It has given Palestinian citizenship to several of the top Russian equestrian team members, so they will have a chance to compete in the 2024 Paris Olympics as Palestinians.
Russian Olympic Grand Prix team rider Aleksandra Maksakova has declared for Palestine.
The 25-year old Dutch based Aleksandra Dmitriyevna Maksakova has been competing internationally for her native country Russia since 2017.
"Due to current political situation and the decision by international sport federations – including the FEI – to ban Russian athletes from international competitions, I was no longer allowed to take part in international dressage events due to my Russian nationality, even though I am a permanent resident in Lithuania," Aleksandra told Eurodressage. "Under those difficult circumstances, I had the great chance and honour to be authorised to compete for Palestine, thanks to the support of Palestinian sporting bodies, and in compliance with the FEI regulations."
Both (her husband) Egor and Aleksandra have now been declared for Palestine and are eligible again to compete at international horse shows, putting them back in the running for the 2024 Paris Olympic Games.
"I am looking forward to resuming international dressage competitions under the Palestinian flag," Aleksandra added.
Maksokova is the third Grand Prix rider to have declared for Palestine. The other two are Russian born Diana al Shaer (since 2018) and the German born Christian Brühe/Zimmermann (since 2011).
Palestinian Arabs have allied with the worst human rights abusers in the world from the 1930s to today.
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Last week one of the most famous black Palestinians, Fatima Bernawi - who was imprisoned for trying to explode a bomb in a Jerusalem movie theater - died. She was buried in a large ceremony in Gaza.
Most articles about "Afro-Palestinians" say a version of this legend of how they arrived:
Devout Muslims, Africans from countries such as Chad, Sudan, Nigeria and Senegal, trekked across continents to perform the original Muslim pilgrimage of the Haj - first to Mecca, then to al-Aqsa.
Such pilgrimages date back to as early as 636 AD, after Omar Ibn Khatab took Jerusalem from the Byzantine Empire. Some arrived, fell in love with the city and decided never to leave.
A variant says that they mostly arrived in the 19th century:
During the Ottoman era, Africans worked as custodians and guards of al-Aqsa Mosque – their role was to prohibit non-Muslims accessing the premises of Al-Haram Al-Sharif, the Noble Sanctuary and third holiest site in Islam. Many of them were Muslim immigrants from Chad, Sudan, Nigeria and Senegal who settled in Jerusalem in the nineteenth century after performing the pilgrimage to Mecca.
I'm not so sure. I think that the majority came to Palestine as slaves, not as pilgrims.
Domestic Life in Palestine, by Mary Eliza Rogers and published in 1865, says that the guards of Al Aqsa at the time were "black slaves."
This 2019 paper on the phenomenon of slavery in Ottoman Palestine sheds much light:
Up to 1.3 million slaves from Africa alone are estimated to have been transported to
the Ottoman Empire, including Ottoman Egypt and North Africa, during the 19th century.Although trade in slaves was officially forbidden, ownership of slaves was not, and
possession and use of slaves continued into the early 20th century. Ottoman officials
generally tried to steer a compromise course in order to satisfy the demands of abolitionists
and at the same time not to alienate conservative forces within the Empire. Ottoman Egypt
made up the lion’s share of slave trade and slave holding, while in the region of Palestine,
its direct neighbor, both phenomena were of much smaller proportion.
Since the number of Africans in Jerusalem was in the hundreds, it appears that a large percentage were probably brought over as slaves. The paper notes that well-to-do Arabs regarded slaves as status symbols, and they maintained them into the 20th century as the practice waned.
It is no wonder that Black Palestinians want to romanticize their ancestors as pilgrims who wanted to stay in Jerusalem, instead of slaves brought over in the huge Muslim slave trade. But is appears that far more of them are descendants of slaves than is reported nowadays.
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The anti-Israel crowd likes to insist that Israel can’t be “home”
for a Jew, because the Jews were gone for thousands of years. The Arabs, they say,
have a more recent claim. But what about the Arabs who live in Jordan, comprised of 80 percent of the British Mandate for Palestine? How can they “return” to “Palestine”
when they are already IN Palestine—Mandate Palestine. Aren't they already home?
The Right of Return in the eyes of the world applies only to Arabs, never to Jews. The "key of return" has come to symbolize the hope of Arabs to boot out the current residents of homes their ancestors fled in 1948. Why is it not equally valid for Jews, with their own symbol of hope, the mizrach sign that points to Jerusalem and denotes the direction of prayer, to return to the Jewish homeland? Does it matter where they lived after expulsion? What is the expiration date on reclaiming a home and who gets to determine this date?
