Showing posts with label Academic fraud. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Academic fraud. Show all posts

Thursday, December 18, 2025

Here's an abstract of a brand new paper in Globalisation, Societies and Education by Jo Kelcey of American University of Beirut:

A tragedy foretold? The necropolitical foundations of the Gaza scholasticide
Jo Kelcey
Published online: 15 Dec 2025
Cite this article https://doi.org/10.1080/14767724.2025.2598276 
 
ABSTRACT
This article contextualises the scholasticide in Gaza (2023 – ) within the longer history of Israel’s treatment of Palestinian education. Using primary and secondary historical sources, it argues that the near total destruction of Gaza’s education sector is the latest iteration of a longstanding repertoire of Israeli colonial violence enacted on Palestinian education since 1948. Through the lens of necropolitics, the article identifies how this treatment coalesces around three overarching logics: indigenous erasure, political containment and the normalisation of violence. In this way, the article contributes to broader debates regarding the relationship between education and conflict and provides a framework to understand how neo/colonialism operates in and through education.
There is a lot to unpack here. You can see how social sciences take previously defined concepts that may or may not even exist and apply them willy-nilly to Israel, by citing others who did it first and pretending that they are proven fact - hence, "scholasticide" (purposeful destruction of education) and "necropolitics" (a state asserting control over who lives and who dies.) 

But it is also a shining example of how anyone can cherry pick whatever evidence they want and ignore the rest. The footnotes mention a handful of cases of Israel supposedly attacking schools, including in Lebanon  - no context is given as to whether they were terror sites. 

But what is not said is where the lies hide.

Before 1948, Arabs in Palestine were largely illiterate. Literacy rates tripled under Israeli rule as of the 1980s, no doubt they are much higher now.

Before 1967, there was not one university in the West Bank or Gaza. Not one. Under Israel's "scholasticide," 11 universities were opened as of 2005.

Before 1967, only a few hundred Palestinians went to colleges - after Israeli control, that number reached tens of thousands.

We have shown that Israel-haters are epistemologically equivalent to conspiracy theorists, and their explanations for these counterexamples show this clearly.  They say that the Palestinians flocked to higher education in spite of Israeli restrictions.  If Israeli "scholasticide" explains both why universities were built under Israeli control (and not under Egyptian/Jordanian control) but it also explains why Israel attacked universities in Gaza or Lebanon, then it doesn't explain anything. 

It is an unfalsifiable assertion - there is literally nothing Israel could do to make the haters believe anything else. 

Which makes this kind of research worse than useless. It is propaganda dressed in academic garb, which describes nearly all of the papers about Israel in many journals.  






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Wednesday, December 03, 2025


Academics in social sciences have long championed the principle that individuals and communities should be allowed to define their own identities. This is a cornerstone of modern sociological ethics. 

In some cases, there are even legal standards. 

In 1997, the U.S. Office of Management and Budget established clear federal standards for collecting data on race and ethnicity. These standards apply to all federally-funded research and state unequivocally:

"Respect for individual dignity should guide the processes and methods for collecting data on race and ethnicity; ideally, respondent self-identification should be facilitated to the greatest extent possible."

The standards continue: "Self-reporting or self-identification using two separate questions is the preferred method for collecting data on race and ethnicity."

These aren't aspirational goals. They're mandatory for federal research and have been adopted as policy by major academic journals. The Canadian Medical Association Journal (CMAJ), following Journal of the American Medical Association (JAMA) standards, requires that researchers:

"Authors should explain whether race and ethnicity were self-identified by study participants or identified by others, providing justification if self-identification was not used."

The rationale is clear. As PLOS Global Public Health notes: "Observer classification has potential harms such as misclassification, stigmatization, and perpetuating structural racism."

Yet in academic research, there is a glaring exception to this rule: Arab citizens of Israel. In this case, academics have systematically violated their own principles.

An analysis of academic literature published in Taylor & Francis journals reveals a striking disconnect between how Arab citizens of Israel identify themselves and how academics choose to label them. Here is the breakdown of the uses of these phrases in academic papers since 2019 from my own keyword searches (1,354 results, some might be duplicates from papers using different terms in the same paper.)

