this case by following Ivan’s own method. It does not advance counterarguments but offers, or aspires to offer, pictures of goodness, love, and meaningfulness more powerful than any argument could be. Whether Dostoevsky succeeded in refuting Ivan is another question.How American Aid Has Subsidized Terror
On October 7, 2023, Hamas went one step beyond those cultured and educated parents who tortured their little girl in secret, under cover of darkness. Hamas filmed and broadcast its crimes as if they were the highest moral feats. Recall the enthusiastic tone of that young man who called his parents to boast about his murders: “Open my WhatsApp now and you’ll see all those killed. Look how many I killed with my own hands! Your son killed Jews!… Dad, I’m talking to you from a Jewish woman’s phone. I killed her and I killed her husband. I killed ten with my own hands! Dad, ten with my own hands!… Their blood is on my hands, put Mom on.”
His mother responded: “Oh my son, God bless you!”
“I swear ten with my own hands, Mother… . Dad, go back to WhatsApp now Dad, I want to do a live broadcast… . Mom, your son is a hero, kill, kill, kill!”
“Their blood is on my hands, put Mom on”: In America and elsewhere, Students for Justice in Palestine and other groups rushed to express their delight at the October 7 murders. The more Jewish blood, the better. And when Hamas returned the bodies of the strangled Bibas children, they did so as a great party. Parents brought their children to a baby-murder parade.
Even Hitler and Stalin never did this. They concealed their crimes. I recall reading that the Nazis taunted their Jewish victims that no one would ever find out what had happened to them. With the help of New York Times reporter Walter Duranty, Stalin succeeded in covering up the deliberate starvation of millions of peasants during the collectivization of agriculture. Photographed with a child hugging him, Stalin conveyed the image of himself as perfectly humane.
La Rochefoucauld famously remarked that hypocrisy is the tribute vice pays to virtue: Even the vicious profess to believe in kindness. If so, Hamas—and their American followers—are no hypocrites. They flaunt their barbarity. And not just their leaders, but also ordinary people calling home to boast of killings or joyously celebrating the strangling of little children. Such souls are truly dark.
On October 7, and when the Bibas children were returned, I recalled how shaken I had been decades earlier to learn about the torture of Sylvia Likens and to visit what remained of Auschwitz. We often hear of events that partake of evil, but watching Hamas, I felt once again I had touched on evil’s very heart.
These legitimate strategic objectives are undermined when aid falls into the wrong hands. The Middle East Forum’s research has identified approximately $164 million in USAID and State Department grants flowing to organizations with extremist ties, with at least $122 million directly benefiting groups aligned with designated foreign terrorist organizations. The systemic nature of these failures is particularly concerning. As mentioned, World Vision continued its relationship with problematic partners even after the Islamic Relief Agency scandal, and the warnings about the terror links to Helping Hand for Relief and Development were ignored while funding continued.“The U.S. has Become One of the Largest Financiers of Global Islamism” - Middle East Forum Report
The Trump 47 administration, in coordination with Elon Musk’s review at DOGE, has frozen or reassigned many staff positions at USAID, pending a thorough evaluation of who is responsible for these abuses. Spreadsheets posted by the administration to show the extent of foreign-aid spending have been criticized as “wild” or “inaccurate.” Yet the broad brushstrokes are accurate: Billions have gone to questionable projects, and no single line item enumerates them. That is partly because some managers awarded money to unnamed or shadowy organizations, hidden behind the aforementioned “miscellaneous foreign awardees” category.
Eliminating such chaos will take more than new guidelines on paper. A cultural shift must accompany it. If top-level administrators remain committed to certain ideological crusades at the expense of U.S. security, no new rule will suffice. Some staff may need to be replaced or face criminal investigation. Several subcommittee members demanded that the State Department and USAID begin to itemize every last grant, sub-grant, and sub-sub-grant of the past decade. If that demand is met, the public might be shocked by the individuals or organizations that have lined their pockets.
Several U.S. statutes may apply to these cases. The first is 18 U.S.C. § 2339B, which prohibits material support to designated terrorist organizations. Another is 50 U.S.C. § 1705 under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act, which criminalizes violations of sanctions against terror groups. Additionally, false statements to obtain federal funds (18 U.S.C. § 1001) and fraud in federal programs (18 U.S.C. § 666) might be relevant where organizations concealed extremist ties to secure grants.
The reform agenda must be comprehensive. Officials should create an organized “Do Not Fund” list merging data from the State Department, Treasury designations, intelligence agencies, and the Department of Justice. If an organization or its top personnel have documented links to extremist networks, they should land on that list. The system must track sub-grantees, not just direct recipients. Enforceable rules should require prime awardees to itemize every downstream partner and publicly file that information. Meanwhile, robust audits must confirm that an NGO cannot claim ignorance about its sub-sub-grantees.
Foreign aid is one of the noblest expressions of American leadership when it is spent wisely. In past decades, it helped defeat Soviet influence, curb infectious diseases, and lift whole regions from poverty. But the hearing on February 26 laid bare a darker side of modern foreign aid. The subcommittee’s findings were a clarion call for a reset. If U.S. assistance does not serve strategic interests and genuinely support threatened populations, it devolves into a slush fund that underwrites our foes or promotes fringe obsessions.
No one wants children to starve in war zones or real disasters to go unaddressed. Nevertheless, if long-standing agencies have indeed participated in funneling support to radical outfits—among them Hamas, Hezbollah, al-Qaeda’s affiliates, or Lashkar-e-Taiba—under a cloak of “humanitarian” assistance, then the time has arrived for serious housecleaning. This is bigger than petty politics. The United States’s credibility and citizens’ safety hang in the balance.
A betrayal of American generosity has occurred, but it need not continue. With bold legislative steps, transparent accounting, vigorous vetting, and swift punishment for wrongdoers, the system can be reoriented to its original mission: harnessing American compassion and strategic sense, not abusing them.
When we talk about terrorism funding, Iran and Qatar often take the spotlight for their support of extremist groups. However, according to a recent Multi-year study from Middle Easter Forum, in recent decades, the U.S. has quietly become one of the largest funders of global Islamism, channeling billions of taxpayer dollars through its foreign aid programs. Investigations have shown that they frequently end up supporting groups tied to terrorism, with little accountability or oversight. The State Department and USAID have knowingly funded terrorists and their proxies with hundreds of millions of taxpayer dollars.
Over the years, the U.S. government has become one of the largest financial backers of global Islamism, with federal funds flowing to Islamist organizations both domestically and abroad. Violent extremists have thrived under U.S. aid programs, often with the agencies’ knowledge. Despite warnings from internal records and watchdogs, little has been done to address this.
A recent investigation by the Middle East Forum revealed that
- $164 million in federal grants: The Middle East Forum's study uncovered that USAID and the State Department approved $164 million in grants to radical organizations, with at least $122 million directed to groups linked to designated terrorists.
- Lack of vetting: Billions of taxpayer dollars have been given to major American aid charities that consistently fail to vet their local partners, many of which have links to terrorism.
- Hamas funding: USAID has funneled millions directly to organizations in Gaza controlled by Hamas, with U.S. officials even visiting terror proxies' offices and launching joint programs.
- Incitement of violence: USAID beneficiaries have called for "cleansing" lands of Jews, with some charity staff openly praising and encouraging violence against Jews.
- State Department funding radicals: The State Department has provided funds to radical domestic groups like the Tides Foundation, accused of supporting pro-Hamas, anti-Jewish violence on U.S. college campuses.
- Complicit charities: Aid organizations such as World Vision, Catholic Relief Services, and advocacy groups like InterAction have acted as vehicles for terror-tied Islamists, knowingly or unknowingly, both in the U.S. and abroad.
- Domestic Islamist funding: Federal funding has subsidized domestic Islamists involved with Hamas, Jamaat-e-Islami, and the Turkish regime, undermining rules designed to combat terror finance in the U.S.
- Lack of transparency: Records of federal funding, especially through USAID, are obscured by poor disclosure practices and deliberate attempts to evade transparency, with millions going to anonymous beneficiaries in terrorist-affected regions.
- Internal concerns at USAID: USAID’s Office of Inspector General has raised alarms about the agency’s failure to properly vet recipients for links to violent extremism and the risk of abuse by armed groups. If USAID merges with the State Department, it is crucial that these concerns are not lost.