An Arab woman holds a symbolic "Key of Return"
Framed mizrach with the word מזרח on the wall (Jan Voerman, De treurdagen 'the sorrowful days', c. 1884)
A more basic question might be: Where is home? Is it the place where your grandparents lived or the city of your birth? Because if you tell me that I should go back to Pittsburgh because I was born there, isn't it the same for those who were born in Amman, Lebanon, Syria, and the many other countries to which Arabs fled in 1948? They had children and grandchildren born in these countries. And of course, those who fled to Jordan never really left. They just moved to a different part of "Palestine."
As did those who fled to Syria.
Veteran (now dead) White House Correspondent Helen Thomas once
suggested that “Jews Get the Hell out of ‘Palestine’” and “go home” to Poland
and Germany. Thomas covered the White House through ten presidential
administrations, from Kennedy to Obama. But telling Jews to go back to Poland
and Germany, as it turns out, was considered beyond the pale. Because everyone knew that
it was in Germany and Poland that Jews, not so long ago, had been
systematically gassed and burned in the millions. Thomas, in essence, wasn't sending Jews home, but to their deaths.
Even those who agreed with Thomas' sentiment probably would have
wished her more circumspect. Thomas had allowed the veneer of the professional journalist to slip, revealing her hate. The optics were not good. As a result, Thomas was
forced to retire in disgrace, a victim of her own loose lips. At 89, she was
still in full possession of her mental faculties, the verbal fart
notwithstanding. She knew exactly what she was saying. She just hadn’t known
she would not get away with it.
I remember Thomas often, though not with fondness. She comes to mind when I respond to comments on Twitter or Quora suggesting I have forfeited the right of return. Not
long ago, for example, when I spoke of returning to my homeland, Mary-Lee Lutz
commented, “If everyone returned to the place where their ancestors lived
thousands of years ago we’d all live in Africa,” and “Your home is in
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, USA. Come home. You will be welcomed back.”
Lutz says Pittsburgh is my home, because this is
where I was born and raised. This business of others defining "home" for Jews in exile, has become part of the anti-Israel, really antisemitic narrative. Jews are often told that Europe is “home," as in the aforementioned case of Helen Thomas. If we follow this logic, how then do we account
for Sephardim and Mizrachim—Jews who were not in Poland and Germany? How do we
account for the continuous, though sometimes minority Jewish presence in Israel? And as was
alluded to earlier, how do we account for the Arabs who were not born in the
State of Israel, for example, most of the over 80% of the Arab population of Jordan
that calls itself “Palestinian?”
The creation of Transjordan was meant to placate the
Arabs. They were angry after the Balfour Declaration declared British government support for the creation of a Jewish national home in British Mandate Palestine.
The Arabs wanted their own national home in British Mandate Palestine. So the British carved
away some 80 percent of the Mandate from land they’d promised to restore to the Jews, and
gave it instead to the Arabs.
There, one might reasonably say to the Arabs of Jordan. There is your state. Your Palestine. Your home. Return your keys to the new owners after your relocation to a different part of the same country.
Because if you are in Jordan today, and call yourself “Palestinian,” you are more likely to have been born in Jordan as opposed to what is today, the State of Israel. Jordan and Israel both exist within the confines of the British Mandate for Palestine. Does it matter who is sovereign or where your grandparents lived? And if “Israel” is really “Palestine,” why isn't Jordan?
If you live in Amman, Jordan is your most recent home, no matter how long your family lived in Haifa or Jerusalem. Why then do you insist that you are not, in actual fact, at home?
This 1949 Jordanian stamp picturing King Abdullah, bears the label "Palestine" in both English and Arabic.
This 1964 Jordanian stamp bears the likeness of King Hussein and depicts Mandate Palestine as an undivided territory comprising all of modern day Israel and Jordan.
In 1948, King Abdullah declared, “Palestine and Jordan
are one,” and in 1981, his son King Hussein said, “The truth is that Jordan is
Palestine and Palestine Jordan.”