  • Palestinian terminology ("Palestinian citizens of Israel"/"Palestinians in Israel"): 40.8%
  • Arab identity terminology ("Israeli Arabs"/"Arabs in Israel"): 39.2%
  • Israeli citizenship terminology ("Arab Citizens of Israel"/"Arab Israelis"): 18.0%
  • Religious terminology ("Israeli Muslims"/"Muslim Israelis"): 1.9%

But this is way out of whack with how Arab Israelis define themselves!

While there are differences in research, most show roughly what this Tel Aviv University Konrad Adenauer Program for Jewish-Arab Cooperation report said in June as how Arabs in Israel see themselves.

  • Arab identity: 36.2%
  • Israeli citizenship: 30.3%
  • Religious affiliation: 21.4%
  • Palestinian identity: 9.7%

The numbers are damning. Academics use Palestinian identity terminology at 4.2 times the rate at which the actual population self-identifies that way. Meanwhile, Israeli citizenship identity—the second-most common form of self-identification at 30.3%—is significantly underrepresented in academic literature at only 18.0%.

I've seen numbers from 3% to 15% for Arab Israelis identifying as Palestinians but no matter which statistic you choose, describing them as "Palestinians" is inaccurate and a blatant violation of social science standards. 

Even more egregiously, religious identity, which 21.4% of Arab Israelis say is their primary identity component, receives only 1.9% representation in academic terminology. This is an eleven-fold underrepresentation of how more than one-fifth of the population sees themselves.

The irony here is rich. These are the same academics who would be horrified at misgendering someone or using racial terminology that a community rejects. They are the first to say that imposing external identity categories on people is a form of epistemic violence.

Progressive academics have spent decades rightfully criticizing how marginalized communities have been labeled by outsiders rather than being allowed to define themselves. They've fought against colonial impositions of identity, against medicalization of non-conforming identities, against bureaucratic categorizations that erase people's self-understanding.

But when it comes to Arab citizens of Israel, all these principles evaporate.

Why? Because the Palestinian national identity narrative serves a particular political agenda, and that agenda takes precedence over the community's actual self-understanding.

This isn't just about word choice. It reflects a deeper academic malpractice: the construction of a Palestinian national consciousness narrative within Israel that doesn't reflect the lived reality of the majority of the population being studied.

Only 9.7% of Arab Israelis say Palestinian identity is the most important component of their personal identity. Yet 40.8% of academic articles impose this identity on the entire population. This is not description - it's prescription. It's not research - it's activism masquerading as scholarship.

The data reveals something even more troubling: academics are not just slightly misaligned with the population they study. They are systematically constructing a narrative that inverts the actual priorities of that population. Israeli citizenship, which ranks second in self-identification, is deliberately minimized in academic discourse. Palestinian identity, which ranks dead last, is elevated to be the dominant frame.

This analysis reveals a fundamental crisis in academic integrity. Scholars who have built careers on respecting self-identification, who police language usage in every other context, who understand that naming is power—these same scholars are systematically imposing an identity framework on a population that has explicitly rejected it.

The evidence is clear. The numbers don't lie. Academics are using "Palestinian" to describe Arab citizens of Israel at 4.2 times the rate those citizens use it to describe themselves.

This is not research. This is ideological construction masquerading as social science.

And it's a violation of the field's own ethical standards.





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Tuesday, December 02, 2025

Academic papers have exploded in their use of antisemitic tropes and anti-Zionist activism language in recent years.

See for yourself:


The number of papers that accuse Israel of "Jewish supremacism" - an antisemitic trope straight out of the "Elders of Zion" and Nazi playbook" - went from 5 in 2005 to 455 last year - a 90 fold increase.

The Palestinian phrase "Talmudic Rituals," to make Jewish prayer seem sinister, has become mainstreamed in academia, from 2 in 2005  to being used 118 times in papers last year.

No other ethnic or religious group on earth has seen anything remotely like this.

Phrases popularized by BDS and other anti-Zionists that are nowhere close to neutral academic language - like referring to the Israeli army as "Israeli Occupation Forces" or referring to Gaza as an "open air prison" or even refusing to refer to Israel by name and replacing it with "Zionist regime" have similarly skyrocketed in recent years.

Altogether, the phrases listed here have gone from 40 in 2005 to 1,933 in 2024. The total, including this partial year, is over 8,000 papers using phrases that no serious academic should ever use except in scare quotes.

Here is the data:


80% of these inflammatory, biased and antisemitic phrases have been in the past five years.

It is no wonder that recent polls have found that people who have the most education are the most antisemitic - an inversion from decades past. 

It you don't think that academic "anti-Zionism" is correlated with antisemitism, you ae living in a dream world. This chart proves that they go hand in hand. 

Peer review has failed. Editorial standards have collapsed. An entire academic discipline now functions as an unapologetic propaganda mill -  and its output is already shaping policy, media, and the training data of the next generation of AIs.

The more you dig into academic papers, the more rot you find. 

(These were compiled by Grok AI using Google Scholar searches.)

The Institute for the Study of Amtizionism is enjoying these articles. Check them out on X: @InstituteCSA




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Sunday, November 30, 2025

Andrew Pessin has launched the Institute for the Critical Study of Antizionism, and in his introductory manifesto he he quotes Adam Louis-Klein:

“We now need entire teams of researchers — serious, methodical, interdisciplinary — to mine the full archive of genocide studies, settler-colonial theory, Middle Eastern studies, and the whole academic nexus where antizionism has taken root… a vast, largely unexamined body of antizionist hate literature, treated as scholarship but functioning as ideology.”

I am not an academic, but I can certainly critique academics on their own playing field. I've quoted and mocked the most egregious examples of anti-Zionist academic literature a number of times. But what is required here is a more rigorous examination showing that the entire field is rotten at the core.. From what I could tell, anti-Zionist academic literature does not simply contain bias. It behaves like a sealed intellectual ecosystem, with its own canonical texts, circular logic, and selective evidentiary filters. The appearance of scholarly rigor is there -  citations, peer review, footnotes  - but the underlying method is adversarial rather than truth-seeking. The conclusions are rarely tested; they are assumed.

This is where AI becomes indispensable.

Taylor and Francis hosts hundreds of academic journals. While most papers there are not available in full text, they show their abstracts - and their footnotes. I realized that with a minimal effort I could have AI examine the papers and their references to see if they are following the patterns of normal academic research or if their evidence is all circular and ignoring any counter-examples.

I found that when searching for papers accusing Israel of “settler-colonialism,” “apartheid,” and “genocide,” nearly all of them fail basic academic standards required in the social sciences.

The rot is very deep. Here is what I found in only a half hour of research with Grok:

The Settler-Colonialism Frame: Theory as Template

Searching Taylor & Francis for “settler colonial* + Israel” yields about 110 papers since 2015. In this cluster:

  • Patrick Wolfe (2006) is cited ~52%

  • Ilan Pappé (2006) ~48%

  • Lorenzo Veracini (2010) ~35%

  • Gershon Shafir (1996) ~28%

These four sources account for roughly 80% of the network’s intellectual gravity. Virtually every subsequent paper refers back to them.

But here is the problem: these works are rarely challenged, only repeated. Assertions like Zionism is a settler-colonial project by definition.”are taken not as hypotheses to be investigated, but as axioms to be applied.

Primary sources,  such as Ottoman-era Jewish land ownership, pre-Mandate Jewish presence, or Mizrahi Jewish indigeneity,  almost never receive examination. The fact that Jews have always considered Israel their homeland and have prayed to return for two millennia? Not to be found, because that one fact by itself shows that Jews never considered themselves to be settling someone else's land but returning to their own. 

Even within the larger field of settler colonial studies, there are debates on whether Israel fits the definition the way the US or Australia do. Those dissenting opinions not only might but must be mentioned in serious academic papers - yet they are virtually absent in the context of Israel.

The Apartheid Frame: NGOs as Canon

The apartheid literature is even larger, about 230 papers. But here, the intellectual source code changes.

The top citations are no longer academics but NGOs: 

  • B’Tselem (2021) ~75%

  • Human Rights Watch (2021) ~68%

  • Amnesty International (2022) ~62%

These are not academic papers, but advocacy documents. They are not peer-reviewed; they were created with predetermined conclusions and PR strategies behind them. 

Yet in academic writing, they are treated as if they were definitive legal assessments. The logic often goes something like, As established by HRW and B’Tselem, Israel is an apartheid regime.

But the reports themselves have been directly challenged,  in detail, by Eugene Kontorovich,  Avi  Bell, Gerald Steinberg, CAMERA, and myself. Those critiques exist. They are public and specific. 

