Wednesday, May 11, 2016

From Ian:

Daphne Anson: Marvellous Melanie on British Leftist Antisemitism
Nobody tells it better than Ms Melanie Phillips. A must-watch (or listen-to) video.
Nearly an hour's worth of footage, but this wonderful woman is worth every minute.
To quote the uploader:
British Columnist for The Times, Melanie Phillips, critiques attempts
by the Left to equate Antisemitism with Islamophobia, distorting the
truth about Islamism in the process.
JBS exclusive coverage of an
ISGAP program from the ISGAP Center in NYC.

Islamophobia vs Antisemitism


Speakers at University of London event call for the Jewish state’s demise
Just when you think you have heard it all along comes Tariq Ali to lecture Israelis on how the end of the Jewish state will benefit not only Palestinians but Israelis as well.
For Ali the main problem in Europe isn’t anti-Semitism but Islamophobia. He admitted there was some anti-Semitism in the Arab world but it was only brought about by reaction to Israel and that once Israel has disappeared antisemitism will disappear.
Ali was speaking last night at the University of London’s Student Union in front of an audience of 300 alongside anti-Israel author John Rose, Weyman Bennett of Unite Against Fascism, Lindsey German of Stop the War Coalition, Arthur Goodman of Jews for Justice for Palestinians and “As a Jew” activist Walter Wolfgang .
The main message of the evening was that antisemitism is being used merely to attack Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn and to silence all criticism of Israel (aka the Livingstone formulation). Both John Rose and Ali then went on to explicitly call for the demise of Israel.
On entering we were handed an unsigned leaflet headed “Labour Jews Assert” which stated that “Some people…are wielding ‘antisemitism’ allegations as a stick to beat the Corbyn leadership”. Luckily, Jonathan Hoffman was on hand to circulate printed copies of the EUMC Working Definition of Antisemitism. EUMC shows that what these people claim isn’t antisemitism actually is!
Superb Jonathan Hoffman @ULU Malet street 9/5/16
The superb Jonathan Hoffman took to the microphone during the Q&A to articulate Israel’s case under immense pressure.
Last night there was no mention of Hamas and Hezbollah and their genocidal intent to destroy Israel and every Jewish person worldwide. Neither was it mentioned that Hezbollah flags are openly on display at Palestine Solidarity Campaign and Stop The War Campaign protests in London and that the Holocaust is flagrantly traduced.
This tells you ALL you need to know about PSC and STWC types however “anti-racist” they try to claim they are.


  • Wednesday, May 11, 2016
  • Elder of Ziyon

From the Al Aqsa Martyrs Brigades - Nidal Division webpage:

Medical sources announced the death of a young man from Khan Yunis who succumbed to injuries he suffered from a Zionist missile in 2003.

The sources said that Shadi Abu Shakra died in Barzilai Zionist hospital Wednesday morning after a long battle with injury. He had been receiving treatment in Israeli hospitals during multiple periods. Abu Shakra, who belongs to the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades, was wounded by shrapnel from a rocket during an incursion by the Zionist occupation forces in the Khan Younis area in the southern Gaza Strip in 2003.
A terrorist from Gaza has been spending time, on and off, in an Israeli hospital for well over a decade.



We have lots of ideas, but we need more resources to be even more effective. Please donate today to help get the message out and to help defend Israel.
Our weekly column from the humor site PreOccupied Territory
 
 
 Check out their Facebook page.



Syrian Lives Aren't As Important As My Legacy
By Barack Obama

ObamaRecent reports about Ben Rhodes, my foreign policy guru, and his alleged overselling of the Iran Deal have raised quite a few questions about my Middle East policy. To lay those questions to rest, let me be clear: the deal is about my legacy, and appeasing Iran as much as necessary to reach a deal - any deal at all - was a key element in that, no matter how many Syrians, Iraqis, and Yemenis have to die as a result. Syrian lives just aren't as important as my legacy.

It is crucial that we realize how central that point is to my foreign policy doctrine. Getting in the way of Iran's ambitions in Syria, or elsewhere in the region, would prompt them to walk away from the deal, and there goes my legacy. The same principle applies in terms of the deal itself, from verification mechanisms to what is and is not allowed to be made public. The fact of a deal was the goal, not its effectiveness, scope, or sustainability. Whether or not the Syrian people understand that is secondary, because when push comes to shove, they don't matter.

Not that the Syrians, Iraqis, and Yemenis - and many other peoples affected by Iran's proxies - are in a class by themselves. Other people and principles also fall away in the face my drive for a legacy as peacemaker: Israelis, the truth, the integrity of my administration's relationship with the press, and so on. So they're in good company, and shouldn't feel so bad.

American lives, too, have to be subordinated to the Iran Deal. I don't just mean the US Navy personnel taken hostage last year. Iran's Shiite proxy militias in Iraq had a hand in attacks on our troops in Iraq, to the tune of hundreds of US servicemen killed or wounded. But demanding redress, or penalizing Iran in any way, let alone asking for an apology, would short-circuit the deal. The same goes for enforcing sanctions, restricting Iran's access to the US banking system, and speaking out against the regime's egregious violations of human rights and support for international terrorism. Those things all had to be shunted aside, because I have a legacy to create.

Seriously, what are a few hundred thousand Syrian lives in the grand scheme of things, compared to my legacy?

This must be what the committee had in mind when it awarded me that Nobel Peace Prize.