Why should we not believe them? Are these kings of “Palestine”
somehow not sufficiently authoritative? Rabbi Joe Katz offers a fuller picture of reality:
[About] seventy-five percent of Palestine's "native
soil," east of the Jordan River, called Jordan, is literally an
independent Palestinian-Arab state located on the majority of the land of
Palestine; it contains a majority of Palestinian Arabs in its army as well as its
population. In April 1948, just before the formal hostilities were launched
against Israel's statehood, Abdullah of Transjordan declared: "Palestine
and Transjordan are one, for Palestine is the coastline and Transjordan the
hinterland of the same country." Abdullah's policy was defended against
"Arab challengers" by Prime Minister Hazza al-Majali: “We are the
army of Palestine.... the overwhelming majority of the Palestine Arabs ... are
living in Jordan.”
Although Abdullah's acknowledgment of Palestinian identity
was not in keeping with the policy of his grandson, [King Hussein], Jordan is
nonetheless undeniably Palestine, protecting a predominantly Arab Palestinian
population with an army containing a majority of Arab Palestinians, and often
governed by them as well. Jordan remains an independent Arab Palestinian state
where a Palestinian Arab "law of return" applies: its nationality
code states categorically that all Palestinians are entitled to citizenship by
right unless they are Jews. In most demographic studies, and wherever peoples
are designated, including contemporary Arab studies, the term applied to
citizens of Jordan is "Palestinian/Jordanian."
In 1966 PLO spokesman Ahmed Shukeiry declared that “The
Kingdom of Palestine must become the Palestinian Republic.”
Yasser Arafat has stated that Jordan is Palestine. Other
Arab leaders, even King Hussein and Prince Hassan of Jordan, from time to time
[affirmed] that "Palestine is Jordan and Jordan is Palestine."
Moreover, in 1970-1971, later called the "Black September" period,
when King Hussein waged war against Yasser Arafat's Arab PLO forces, who had
been operating freely in Jordan until then, it was considered not an invasion
of foreign terrorists but a civil war. It was "a final crackdown"
against those of "his people" whom he accused of trying to establish
a separate Palestinian state, under Arab Palestinian rule instead of his own,
"criminals and conspirators who use the commando movement to disguise
their treasonable plots," to "destroy the unity of the Jordanian and
Palestinian people."
Indeed, the "native soil" of Arab and Jewish
"Palestines" each gained independence within the same two-year
period, Transjordan in 1946 and Israel in 1948. Yet today, in references to the
"Palestine" conflict, even the most serious expositions of the problem
refer to Palestine as though it consisted only of Israel -- as in the
statement, "In 1948 Palestine became Israel." The term
"Israel" is commonly used as if it were the sum total of
"Palestine."
I am reminded of a necklace
I wear, a gold silhouette of the map of Israel. More and more, Arabs
are marketing this necklace and other items taking this shape, as if it were the
map of “Palestine.” If it were really the map of “Palestine,” would it not
then include Jordan, established as the national Arab home in
Palestine in 1922, and declared as such by so many Arab luminaries in subsequent years? And why, if you
were born in Amman, are you not already home—I would posit more
so than if you had been born in Pittsburgh, Warsaw or Berlin?
Because Pittsburgh is not in Palestine, but Jordan is. To what then are you returning? And why should anyone leave home?
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As we've been showing, Mahmoud Abbas' outrageous antisemitism in Germany is prompting lots of Palestinians and Arab pundits to let fly their own Holocaust denial and antisemitism.
This example, from Ali Mohsen Hamid at Rai al-Youm, tries to prove that according to Chaim Weizmann, there were only six million Jews in all of Europe before the Holocaust, so therefore six million Jews cannot have died and it is all a Zionist lie.
Hamid quotes Weizmann testifying at the Peel Commission hearings, saying, "six million people pent up in places where they are not wanted, and for whom the world is divided into places where they cannot live, and places into which they may not enter."
He then quotes Weizmann at the UNSCOP hearings on Palestine in Lake Success, NY in 1947 where he says that six million Jews were murdered in the Holocaust - and uses this "contradiction" to claim that Weizmann made up the six million number out of thin air.
The Peel Commission quote is accurate - and incomplete. Weizmann was only speaking about Jews in specific parts of Europe where their rights were severely restricted, and he specifically excluded the Jews in Russia and Western Europe. In his address, he said:
Poland has slightly over three millions: Germany had in 1932 or 1933 something like 600,000, but that number has since diminished. If one goes further afield, and rakes the Jewries of Rumania, Latvia, Lithuania, Austria. one sees practically the same picture, and it is no exaggeration on my part to say that today almost six million Jews in that part of the world are doomed to be pent up in places where they are not wanted, and for whom the world is divided into places where they cannot live, and places into which they cannot enter.