And yet,  in the 230 T&F apartheid papers,  they are cited in less than 2% of cases. And when they are cited, it is often dismissively, as “denialist rhetoric,” not as arguments requiring rebuttal.

This is ideological cherry-picking that excludes any contradictory evidence.. It does not reach anything close to accepted academic standards.

The “Genocide” Acceleration

Finally, the most recent wave: the “genocide” framing post-October 7. There have been so far about 150 papers since late 2023 accusing Israel of "genocide," which is astonishing for two years. 

And in these, the primary sources are:

  • Francesca Albanese’s UN Special Rapporteur reports (70%)

  • ICJ provisional ruling language (65%)

  • Amnesty’s December 2024 genocide report (already ~55%)

Again, the pattern holds. These sources are treated as if they constitute established legal conclusions rather than political and rhetorical framing.

Arguments rooted in genocide scholarship, like the specific standard of dolus specialis,  are barely discussed. The ICJ’s own high evidentiary standards (as applied in Croatia v. Serbia) are almost never mentioned.

There are virtually no counter-interpretations, no accurate readings of the Genocide Convention, no documentation of Israeli efforts to warn civilians, no discussion of Hamas embedding military assets among civilians.

Once again, NGO reports are treated not as evidence but as authority.

In other scholarly fields, like  political science, history, and sociology,  academic standards require:

  • representing opposing views fairly

  • citing dissenting scholarship

  • acknowledging uncertainties

  • engaging with primary sources

  • and above all: practicing falsifiability

What we see instead is the construction of a self-affirming discourse where counter-arguments are not refuted. They are simply not acknowledged.

This produces an illusion of consensus where none exists. It creates the appearance of “settled scholarship” when what actually exists is selective citation and methodological exclusion.

I managed to prove, in less than an hour, what I and probably the members of ICSA have long suspected: that the field of anti-Zionism is not just dismissive but contemptuous of academic standards. It is not a field at all, but an anti-Israel propaganda initiative disguised as scholarship. It does not stand up to the slightest bit of critical scrutiny.

ICSA must adhere to rigorous academic standards to make this case airtight. But I just proved it beyond any reasonable doubt. 

Ideas start in journals, get simplified into lectures, then transmitted to student activists, turned into slogans and then accepted as moral certainties which then become dogma, and dogma that cannot be questioned becomes a weapon. Entire university departments are complicit in this truly horrible hijacking of academia. Any honest researcher should be horrified and want to excise this cancer from the social sciences.

Let's hope ICSA will be the spark to burn this entire false field of study down.




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Thursday, September 07, 2023



Here is the abstract of a paper by Walaa Alqaisiya,  published in Political Geography, a peer-reviewed academic journal published by Elsevier: 

Beyond the contours of Zionist sovereignty: Decolonisation in Palestine's Unity Intifada
This article takes the May 2021 uprising in Palestine, known as the Unity Intifada, as a prism to map old and new political geographies between coloniser and freedom-fighter, whose significance extends beyond the temporal limits of the May event. The first part of the paper investigates the role of identity and cultural geographies in re-enforcing Jewish claims to sovereignty. It shows how the Zionist production of pink (sexed/gendered), red (racializing/indigenising) and green (environmental) markers, is used to draw the contours of settler legitimacy and intensifies when faced by growing indigenous rebellion. The second part addresses the decolonising possibilities engulfing the Unity Intifada. It examines the role of youth, including women and queer collectives, and how their actions invoke new political and material taxonomies beyond the liberal peace structure to which Palestine has succumbed since the Oslo agreements. Overall, the article advances the political geographies of decolonisation by challenging the maintenance of settler colonial violence within the popular, political, and intellectual imaginary of ‘Israel/Palestine.’ It does so by tracing the spatial and epistemic value of decolonisation theories that extend from interactions across indigenous, queer feminist, critical race, and eco-materialist debates.  
That is a lot of obfuscation to give a message that Palestinian violence is wonderful and must be encouraged.

As with most such academic papers, the author "talks past the sale:" she takes lies like Israel's "colonialism" or terrorists as "freedom fighters" as being so obvious that they need no proof or citations and uses them as building blocks to selectively chose whatever evidence they claim supports their propaganda. She has no need to explain how, exactly, shooting rockets into civilian population areas or ambushing and shooting drivers on the road is "freedom fighting."

In the first paragraph, Alqaisiya asserts "Nakba is a structure not an event (Wolfe, 2006)." But the Wolfe paper says "Invasion is a structure not an event." The author redefines "nakba" for her own purposes from the standard Palestinian line that it means the (fictional) expulsion of 700,000 Arabs in 1948 - now it means the arrival of Jews to the region decades earlier, framing it as an "invasion."

Her assumption is that Jews had no right to migrate to Palestine to escape persecution in Europe or the Middle East throughout the centuries. The right for persecuted minorities to seek refuge is unchallenged - unless they are Jews returning to their ancestral homeland, the exact opposite of colonialism. 

She knows what she is doing. The peer reviewers of Political Geography are not experts in the history of the region, and they are also probably reluctant to challenge a Palestinian's narrative of her "truth." She, and many other academics, take advantage of these factors, plus the general anti-Israel atmosphere in academic circles,  to spread lies and agitprop without fear of being exposed.

And just in case a reviewer might notice Alqaisiya is not exactly objective, she says in her "Methodology" section that her hatred of Israel is a strength, not a weakness: 
[G]iven the role played by social media in circulating activist online campaigns and commentary about the Uprising, a digital ethnographic component shaped the methodological approach of the article. Not only did this method help direct the selection of primary sources that ‘capture how self-identity is formed, structured and expressed on digitally based platforms,’ (Kaur-Gill and Dutta, 2017: 3) but it also aligns with the epistemic base of decolonising research (Tuhiwai Smith, 2012), recognising the author's own positionality as Palestinian. Indeed, the majority of the discussion across the two sections emerges from the author's political and scholarly engagement within decolonial feminist and activist online spaces, in Palestine and beyond, which responded to the Unity Intifada's plight. The aim of advancing the sovereignty of indigenous knowledge, therefore, is at the heart of this article's methodological approach (Tuhiwai Smith, 2012).
In English: "I am a Palestinian, therefore my anti-Israel activism and opinions are worth more than any objective source. My obvious bias is the core of this research, and I then choose my secondary sources to fit my bias. And if you object to that methodology, you are oppressing me."

Here is a key paragraph:
It was as the bombs were dropping on besieged Gaza, devastating entire families and amounting to war crimes, that Israel took part in the annual international song competition, Eurovision. Israeli participation in such events unveils a cultural site for Zionist pinkwashing, delineating a sexed/gendered self that reifies the logic of settler colonial domination. The country's 2021 representation through the figure of a Jewish Ethiopian woman, Eden Alene, reveals how race plays a defining role in settlers' (subjects and state) efforts at indigenising colonial settlement. I read Alene's 2021 Eurovision contest participation as an attempt to neutralise Zionism's mounting crisis during times of growing confrontation with the indigene's resistance via the crafting of ‘an alternate (hi)story.’ This Zionist self-indigenising narrative, which also activates forms of cultural exchange with Indigenous nations and their plight elsewhere, further intertwines redwashing and greenwashing efforts.
It hardly needs to be mentioned that Israel didn't choose the dates of Eurovision, and that the contestants were chosen way before the May mini-war in Gaza. But Alqaisiya "reads" the two events coinciding as a Zionist response to the bad publicity of defending itself from rockets. The author then doubles down and spends several paragraphs railing against previous Israeli entries in Eurovision as symbolizing "pinkwashing."

To anti-Zionist fanatics, Israel is by definition an illiberal state. Therefore, any counter-evidence - like  transsexual, gay-friendly and Black contestants for Eurovision being fully embraced by most of Israeli society - must be interpreted as a cynical attempt by Israel to hide its hate for LGBTQ and people of color. The contestants' own Zionism is further proof of Israeli illiberalism and attempts to obscure its "apartheid." In short, any facts that decisively disprove the assertion of Israeli evil are themselves further proof of Israeli evil. 

Occam's Razor is shredded in favor of conspiracy theories. 

Again, the peer reviewers might not be expected to understand the history of the scurrilous "pinkwashing" and "redwashing" and "greenwashing" accusations throughout this paper. But they should at least click on the references to see if they say what Alqaisiya claims. In this same paragraph, the link to her saying that the Gaza war in 2021 amounts to war crimes goes to an Al Jazeera article which says "The United Nations human rights chief Michelle Bachelet has said Israel’s recent attacks on the besieged Gaza Strip that killed more than 200 Palestinians may constitute “war crimes” if they are shown to be disproportionate." This is a deliberate misquote, one of dozens, and that minor example should have been enough to raise flags for any reviewer at Political Geography. 

So many of her other footnotes link to articles that do not say what she claims. Another example: 
Predating Alene's participation was Netta Barzilai's win of the 2018 Eurovision contest with the song ‘Toy,’ whose feminist LGBTQ vibes (Cook, 2019) invoked the celebration of Israel as a place that shares the progressive liberal values of Europe. Israel has been at the core of embodying attributes of ‘European identity’ (Ayoub and Paternotte, 2014) as they link to feminist and LGBTQ issues. 
The link says that LGBT rights are emblematic of European identity, but that has nothing to do with Israel actively claiming to be European. This is Alqaisiya's way to tell readers that Israel is a foreign European outpost in the Middle East that doesn't belong, and that Jews are really European converts and not descended from the Children of Israel. 

Yet another example: A footnote about the organization StandWithUs says "The Israeli government heavily funds this US-based organisation to disseminate hasbara (public diplomacy for the Israeli government) through ‘citizen activism,’ whose goal is to mobilise young people in Israel, the US and Britain to stand up for Israel and Jewish people. (See Bazz, 2015; StandWithUs, 2022). " "Bazz" in 2015 reported that Israel planned to pay StandWithUs about $250,000 for a specific one year project, but it fell through and as far as I can tell, SWU does not get any funding from the Israeli government.

It would take a month to show the many such inaccuracies in this paper - and this is all what Political Geography should have done, and failed to do.

The entire paper is online, so you can see for yourself how Alqaisiya has little regard for truth.  Every paragraph includes lies (including the Depo-Provera slander I mentioned that are spread in multiple academic papers). 

I don't know what kind of peer review Political Geography engages in, but it is apparent that not only do they not do basic fact checking, they don't even flag a paper like this that all but brags that it is intended to be Palestinian propaganda.



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Wednesday, February 01, 2023




There was a very revealing thread by academic fraud Noura Erakat, who calls herself a "human rights lawyer:"

Palestinians under siege, subject to killing by world’s 11th most powerful army & deputized settlers but news producers want me to come on air to comment on Palestinians celebrating the killing of 9 Israeli settlers? 
Why this pathology of Palestinians and apology for apartheid? Why exceptionalize this Palestinian expression when you know full well ANY human who lived under such devastating circumstances without an army or international protection would similarly respond to this operation
It's the combination of absolute removal of context, together with dehumanization of Palestinians that makes media more interested in examining Palestinians as hateful, blood thirsty rather than absolutely emblematic of humanity
Only in this context, are news media more concerned about sporadic Palestinian operations aimed at resistance to apartheid, than an Israeli government & society that has caged 2 mil Palestinians in Gaza, suffocates children with tear gas, shoots to kill over 1 Palestinian a day. 
I shared this with the producer who rushed off the phone. Shocking. 
We should be invited to comment on the situation and context, not to spend air time being a corrective and scrutinizing the segment itself. 
Erakat is angry that a TV producer wants to frame Palestinians as hateful and bloodthirsty - and then justifies Palestinians being hateful and bloodthirsty.

She is saying that Palestinian celebrations on the death of Jews targeted outside a synagogue is perfectly normal and "human." She claims that any human would act that way. 

Would they?

A Google search of "celebrate terror attack" finds that the overwhelming majority of examples refers to Palestinians. When they are filtered out, all the remaining hits are Muslims - and the only cases I can find of handing out sweets are Hezbollah supporters in Lebanon also celebrating a terror attack in Israel

Did Jews celebrate the Allied firebombing of Dresden, Germany in 1945, killing tens of thousands of civilians? No - no one did

Erakat's thesis is a lie. But it is one she clearly subscribes to herself - she is saying that she felt the same joy that other Palestinians did, and she is irritated that she has to explain to dense reporters why this bloodlust is normal and Israel targeting terrorists is the real crime. 

Notice also that she doesn't frame the Jerusalem massacre even as something distasteful. She justifies the massacre itself as a "Palestinian operation aimed at resistance to apartheid." To her, murdering Jews is not an outrage but an act of heroism, and Jewish worshippers are themselves the enemy to be killed, no different than a soldier.

This is not what a real human rights activist or human rights lawyer would ever say. Erakat is a fraud as an academic, as a lawyer and as a human being.

(And, no, the famous photos of children in Northern Israel under rocket attack in 2006 and Sderot residents watching Israeli airstrikes in 2014 are not Israelis celebrating the deaths of civilians.)




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Sunday, March 20, 2022

Twelfth-rate academic Juan Cole notes that in the latest UN World Happiness Report, Israel ranks as the ninth happiest nation in the world and the Palestinian Territories ranks 122nd out of 146 rated areas.

Of course, he must explain how this happened using his own twisted Jew-hating logic. It is, he says, "happiness apartheid."

The per capita income of Palestinians is $3751 a year. The UN estimates that the Israeli Occupation of the Palestinian territories has taken out $57 billion since 2000 from their economy that would otherwise have been there, spurring growth. The Palestinian gross domestic product would be 3 times bigger today without that interference.

Israeli per capita income is $34,185 nearly 10 times greater than that of Palestine. Some of that income is produced by usurping land and resources from the Palestinians.
There you go! Jews are stealing Palestinian happiness!

But not only that: Jews are stealing Palestinian health, too!

Palestinian life expectancy in 2019 was 74 years. Because Israel declined to vaccinate most of the people living under its military occupation against COVID-19, it has likely fallen.

Live expectancy in Israel is about 83 years. Again, Prime Minister Naftali Bennett rules both people, directly administering 60% of the West Bank and using the Palestine Authority as his policeman for the other 40%. Yet some of the population he rules drop dead 9 years before the others.

There you have it. The Jews are not only stealing Palestinian land and life expectancy and freedom and money, but they are stealing Palestinian happiness!

Don't let actual facts interfere with Juan Cole's fevered hallucinations.  

The number of deaths per million from COVID-19 for the Palestinian territories is 1004 per million. For Israel, it is higher - 1117 per million. So much for that theory.

When the entire Palestinian territories were under direct Israeli rule from 1967-2000, Palestinian life expectancy increased from 54 to over 70. It has gone up since, too. 


Cole implies that somehow Israel is fully responsible for Palestinian health. But Israeli laws do not apply to the Palestinian health sector. This is international law under the Oslo accords. 

The Lancet noted in 2020:

With respect to the West Bank, the Oslo Accords state that health is under the aegis of the Palestinian Authority. As such, it is only in cooperation with the Palestinian Authority that health professionals in Israel can provide assistance to people in the West Bank. Sadly, the Palestinian Authority has decided on a general policy wherein opposing steps, which are claimed to represent so-called normalisation with Israelis, override such cooperation by forbidding Palestinian health-care personnel from working with their Israeli colleagues. We all have Palestinian associates who have privately expressed an interest in working together, but are afraid to stand out.  

Other factors that could affect life expectancy (and happiness) that elude the distinguished idiot professor is that a higher percentage of West Bank Palestinians smoke than in Israel (27% vs. 20%), Arabs tend to have more obesity and diabetes, and in recent years, the Palestinian Authority has banned its people from being treated in Israeli hospitals.

The biggest proof that Cole is an idiot comes from looking at the happiness index of other Arab countries that border Israel. 

While the Palestinian ranking is 122, it is higher than that of Egypt (129), Jordan (134) and Lebanon(145.) (Syria isn't ranked, but it certainly would also be lower than that of the Palestinians as well.)

Why would those people be unhappier than the Palestinians? None of the factors that Cole lists applies to them - yet they are worse off than the Palestinians that Cole says are practically enslaved by Israel! Apparently, "occupation" actually enhances happiness compared to Israel's non-occupied neighbors!

Cole's hate for Israel colors everything he writes about. It is rarely as clear as it is here. 

(h/t JW)






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This blog may be a labor of love for me, but it takes a lot of effort, time and money. For 20 years and 40,000 articles I have been providing accurate, original news that would have remained unnoticed. I've written hundreds of scoops and sometimes my reporting ends up making a real difference. I appreciate any donations you can give to keep this blog going.

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