We have lots of ideas, but we need more resources to be even more effective. Please donate today to help get the message out and to help defend Israel.
From Ian:

Isi Leibler: On celebrating Independence Day
Last week, we commemorated the genocidal murder of 6 million Jews -- the most barbaric episode in the Jewish people's 2,000 years of exile, which was interspersed with discrimination, persecution, expulsion and pogroms.
Today, the nation mourns those who sacrificed their lives in the course of the creation and ongoing defense of our Jewish state. Against this somber backdrop, tomorrow we will celebrate the 68th anniversary of the establishment of the State of Israel. This period naturally stirs mixed feelings.
Our prayers for peace with our neighbors and our desperate hope that our children and grandchildren will not have to fight wars, remain but a dream with no respite on the horizon.
Moreover, anyone who believed that after Auschwitz, anti-Semitism would become extinct has been dismayed to witness the upsurge in mankind’s most enduring hatred. Prior to the creation of the State of Israel, anti-Semites accused Jews of being the source of all the evils confronting mankind. Today, hatred for Jews as individuals has been replaced by global hatred toward the Jewish state, which is widely perceived as the prime source of global instability, the greatest threat to peace and one of the most oppressive countries in the world. This warped view is being promoted at a time when barbarism has returned to the region, with millions being killed, displaced and denied human rights.
Moreover, even Western countries -- especially Europe, whose soil was soaked with Jewish blood during the Holocaust -- are once again standing idly by, or even formally supporting efforts to demonize and delegitimize the Jewish state. In some ways it feels like deja vu of the world’s indifference to the Nazi extermination of the Jewish people.
JPost Editorial: Amazing era
As we prepare to make the abrupt annual shift from memorializing our fallen soldiers to celebrating the independence of the nation for which they gave their lives, it is worthwhile to take a deep breath and acknowledge what an amazing era we live in.
“As Israel turns 68, half of world Jewry calls it home,” was this paper’s lead headline Tuesday.
Consider how many truly miraculous facts are packed into that short statement: Not only does a Jewish state exist on the same sliver of land in the Middle East where the story of the Jewish people began four millennia ago, but this state at the age of 68 is thriving to such an extent that it has managed to attract the majority of Jews throughout the world.
Today, not just refugees seeking shelter from anti-Semitic regimes or crushing poverty make their homes in the Jewish state (although they do as well, as evidenced from the recent rise in immigration to Israel from Ukraine or the arrival of Falash Mura). Contemporary Israel competes with the most advanced Western states in quality of living and opportunities for professional growth, and it is a place for Jews of all types and affiliations to make a home for themselves without feeling self-conscious about their Jewishness.
Yom Ha’atzmaut 2016 – Sixty-eight years of being ‘a free people in our land’


Col. Richard Kemp: The meaning of true independence
"What kind of talk is this, 'punishing Israel?' Are we a vassal state of yours? Are we a banana republic? Are we 14-year-olds who, if we misbehave, get our wrists slapped? Let me tell you whom this Cabinet comprises. It is composed of people whose lives were marked by resistance, fighting and suffering."
These were the words of Prime Minister Menachem Begin delivered to the U.S. President Ronald Reagan in December 1981. Begin, one of the greatest leaders and fighters of our times, knew the meaning of true independence.
He knew that it was not about firecrackers, dancing in the streets or lighting flames. It was about standing up for yourself and submitting to no man. Declaring to the world, "this is where we stand."
Israel’s independence was bought at a high price in Jewish blood, fighting first against the might of the British Empire and then against five powerful Arab armies which sought its destruction.
For 68 years Israelis have fought again and again to defend their independence against enemies who would subjugate their country. No other nation has struggled so long and so hard, surrounded by such unyielding hostility.

  • Wednesday, May 11, 2016
  • Elder of Ziyon
Here are some excerpts from a paper by Russell Berman that was delivered at the Annual Convention of the American Philosophical Association in March.

Academic Boycotts and Professional Responsibility

I was invited to speak on this panel, having been reassured that it would be devoted to academic boycotts in general, but I cannot say that I was surprised to discover that half of the titles here advocate one and only one boycott target. I will therefore make some remarks concerning academic boycotts in general, to which I object on principle, but also comment on the campaign against Israeli universities in particular. I expect that we will hear boycott proponents denounce the apartheid character of Israeli society or policies of genocide and other such mythologies that the boycott movement has disseminated and which the APA may eventually be asked to endorse. But let’s leave the propaganda for the discussion section.

I am not an APA member; I did however serve as 2011 president of the Modern Language Association, where I have been engaged on the boycott question. I am concerned that the adoption of extremist political positions by scholarly associations only tarnishes the reputation of the associations, and by extension the humanities more broadly, while having negligible impact on the political problems they purport to address. You should know in any case that the MLA has not adopted any resolution supporting the anti-Israel boycott; on the contrary, in 2001 the membership ratified a resolution condemning boycotts of scholars. More recently, the American Historical Association rejected a proposal to endorse the anti-Israel boycott in January, due largely to the perception that the claims made by boycott proponents do not meet the evidentiary standards that professional historians bring to bear to understand complex situations. It does not behoove a scholarly organization to reduce genuine complexities to simplistic misrepresentations. To date, only very small and marginal associations have adopted the boycott.

Obviously if a boycott resolution were to come forward in the APA, it would be up to APA members to evaluate it on its merits, but they would also be deciding whether they intend to cast their lot with the prestigious American Historical Association, with its anti-boycott stance, or the marginal American Studies Association, which, under dubious procedural circumstances, voted to support the boycott and has paid a high reputational price.

What is primarily at stake this afternoon is not a debate over the policies of the Israeli government—in which case the panel should include a very different set of scholars, bona fide policy experts and the like—but rather the appropriateness of academic boycotts in general and the character of the boycott campaign against Israel in particular.

At the outset, one has to concede that boycott adoption is self-evidently inconsistent with the mission of most professional associations of scholars. It is certainly inconsistent with the mission of the APA in particular, which is stated as:

The American Philosophical Association promotes the discipline and profession of philosophy, both within the academy and in the public arena. The APA supports the professional development of philosophers at all levels and works to foster greater understanding and appreciation of the value of philosophical inquiry.

Your mission statement nowhere suggests the propriety of boycotts. On the contrary, membership in the APA is predicated on the assumption of the validity of this announced mission, which involves the promotion of philosophy as a discipline and profession, not wide-ranging political advocacy or the prohibition on scholarly engagement required by a boycott. Participation in an academic boycott would therefore be inconsistent with this mission, and if the APA were to institutionalize a boycott, it would be effectively engaging in a breach of contract with its members (one likely effect of which would be the departure of some members, in the wake of the association’s endorsing a one-sided position in a complex political debate).

The second sentence of the APA mission deserves repeated attention: “The APA supports the professional development of philosophers at all levels and works to foster greater understanding and appreciation of the value of philosophical inquiry.” An academic boycott is inconsistent with these promises. If a boycott has any meaning at all, it would stand in the way of some professional development, and it would in no way “foster greater understanding . . . of philosophical inquiry.” Members who had joined the association on the assumption that the mission of the APA is to promote philosophical inquiry would be surprised to find the APA committing itself—and surely some association resources—toward a political advocacy that does not promote philosophical inquiry, and moreover an advocacy with which presumably some members disagree.

Now I expect to hear boycott proponents argue the opposite, i.e., that political action against Israel is actually consistent with the APA mission to promote the discipline and the profession of philosophy. I disagree with that assertion, but let us consider the implications of the claim. If anti-Israel activism is not merely a distinct political position, external to academic philosophy, but in fact “promotes the discipline and profession of philosophy,” as defined by the mission statement, then it follows that such activism should not only be pursued by the APA but it should therefore also become a recognized criterion for other pertinent academic processes, in particular hiring, promotion, and curriculum design. In other words by defining political activism, especially anti-Israel activism, as consistent with the APA mission of pursuing professional philosophy, the APA would legitimate political activism as consistent as well with the mission of individual departments of Philosophy. It would then follow that anti-Israel activism should become a litmus test for departmental appointments and promotions; indeed such a redefined understanding of professionalism in your discipline would imply the expectation that you include on your c.v. a clear indication of your judgment on the Arab–Israeli conflict. However at that point at the latest, you will have replaced professional responsibility to the discipline with idiosyncratic political allegiances to particular values. Are you really prepared to hire the weaker candidate because they have the preferred political loyalties? And why is that not a de facto loyalty oath, a McCarthyism of the left? Boycotting will turn into blacklisting very quickly. To discount this dystopic outcome, the burden of argument is on the boycott proponents to explain why politicizing the APA will not politicize departments: unless of course their agenda is in fact to politicize the departments and to subject all philosophy hires to political criteria, in which case they should defend that position candidly.

in debates over the boycott elsewhere (I draw especially on the MLA discussions) one typically encounters a mendacity on the part of boycott proponents who claim that boycott adoption would have minimal or even no impact on scholarship and would not harm any individual scholar.

This minimization of the boycott consequences reflects a recognizable rhetorical strategy. Boycott proponents aspire to the public relations coup of being able to make the seemingly radical claim that a scholarly association is engaged in a boycott of Israel, while however having previously reassured centrist colleagues that the boycott would obligate them to nothing in order to win their votes. This discrepancy between an internal rhetoric of moderation and an external language of radicalism is nothing else than a mechanism of political manipulation. The boycott movement does not aim at pursuing the mission of the association: it intends to instrumentalize the association for its own political purposes that have nothing to do with the association goals.

Yet the incompatibility of the radical goal and the real conditions of a professional association can also expose the genuine opportunism of the boycott movement. For example, once the American Studies Association adopted its boycott, it faced a situation in which its convention hotels were threatened with a lawsuit concerning potential discrimination on the basis of national origin—if Israeli scholars were not allowed to attend. The result: the ASA quickly retreated and defined its boycott downward, with its leadership frantically asserting that no Israeli, not even Benjamin Netanyahu, would be prohibited from attending the conference. At that point at the latest, the ASA’s grand political gesture made it look ridiculous—a boycott with no teeth—only amplifying the reputational damage it had incurred by adopting the boycott in the first place: you may recall that some two hundred university presidents denounced the boycott adoption.

The suggestion that a scholarly association can adopt a boycott without obligating itself to take any real step, a Potemkin boycott so to speak, only leads to hypocrisy and public embarrassment, but if the boycott does have obligatory consequences, they turn out to be incompatible with the goals of scholarship, let alone the legal conditions, i.e., anti-discrimination statutes, under which professional associations operate.

Are we left then with a boycott that excludes no one? In what sense then is it a boycott? One answer from the boycott proponents is the difficult distinction that they are only pursuing an institutional boycott, not a boycott of individuals. For Judith Butler, a prominent boycott advocate, this means that individual Israelis are welcome to attend conferences, but they should not be allowed to use departmental funds to pay their way. It is unclear exactly how Butler intends to monitor reimbursement processes in order to maintain her boycott agenda. Indeed, under scrutiny the distinction between institutional and individual boycotts becomes untenable. For all of us as scholars, our accomplishments result significantly from our institutional affiliations—our teachers, our students, our libraries, our desks and computers. The notion that one can boycott institutions and not harm individuals is not tenable.