Q. Did I gather from you that you thought the conditions which you mention as applying to Poland, apply equally to these other European countries you have mentioned?
A. With the exception of certain small groups. one may say almost equally.
Sir Laurie Hammond: Is it the case with Russia?
A. I am not speaking of Russia, which is closed. As you were good enough to ask me, I will say a word about Russia. In Russia there are about three million Jews. We have very little contact with them. Russia is a closed country at present. ...
Based on this map, and assuming that Weizmann was also including countries like Hungary and Czechoslovakia, the six million number is reasonably accurate.
Hamid is obviously not interested in the truth. The rest of the article is filled with similar lies, like the laughable claim that BDS only wants to boycott products from the territories. He tries to say that Einstein's Theory of Relativity means that one can compare the Holocaust to Palestinian suffering without being antisemitic.
But anti-Israel propagandists will take a tiny grain of truth and extend it into the realm of fantasy, knowing that their audience will be impressed and wants to believe them as long as it aligns with their prejudice.
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Some claim that the Palestinian people have existed for centuries. Here is an account of what Southern Syria (what Arabs called Palestine) was really like in the 19th century, from an 1883 article in the Fortnightly Review by Captain C. R. Conder, about how absurd the idea of a unified Palestinian Arab population was:
Why do not these oppressed subjects of a foreign power [Turkey] help themselves to liberty? There are, it is true, perhaps only a dozen real Turks in the country, for the Pashas even are Kurds, Armenians, or Europeans. Yet to expect a national rebellion is to argue a great want of acquaintance with Oriental character. The power of combination for a common object is unknown in Eastern communities. Arabi's army might — so some of his officers said — have deserted en masse if any one of them had been able to trust another with his real wishes. To the peasant, the village faction appears more important than any national league, and the Turk knows well how to rule by dividing. Southern Palestine, within the memory of living men, was divided into two fierce factions — the Keis, who seem to have been mainly the original peasantry on the west, and the Yemini, allied with the Eastern Arabs, who were pushing northwards from Yemen. The battles fought between these factions are yet related by the village elders, and much courage and daring was then exhibited by the peasantry.
In Jerusalem itself, three of these factions still divide the Moslem population. The Hoseini, in the middle of the town, are the most powerful ; the Khaldi occupy the east quarter ; the despised Jauni abide among the Jews on the south. A Hoseini mother would rather see her daughter die unwedded than suffer her to take a Jauni husband. The same survival of faction I have traced in many other towns of Palestine, and the division of these Moslem parties, even in the petty villages, is almost as great as that which separates the Moslem from the Arab Christian, Latin, Greek, or Maronite. It is by fostering such ancient enmities, and by playing the Druze against the Maronite, the Arab against his elder brother, the Greek against the Latin, that the Turk retains his power over the numerous sects which are found in Syria. It was the same spirit of disunion which in older days gave birth to fifty Gnostic sects in the Holy Land, and which created the twelve Christian creeds which are now to be found side by side in Jerusalem.
The same spirit of disunion exists also among the Bedawin, and, indeed, manifested itself among the early conquerors of Islam as soon as their prophet was dead. Recent events in Egypt and Sinai have not shown us the "noble Arab," in whom we have been told we are to place our trust, in a very favourable light ; and the student of history, whether in Omar's time or in the days of Napoleon, will find that the Bedawin have never fulfilled the expectations of their admirers, and have rarely evinced any great nobility of character. As allies no nation could be more unsatisfactory. They skulked over the Kassassin battle-field to rob and mutilate the dead ; they took money to murder Englishmen who trusted to their reputation for good faith ; and they stole a few cows from the British camp. They never took a side heartily for or against Arabi, and they deserted him at his need. Truly, the noble Arab is not found either in Moab, in Sinai, or in Egypt; and we may well question if he exists in Arabia, for those who know the Syrian Arabs well say that the Nejed and Yemen tribes differ only in being fiercer and more warlike ; while as regards the Sakhur and the Anezeh and other large clans who are more remote from European influence than the Belka Bedawin, it has been my experience that they only differ in being greater savages, more ignorant, crafty, and unreliable than those who know better the power of the West. Truly, one is tempted to regard the noble Arab as " an extinct race which never existed."
This is the history that has been excised from not only Arab but Western textbooks as well.
Al Jazeera has an article by "senior political analyst" Marwan Bishara that takes psychological projection (where people attribute to others what is in their own minds) to new heights.
Why Israel hates the Palestinians so much
To my mind, Israel’s hatred of the Palestinians is shaped and driven by three basic sentiments: fear, envy and anger.
Israel fears all that is Palestinian steadfastness, Palestinian unity, Palestinian democracy, Palestinian poetry, and all Palestinian national symbols, including language, which it downgraded, and the flag, which it is trying to ban.
Not only is he delusional in thinking that Israel fears Palestinian unity and democracy - he believes that without Israel there would be Palestinian unity and democracy!
Israel fears Palestinian poetry? Israel translates Palestinian literature into Hebrew! Now, how much Hebrew literature us translated into Arabic?
Palestinian national symbols? Who burns the other's flag again?
Israel is also angry, always angry at the Palestinians for refusing to give up or give in, for not going away; far away.
Um, this describes Palestinians perfectly. They still anticipate the day all Israeli Jews flee in terror.
Israel is also envious of Palestinian inner power and outward pride. It is envious of their strong beliefs and readiness to sacrifice, which presumably reminds today’s Israelis of early Zionists.
Zionists, early and contemporary, value life. Sacrifice is sometimes necessary but it is not an inherent value - no Zionists blew themselves up to kill random people eating out. No one envies those for whom life is worthless.
But the most delusional part is this:
Israel is most envious of the Palestinians’ historic and cultural belonging to Palestine; of their attachment to the land, an attachment Zionism has had to manufacture in order to entice Jews into becoming colonial settlers. Israel hates the Palestinians for being so integral to the history, geography and nature of the landscape it claims as its own. Israel has long resorted to theology and mythology to justify its existence, when the Palestinians need no such justification; belonging so effortlessly, so conveniently, so naturally.
Wow. Zionists made up myths to say Jews have a history in the land of Israel. And these myths were so strong that they managed to fool hundreds of thousands of Jews about their own fake history!
Israel has tried to erase or bury all traces of Palestinian existence, even changing the names of streets, neighbourhoods and towns.
Apparently, "Nablus" and "Al Quds" are ancient terms while "Shechem" and "Jerusalem" are brand new.
Israel hates the Palestinians for being the living proof that the foundations of Zionism – a people without a land settling in a land without a people – is mythical at best and violent and colonialist in reality. Israel hates them for impeding the realisation of the Zionist dream over all historical Palestine. And it especially hates those living in Gaza, for turning the dream into a nightmare.
Yes, Hebrew newspapers are filled with articles about how Israelis are really envious of Gaza.
The premise is laughably wrong: Israel doesn't hate the Palestinians.
It is bored with them. It is indifferent to them. They are an irritant. Israel already tried the peace route - and was rejected and given terror instead. Now Israelis just want to manage the issue, since Palestinians clearly do not want to live side by side with Israelis. Israelis to minimize conflict, because actual peace is not possible with this generation of Palestinians.
Palestinians are irrelevant. They are no longer regarded as serious peace partners by the world. It isn't Israel that hates Palestinians, but the converse. And one reason why they hate Israel is that they live in an honor/shame society, and they want to feel important, not marginalized.
Terror and Gaza rockets are puerile attempts to show that Palestinians still matter. Like a toddler with a temper tantrum, they want attention. And they will do anything they can to feel important and relevant. During wars, Palestinian Arabic articles are filled with photos showing Israelis running to bomb shelters, because they are so proud that they made a difference in some Jewish lives. Pathetically, it makes them feel important and proud.
But Palestinians hate Israel for other reasons.
Palestinians hate Israel because it is successful. Because it really is a democracy. Because it cares more about Palestinian lives than Palestinians do. Because it shows what a tiny nation can accomplish. Because the hated dhimmi Jews defeated them in their avowed specialty - war. Because it now has better relationships with much of the Arab world than the Palestinians do.
Fear, envy and anger - yes, that sums it up pretty well.
Mahmoud Abbas' Fatah organization sponsored a day camp for children in Hebron, called "The Buds of Construction and Liberation camp.”
One of the first activities was for each camper - many appearing to be as young as 9 - to pose in front of a poster of Yasser Arafat and Mahmoud Abbas.
With an AK-47.
This isn't a Hamas or Islamic Jihad camp. This is Fatah, