Shattered
When Israelis speak about Oct. 7, they frequently say “there are no words.” But one word they consistently use is “shattered.”Sharansky: Oslo sowed the seeds for the October 7 massacre
Israeli psychologists have been treating severe trauma, complex trauma and collective trauma. The word “trauma,” however, fails to convey the scale, the savagery or the sadism of events that day. The term does not encompass the complex mix of disorientation, anguish, emotional overload and the experience of utter brokenness after the deadliest day for Jews since the Holocaust.
There is no word for the shock felt by Jews around the world when Israel was suddenly and without warning attacked by thousands of rockets targeting civilians from the north to the south and from the river to the sea. There is no word to describe what it is like to be a Jew kidnapped by terrorists indoctrinated since early childhood to believe that murdering Jews is rewarded in the afterlife. Or to know that the people you love are in the hands of terrorists who delight in rape, torture and slaughter; who enjoy forcing parents and children to watch as they inflict horrors on loved ones.
There is no word to convey the terrifying ordeal suffered by survivors of the attempted genocide that Hamas perpetrated on Oct. 7. There is no word that communicates the panic, betrayal, horror and distress of those who hid for hours waiting for help to come, reading WhatsApp messages about terrorists inside their neighbors’ houses. Hearing terrorists break into their own homes. Hearing the screams of injured and dying friends and relatives. Hearing sounds of gunfire and exploding RPGs punctuated by ecstatic shouts of “Allahu Akbar.” All the while knowing they were being hunted.
Everyone in Israel is just one or two degrees of separation from someone who was murdered, injured or kidnapped on Oct. 7. And everyone knows someone who sped to the rescue that day, many of whom never returned.
There is no word to describe the grief of a country still holding its breath while more than a hundred hostages remain in Gaza, and while hundreds of thousands of soldiers, many in their teens and early 20s, go to battle. Some returning badly injured. Some returning to be buried.
Israel, which in the 20th century absorbed hundreds of thousands of displaced Holocaust survivors as well as nearly 900,000 Jewish refugees fleeing antisemitism and violence in neighboring Arab countries, is now temporarily housing about 200,000 displaced Israelis — refugees in their own country — some in hotels and even dormitories.
This includes not only those evacuated from areas near the Gaza border, but also from the north, as confrontations with terrorists in Lebanon escalate. Many displaced families are unsure how long it will take before they can return home. Some refugees from the south have already returned. Some don’t have homes to return to. Some don’t know if they want to return.
There is no word in the psychological lexicon for what happened on Oct. 7 or the new world in which Israelis now live. But “shattered” comes closer than “trauma.”
THE DISCUSSION quickly turns to Oct. 7 and the “shocking” and “terrible” failure beforehand of Israel’s intelligence community and of the IDF that day. He says that everyone wants "to fight back and restore peace, but our perception of our security changed that day.”Seth Frantzman: Why wasn’t October 7 prevented? Time to look to the West
On the other hand, he says, “I think so much good has come out of our people” since the massacre. “In one day, we went from being a polarized society to the most united. Suddenly, it was clear that the whole year of these mutual accusations was not in the hearts of the people.
“I am sure there will be at least two new parties in the next elections: one to the left of Likud, and one to the right, with new faces for everyone.”
But Sharansky cannot let go of what he believes was the catalyst for the Gaza war: the Oslo Accords, meaning that the seeds of Oct. 7 were planted 30 years ago. He says the Olso approach essentially communicated that “It’s not our business, and it’s not important for us in what kind of society the Palestinians live” but rather that Israel “find a dictator who can guarantee our stability.”
“That was the idea of Oslo,” Sharansky explains. “We are bringing [Yasser] Arafat. We know that he is a ruthless dictator. And we say to the Palestinians, ‘Whether you want it or not, he will be your leader.’ And we say to ourselves, ‘Our prime minister said that it’s good he [Arafat] is not restricted by democracy because that’s how he will defeat Hamas much quicker than we can do it.’”
Sharansky opposed Oslo because he believed Arafat would quickly understand that the only way he could maintain power by force was to find an external enemy. “What other external enemy would he have except us?” he asks. “A lot of public money was put into Arafat’s account so he would be loyal to us. And it failed big.”
The former minister says that not only did Arafat fail to defeat Hamas, but “Hamas defeated him.”
Then came the Disengagement in 2005 and the vision that Israel could separate from Gaza. Sharansky was the first minister to resign over the idea.
It’s not that he does not want peace or believe it is achievable, Sharansky stresses. Rather, he does not think Israeli and world leaders have gone about obtaining it in the right way. He calls former prime minister Shimon Peres “primitive and a neo-Marxist,” having fully bought into a blissful vision of Mideast peace.
“He was so popular because of his optimism,” Sharansky says of Peres. “I am also optimistic, but I am not naive.” Former prime minister Yitzhak Rabin, he opines, was more realistic but felt it was worthwhile to proceed.
He says he does not believe that then-prime minister Ariel Sharon really felt the Disengagement would achieve its goal. Sharon told Sharansky that he thought if Israel separated from Gaza and gave the Gazans complete independence, Israel would have 10 years of international approval – and be able to respond if Gazans carried out attacks against the Jewish state.
“I told him, ‘We don’t have 10 years; we don’t have 10 days,’” Sharansky says. “I was wrong. We had a couple of months.
“We are paying a very big price for our attempts,” he continues, speaking quickly. “We have no choice now. If we want to continue to exist as a state, we have to destroy Hamas. We have to take control over the security.”
While Israel will need to investigate its own failures on and leading up to October 7, there is also enough blame to go around Western nations.
Hamas is hosted by Qatar, a major non-NATO ally of the US. Doha is also close to many other western countries. In addition, Turkey, a member of NATO backs Hamas. As such, two of the West’s closest allies in the Middle East are both closely connected to Hamas.
How did Hamas plan the greatest mass murder of Jews in a single day since the Holocaust while also being hosted by western allies? How is it possible that western allies hosted and backed Hamas while western governments knew nothing about the plans for October 7?
These are important questions because October 7 was certainly not in the interests of Israel or Gazans. More than 200,000 Israelis had to be evacuated in its wake, and Hezbollah’s supporting rocket fire.
'Ceasefire' calls amid post-Oct. 7 realities
Some 1,200 people were killed in Israel and 253 were taken hostage. Israel’s inevitable response has been massive. Most countries in the region as well as in the West would surely have wanted to avoid this war. Pro-Palestinian activists across the West demand a ceasefire and there are fears of a wider regional war Gaza war and famine in Gaza.
All of this could have been prevented, not just by more vigilant Israeli protection of its Gaza border. October 7 could not possibly have been carried out by a handful of terrorists alone. Hamas has never carried out such a complex attack. In fact, Hamas has only recently become powerful enough to conceive of such an attack. Its sophistication point to foreign support and advice.
Reports have shown that Hamas cyber and intelligence capabilities have expanded in recent years. It expanded its rocket arsenal and ability to fire large barrages of rockets simultaneously. It expanded its knowledge of Israel’s border fence electronics and sought to use new methods to outsmart artificial intelligence-driven technologies.
In addition to two Western backers Hamas’s main backer is Iran. After October 7, Russia and China did not condemn Hamas and have appeared to excuse its attack. In addition, the Iranian regime sent its foreign minister to Qatar to congratulate the Hamas high command.