The additional suggestion, by some boycott supporters, that one can conduct boycotts and not harm academic freedom is equally problematic. As I have argued, a boycott will impede the free exchange of ideas and is therefore incompatible with value-free scholarship and professional responsibility. On this point, boycott supporter Omar Barghouti is unique in his honesty when he states candidly that a political responsibility “supersedes other considerations about whether such acts of resistance may directly or indirectly injure academic freedom.”[1] At least there is no pretense here that academic freedom will not be hurt; on the contrary, Barghouti concedes that the boycott may very well impinge on academic freedom, but he mounts an ends-justify-the-means argument, based on the assumption of an indisputable priority of political commitment as the grounds for allowing or disallowing forms of academic exchange. He clearly relegates academic freedom to a secondary status. As a private individual and activist he is free to do so. It would be a quite different matter, however, to see a major scholarly association, like the APA, voluntarily diminish the value of academic freedom. That would be a dangerous outcome indeed.

The extent to which the boycott movement threatens to have repressive consequences on American campuses—where academic freedom is already under pressure from other sources—becomes particularly clear if one looks at the official guide to the boycott movement, the documents of the Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel (PACBI). No matter how proponents may try to sugarcoat the academic genteelness of the boycott in the context of discussions within professional associations—that is the rhetorical minimization of which I just spoke—the PACBI documentation lets the cat out of the bag, demonstrating beyond any doubt the genuine radicalness and extremism of the boycott program. At stake is much more than some merely symbolic and ultimately inconsequential refusal to cooperate with Israeli institutions. PACBI goes much further in its implications for the conduct of scholarship in the United States. If the APA were to adopt the boycott as defined by PACBI, it would prohibit you from, for example, serving as an external reviewer on dissertations, including those by Palestinian students at Israeli universities. PACBI also endorses what it calls “common sense boycotts,” to protest and disrupt campus addresses by proponents of political positions with which it disagrees. Frankly you would not be allowed to invite me to speak at this panel. Free speech is already endangered on U.S. campuses, a sorry development to which the APA should not lend its prestige.

PACBI furthermore explicitly forbids the organization of events designed to stage dialogues between Israelis and Palestinians. Precisely the sort of exchange of ideas that might yield new insights in the conflict is not allowed. These are denounced as “normalization projects.”[2] So should the APA eventually face an opportunity to vote on a boycott, by all means understand that doing so is explicitly defined as a vote against dialogue. You would then have to explain how proscription of dialogue promotes “the discipline and profession of philosophy,” which is, again, how the APA describes its own mission.

How exactly will less philosophy make the Middle East better? This is the question implied by Hyslop’s trenchant reflection on the South Africa experience: “If we do believe that scholarship is more than a job, that ideas do make a difference in human affairs, that the clash of ideas is essential to change, then it is difficult for me to understand how stemming the flow of people and ideas assists us toward a better world.”[5] Difficult indeed, unless one recognizes that what underpins the boycott movement as an expression of contemporary radicalism is not only an interest in the Middle East but also an antagonism toward ideas and thought. The strategy of constraining academic speech with regard to Israel/Palestine is ultimately indistinguishable from the proliferation of speech codes on campuses, the retraction of invitations to controversial speakers, and the troubling development of a university culture where critical thought is subject to trigger warnings. That is why the boycott is part of much larger problems in the contemporary academy to which the APA should not contribute.

The boycott movement, with its obsession with Israel, consistently displays a claustrophobically narrow tunnel vision, unable to look at the wider conflagration. Philosophers should have broader horizons.

And different philosophers may come to different conclusions about a complex political topic. The strength of the APA, the professional association of philosophers, rests on its capacity to maintain an institutional neutrality and to provide fora in which a range of issues can be debated among professionals in the pursuit of knowledge. Should it instead decide to mandate political opinion by imposing temporarily majority views on the minority, it will only stifle dissent, cause some members to depart, endorse repressive practices throughout the profession, and impoverish its own capacity to pursue its announced responsibility of “foster[ing] greater understanding and appreciation of the value of philosophical inquiry.”



We have lots of ideas, but we need more resources to be even more effective. Please donate today to help get the message out and to help defend Israel.


From MIT:

This talk examines the relation between Islamophobia as the dominant form of racism today and the ecological crisis. It looks at the three common ways in which the two phenomena are seen to be linked: as an entanglement of two crises, metaphorically related with one being a source of imagery for the other and both originating in colonial forms of capitalist accumulation. The talk proposes a fourth way of linking the two: an argument that they are both emanating from a similar mode of being, or enmeshment, in the world, what is referred to as ‘generalised domestication.’

Ghassan Hage is Future Generation Professor in the School of Philosophy, Anthropology and Social Inquiry, University of Melbourne.
Intersectionality means that everything you fashionably hate is related to each other. And we have ersatz professors who can enumerate four different ways for each relationship!

Incidentally, Hage is a Maronite Christian, not a Muslim.

And not surprisingly this liberal "academic" supports boycotting academics, but only if they have committed the cardinal crime of living in Israel.

And while Hage seems to freely admit that he hates Israel with a passion, he writes papers about how emotional involvement is in conflict with academic imperatives. And he apparently decided that maintaining objectivity, or even pretending to, is very important any more.

I found this anecdote of his interesting:


As with all academic frauds, Hage uses lots of big words and makes little sense. They seem to enjoy building edifices of self-supporting logic that have nothing to do with reality, but once the structure is built they can examine their make-believe worlds and pretend that this is research.


We have lots of ideas, but we need more resources to be even more effective. Please donate today to help get the message out and to help defend Israel.
  • Wednesday, May 11, 2016
  • Elder of Ziyon
New York Times Crossword Puzzle, May 10 2016, clue for 43 Down: Biblical city of Palestine


Samaria, the city, was the capital of the northern Kingdom of Israel from the 9th century BCE. It was never a city in "Palestine," and in fact the phrase "Biblical Palestine" is essentially an oxymoron. (One can find found a couple of examples of that phrase in pre-1948 books but they were using Palestine as a shortcut to refer to the kingdoms of Israel and Judah,  Here's an example:)


But nowadays to refer to a Biblical-era town as being in "Palestine" is not accurate. You can refer to Biblical Judea or Biblical Israel or Biblical Moab or Biblical Hauran, but not Biblical Palestine; it simply makes no sense since Biblical events (at least in the Jewish Bible) predated anyone calling the area "Palestine."

No one says "Biblical Jordan."Abraham may have been born in present-day Iraq but the term "Biblical Iraq" would be nonsense. "Biblical Palestine" is just as bizarre and on some level it is a (possibly subconscious) attempt to sever the ties between Jews and their ancient homeland.

(h/t Harris)


We have lots of ideas, but we need more resources to be even more effective. Please donate today to help get the message out and to help defend Israel.

Tuesday, May 10, 2016

From Ian:

IDF officer seriously hurt by bomb at West Bank checkpoint
An IDF officer was seriously injured Tuesday night when an explosive device detonated near him at a West Bank checkpoint outside of the Palestinian village of Hizme, north of Jerusalem.
According to an initial investigation at the scene, the army believes the improvised explosive device had been planted earlier along the road and detonated as the troops approached, the IDF said in a statement.
Circumstances surrounding the incident, including the possibility that additional IEDs had been planted in the area, are currently under investigation, an IDF spokesperson said Tuesday night. Palestinian reports said soldiers were descending on homes and businesses in the area in an effort to apprehend suspects.
The explosive device detonated near the man’s face, seriously wounding him. He was taken to Hadassah Hospital in Jerusalem’s Ein Kerem neighborhood and rushed into an operating room for treatment.

WSJ Op-Ed: Israelis are Happy
In an Op-Ed published May 10, 2016, Avinoam Bar-Yosef details “The Improbable Happiness of Israelis”:
The World Happiness Report 2016 Update ranks Israel (Jews and Arabs) 11th of 158 countries evaluated for the United Nations. Israel also shines as No. 5 of the 36 Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development countries on the OECD’s Life Satisfaction Index—ahead of the U.S., the U.K. and France.
And it isn’t just Jews. Go to any beach or shopping mall and—despite the frictions—you will see Jews and Arabs peacefully coexisting. They all can take pride in their country’s accomplishments, as when Israel faced a water crisis a decade ago and launched a desalination project that is now the envy of the world.

This despite the fact that, as Bar-Yosef notes, “Israelis live in a hostile and volatile neighborhood, engaged in an endless conflict with the Palestinians and under the threat of nuclear annihilation by Iran.” He does not even mention the constant assaults on Israel’s very right to exist, the movement to delegitimize the Jewish state in global fora, the media and at universities around the globe, or the outrageous attempts to deny the unique Jewish connection to the land of Israel and even to the Shoah.
So why are Israelis happy?
As Israel approaches its 68th Independence Day, perhaps Israelis understand that, notwithstanding these challenges—and perhaps in spite of them—they’re doing a bang-up job building a free and democratic society and contributing to the well-being of humanity. Not many countries can say that, least of all Israel's neighbors.
Vic Rosenthal: Sacrifice and independence
Wednesday is Israel’s day of remembrance for fallen soldiers. More than 23,000 military personnel have died in Israel’s wars (including military actions before the founding of the state), and about 4,000 civilians have been killed as a result of war and terrorism.
This is the real, concrete cost of maintaining a Jewish state. Proportionate to population, it is about the same as the number of Americans who died in all of America’s wars since 1775, including the Civil War and the two World Wars.
These Israelis died for one reason: the Arab/Muslim rejection of Jewish sovereignty.
Not ‘the occupation’. Not the settlements. Not the checkpoints or the security barrier. The simple fact that they do not accept that any of this land can be governed by Jews. They didn’t accept it in 1920 when it only was a possibility, they didn’t accept it in 1947 when the UN proposed it, and they didn’t accept it in 1948 when the Jews declared it. They do not accept it today, and there is no reason to think they will accept it in the foreseeable future. And their expression of this rejection has always been violent.
Those who struggle to find a ‘solution’ that includes the continued existence of a Jewish state will not find a partner on the Arab side. Some of the Arabs will agree to accept partial victories as steps toward a final, total victory and some won’t. But none will agree to end the conflict while there is still a Jewish state standing.

  • Tuesday, May 10, 2016
  • Elder of Ziyon
Next week is "Nakba Day" when Palestinians celebrate nearly seventy years of blaming Israel for all of their problems.

If the "Nakba" was the expulsion of hundreds of thousands of Arabs in 1948, as they claim, then why do they choose to mark the occasion on May 15? Arabs fled Palestine from December 1947 through the end of 1948. There are plenty of events, real or imagined, that they could choose for the anniversary.

So why May 15?

The reason, of course, is because the supposed expulsions are not really the Nakba. The disaster was the creation of a Jewish state in the midst of the Arab world. If not a single Arab had lost his home there would still be a "Nakba Day" today anyway.

They could have had a state - and they chose instead to try, again and again, to destroy the Jewish state instead, using military, terrorist, political and demographic means. A Palestinian state with a real peace agreement would mean the implicit abandonment of the struggle to destroy Israel, and that cannot happen, because Israel is the nakba, not the statelessness of Palestinians.

Keep that in mind when you see the many Nakba observances over the next week.


Since I redesigned the site, every once in a while I've been trying to add tags to old articles so they could be found more easily. With over 24,000 posts here it isn't an easy job and I am sure I'm missing many.

Today I put together a list of posts with the tag "Nakba" from over the years.

Check it out!




We have lots of ideas, but we need more resources to be even more effective. Please donate today to help get the message out and to help defend Israel.




From 1981 until she was elected to Westminster in 1997 as Labour MP for Liverpool Riverside, Louise Ellman, who’s Jewish and a steadfast supporter of Israel, was leader of the Labour group on the Lancashire County Council. An October 1982 issue of “Red Ken” Livingstone’s Labour Herald (the paper in which, three years later, he disgustingly printed a cartoon depicting Begin as Eichmann –http://daphneanson.blogspot.com.au/2016/05/corbyns-da-joos-crisis-items-from.htmlcarried a letter from her that observed:
“Your recent adoption of the Neturei Karta group of Jewish fundamentalist extremists as your allies (Labour Herald, 27 August) is beyond understanding. Fortunately for Jewry, they are an infinitesimal percentage of Jews … Their intensely reactionary views, particularly in questions of social progress, are alien to the views of mainstream Jewry…. In their view Israel should not be recognised because it was created by human beings in the absence of the Messiah and secondly because, in their view, modern Israel is a secular, rather than a religious, state. Is support for such a group consistent with Labour Herald’s supposed stand for a secular state for Jews, Christians and Moslems? The answer can only be ‘no’. Your unprincipled use of the tiny and unrepresentative reactionary Neturei Karta is a display of opportunism of which you should be ashamed.”
Fast forward to 2016, and the use of the Neturei Karta nuts by individuals and organisations hostile to Israel is commonplace, despite their still tiny unrepresentative numbers, and despite the attendance of members of their group at Holocaust Denial conferences in Teheran. One would have expected them to be treated as pariahs, and to be shunned as screwballs, but the hatred of Israel on the part of far too many of today’s leftists ensures that these men in black are treated as heroes and rapturously welcomed at Al Quds Day and other Israel-demonising fests in western cities.
Five years ago, during a discussion of antisemitism in the House of Commons (20 January 2011), Louise Ellman asked Conservative MP Robert Halfon, who’s also Jewish, and who outlined his perceptions of the types of antisemitism in contemporary Britain, whether he shared her “concern that the antisemitism that he describes is rarely opposed by those who declare themselves anti-racist?” He responded: “As always, the hon. Lady puts her finger on the button. She has a strong track record in dealing with those issues, and I agree with her completely.”
Quite so.
As British readers will recall, the murder on a London street of black teenager Stephen Lawrence led to an inquiry headed by Sir William McPherson, who in 1999 issued an eponymous report that adopted this definition of a racist incident: “any incident which is perceived to be racist by the victim or any other person”. Controversial in many quarters, the definition was nevertheless welcomed with alacrity by most if not all on the political Left, and I believe that the McPherson definition was adopted in 2007 by the ECRI (European Commission against Racism and Intolerance) General Policy Recommendation No. 11 on combating Racism and Racial Discrimination on Policing.
What a contrast to the political Left’s attitude towards antisemitism, as seen clearly in recent weeks, with the spotlight on the despicable comments of ex-London mayor Livingstone and others on Jeremy Corbyn’s wing of the Labour Party.
The Israel-hating Left that thinks it knows better than Jews the nature of antisemitism, and says so openly (choosing to legitimise only the views of dissenting as-a-Jews as unrepresentative of the Jewish mainstream as Neturei Karta are), has resisted the McPherson principle when it comes to Jew-hatred. In view of its own woeful attitude to Israel and Zionism, the Israel-hating Left and its as-a-Jew cohorts have always derided and denied those parts of the EUMC Working Definition of Antisemitism that address such attitudes:
‘…. “Antisemitism is a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews. Rhetorical and physical manifestations of antisemitism are directed toward Jewish or non-Jewish individuals and/or their property, toward Jewish community institutions and religious facilities.” In addition, such manifestations could also target the state of Israel, conceived as a Jewish collectivity. Antisemitism frequently charges Jews with conspiring to harm humanity, and it is often used to blame Jews for “why things go wrong.” It is expressed in speech, writing, visual forms and action, and employs sinister stereotypes and negative character traits. Contemporary examples of antisemitism in public life, the media, schools, the workplace, and in the religious sphere could, taking into account the overall context, include, but are not limited to: Calling for, aiding, or justifying the killing or harming of Jews in the name of a radical ideology or an extremist view of religion; Making mendacious, dehumanizing, demonizing, or stereotypical allegations about Jews as such or the power of Jews as collective — such as, especially but not exclusively, the myth about a world Jewish conspiracy or of Jews controlling the media, economy, government or other societal institutions; Accusing Jews as a people of being responsible for real or imagined wrongdoing committed by a single Jewish person or group, or even for acts committed by non-Jews; Denying the fact, scope, mechanisms (e.g. gas chambers) or intentionality of the genocide of the Jewish people at the hands of National Socialist Germany and its supporters and accomplices during World War II (the Holocaust); Accusing the Jews as a people, or Israel as a state, of inventing or exaggerating the Holocaust; Accusing Jewish citizens of being more loyal to Israel, or to the alleged priorities of Jews worldwide, than to the interests of their own nations; Examples of the ways in which antisemitism manifests itself with regard to the State of Israel taking into account the overall context could include; Denying the Jewish people their right to self-determination, e.g., by claiming that the existence of a State of Israel is a racist endeavour; Applying double standards by requiring of it a behaviour not expected or demanded of any other democratic nation; Using the symbols and images associated with classic antisemitism (e.g., claims of Jews killing Jesus or blood libel) to characterize Israel or Israelis; Drawing comparisons of contemporary Israeli policy to that of the Nazis; Holding Jews collectively responsible for actions of the state of Israel; However, criticism of Israel similar to that leveled against any other country cannot be regarded as antisemitic; Antisemitic acts are criminal when they are so defined by law (for example, denial of the Holocaust or distribution of antisemitic materials in some countries); Criminal acts are antisemitic when the targets of attacks, whether they are people or property – such as buildings, schools, places of worship and cemeteries – are selected because they are, or are perceived to be, Jewish or linked to Jews; Antisemitic discrimination is the denial to Jews of opportunities or services available to others and is illegal in many countries.’
The Guardian journalist Jonathan Freedland can be infuriatingly naïve and even almost perverse and woefully ignorant regarding Israel and the Middle East, but in the course of a recent article – which in some ways confirmed as much – http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/apr/29/left-jews-labour-antisemitism-jewish-identity – he was absolutely spot-on in observing, with regard to antisemitism in the British Labour Party: ‘On the left, black people are usually allowed to define what’s racism; women can define sexism; Muslims are trusted to define Islamophobia. But when Jews call out something as antisemitic, leftist non-Jews feel curiously entitled to tell Jews they’re wrong, that they are exaggerating or lying or using it as a decoy tactic – and to then treat them to a long lecture on what anti-Jewish racism really is. The left would call it misogynist “mansplaining” if a man talked that way to a woman. They’d be mortified if they were caught doing that to LGBT people or Muslims. But to Jews, they feel no such restraint.’
As for whether anti-Zionism is antisemitism, the Oxford scholar Emanuel Ottolenghi put it exceedingly well back in 2003, when he observed, inter alia, in The Guardian http://www.theguardian.com/world/2003/nov/29/comment
‘The fact that accusations of anti-semitism are dismissed as paranoia, even when anti-semitic imagery is at work, is a subterfuge. Israel deserves to be judged by the same standards adopted for others, not by the standards of utopia. Singling out Israel for an impossibly high standard not applied to any other country begs the question: why such different treatment?
Despite piqued disclaimers, some of Israel's critics use anti-semitic stereotypes. In fact, their disclaimers frequently offer a mask of respectability to otherwise socially unacceptable anti-semitism. Many equate Israel to Nazism, claiming that "yesterday's victims are today's perpetrators" … equation between victims and murderers denies the Holocaust. Worse still, it provides its retroactive justification: if Jews turned out to be so evil, perhaps they deserved what they got. Others speak of Zionist conspiracies to dominate the media, manipulate American foreign policy, rule the world and oppress the Arabs. By describing Israel as the root of all evil, they provide the linguistic mandate and the moral justification to destroy it. And by using anti-semitic instruments to achieve this goal, they give away their true anti-semitic face.
…. To oppose Zionism in its essence and to refuse to accept its political offspring, Israel, as a legitimate entity, entails more. Zionism comprises a belief that Jews are a nation, and as such are entitled to self-determination as all other nations are.
.... [N]egating Zionism … claiming that Zionism equals racism … denies the Jews the right to identify, understand and imagine themselves – and consequently behave as – a nation. Anti-Zionists deny Jews a right that they all too readily bestow on others, first of all Palestinians….
... Noam Chomsky and his imitators are the new heroes, their Jewish pride and identity expressed solely through their shame for Israel's existence. Zionist Jews earn no respect, sympathy or protection. It is their expression of Jewish identity through identification with Israel that is under attack.
The argument that it is Israel's behaviour, and Jewish support for it, that invite prejudice sounds hollow at best and sinister at worst. That argument means that sympathy for Jews is conditional on the political views they espouse. This is hardly an expression of tolerance. It singles Jews out. It is anti-semitism….
Israel errs like all other nations: it is normal. What anti-Zionists find so obscene is that Israel is neither martyr nor saint. Their outrage refuses legitimacy to a people's national liberation movement. Israel's stubborn refusal to comply with the invitation to commit national suicide and thereby regain a supposedly lost moral ground draws condemnation. Jews now have the right to self-determination, and that is what the anti-semite dislikes so much.’





We have lots of ideas, but we need more resources to be even more effective. Please donate today to help get the message out and to help defend Israel.
From Ian:

Caroline Glick: Time for a new Israeli diplomatic initiative
To this end, Israel should announce that given the Palestinians’ rejection of the rationale of land-for-peace which stands at the root of the long-defunct peace process, and given the absence of any Palestinian constituency that supports the two-state formula under which a Palestinian state will live at peace with the Jewish state, Israel no longer believes it is possible to effectively govern Judea and Samaria through a military government.
As a result, it is enacting a process of gradually applying Israeli law to these areas, to ensure their proper governance under Israel’s liberal legal code. The process will begin in areas not under the direct jurisdiction of the Palestinian Authority.
That is, the new initiative will first be implemented in what is commonly known as Area C.
We can take for granted that such an act by Israel will be universally rejected and condemned by the international community. But at least it will change the narrative.
If Israel takes this initiative, for the first time since 1993 we will be able to stop granting legitimacy to Fatah, the terrorist group that runs the PA.
Last week, even Canada’s Federal Court recognized that Fatah is a terrorist group. And yet, so long as Israel continues to bow and scrape and justify its existence to the French, to the Obama administration, to the UN and the EU, the obvious fact that the Palestinians writ large are the obstacle to peace will remain largely hidden from view.
An Israeli initiative to assert its legal rights to Judea and Samaria is the only way to break the juggernaut of the international lynch mob. The time to act is now.
The Nakba: Who wanted to destroy whom?
On the eve of the 68th anniversary of Israel's independence, the Nakba is again knocking at the gate, a mark of Cain on behalf of itself. Its role is to embody eternal anguish, its singular purpose is to point an accusatory finger at the burgeoning state of Israel, as if to say: You have committed a crime, you have distorted, robbed, oppressed. The land, which you have dressed in concrete and cement, gardens and forests, does not belong to you, it is ours; your existence is a catastrophe, and we will keep the key to the home from which we fled/were expelled, a testimony of our intention to return to that home and remove you from it.
This is the Nakba, an objection to the State of Israel, an eternal rejection of its right to exist as the national home of the Jewish people.
In Arabic literature the word "Nakba" -- which was chosen to grant the "disaster that befell the Palestinian people" equal weight to the Jewish Holocaust -- means a natural disaster, something akin to a strong earthquake or violent volcano outburst.
Until, that is, Constantin Zureiq, a professor of Middle Eastern studies at the American University of Beirut, linked the Nakba to the existence of the State of Israel in his 1948 book, "The Meaning of Disaster." The military defeat suffered by Arab states, Zureiq wrote, is nothing short of "a disaster in all that it entails. ... Seven Arab states declare war on Zionism in the land of Israel ... seek to negate the partition and defeat Zionism, but abandon the battle after losing a considerable portion of the land, even the portion that was 'given' to the Arabs."
Kay Wilson: Building Up The Nakba Myth Condemns Arabs To Perpetual Victimhood
The Palestinian Authority has adopted an identity of suffering to alert the world to their plight. Behind this ostensibly harmless narrative of misfortune is a subtle and underrated form of political terrorism that is fortified with a mendacious propaganda campaign that is so effective that lies are now truth, fact is now fiction, and the Palestinians have lost sight of who they are. By rewriting history, they attempt to invoke not just self-defeating perpetual sympathy, but inflame the fury of those who harbor the world’s oldest hatred.
Into their tapestry of victimhood they have woven centuries of ignorance and hate. They have brilliantly unstitched the historical, Jewish, Jesus of Nazareth—crucified by Rome for insurrection—and darned him afresh onto their own ersatz chronicles as a “poor Palestinian,” who suffered at the hands of “the Jews.” Jesus’ poverty, hardship, and rewritten cultural identity is now one with theirs. Similarly, the Holocaust, that mass industrial murder of six million Jewish people and the ultimate human atrocity, has been nefariously captured by the talons of the Palestinian Authority. The spurious and lethal certitude that every single Palestinian amounts to nothing but an emaciated, caged refugee in a Zionist imposed ghetto, surrounded by a 28-foot wall that conceals genocide, is a chilling, wicked and audacious blood libel.
The formation of this “suffering Palestinian” is a sinister narrative that perversely seeks to claim victimhood by exacerbating hatred toward the Jewish people and the State of Israel. It absconds with the sufferings of Jewish history to gain political clout, and carves victimhood out of a stealthy narrative that mirrors, undermines, and purposefully inflames an unreformed Islamist East and hoodwinks a largely anti-Israel West. Behind the phenomenal “suffering success” is the slick, well-oiled, and brilliantly executed directional narrative of the Palestinian Authority.
At the very least, to encourage the Palestinians to embrace an identity of unabated misery and cling to the notion of victimhood robs them of their quest for a genuine identity and cements them in generic and disingenuous misery. As a person who has suffered greatly, I cannot accept the endorsement of the perpetual psychological victim of any individual as either true, moral, or helpful.

  • Tuesday, May 10, 2016
  • Elder of Ziyon
From MEMRI:



The best part is at the end:

During a Friday sermon delivered in Edmonton, Alberta, Imam Shaban Sherif Mady said that "peace accords, Sykes-Picot, and all these sort of things are useless garbage." "How can you make peace while the other side uses weapons?" he asked. Imam Mady further said that Jerusalem would "only be regained through blood." The sermon was posted on the Internet on May 7. For another sermon by Imam Mady, in which he said that Rome would be conquered like Constantinople was, see MEMRI TV clip 5342.

Shaban Sherif Mady: The Prophet Muhammad said that there would be a peace agreement between the Muslims and the Byzantines, which would be respected, and that the [Muslims] would fight another enemy. Who is this other enemy? It is Iran and its filthy lackeys and dogs, like Russia, China, and those who support them, as well as the secular dogs in the Arab world, like the children of [UAE ruler] Zayed, and that Jewish Zionist Al-Sisi, as well as that secular traitor [Libyan leader Khalifa] Haftar, together with all these traitors. They will all come to an end. Thanks to this peace agreement, they will all vanish from the face of the Earth. When? Hopefully, this will happen soon.

[…]

Our Jerusalem, the place of our Prophet's nocturnal journey, will only be regained through blood. Peace accords, Sykes-Picot, and all these sort of things are useless garbage. How can you make peace while the other side uses weapons? You are talking about peace, while he is killing?! You are talking about peace, while he has F-16s, tanks, and rockets. So what kind of peace is this? It is "peace be upon you," my dear. Send my "peace" and greetings... What peace? Why hasn't there been even a single [UN] resolution condemning Israel, ever since its establishment? There has never been an international resolution against it.
That's big news!



We have lots of ideas, but we need more resources to be even more effective. Please donate today to help get the message out and to help defend Israel.

AddToAny

Printfriendly

EoZTV Podcast

Podcast URL

Subscribe in podnovaSubscribe with FeedlyAdd to netvibes
addtomyyahoo4Subscribe with SubToMe

search eoz

comments

Speaking

translate

E-Book

For $18 donation








Sample Text

EoZ's Most Popular Posts in recent years

Search2

Hasbys!

Elder of Ziyon - حـكـيـم صـهـيـون



This blog may be a labor of love for me, but it takes a lot of effort, time and money. For 20 years and 40,000 articles I have been providing accurate, original news that would have remained unnoticed. I've written hundreds of scoops and sometimes my reporting ends up making a real difference. I appreciate any donations you can give to keep this blog going.

Donate!

Donate to fight for Israel!

Monthly subscription:
Payment options


One time donation:

Follow EoZ on Twitter!

Interesting Blogs

Blog Archive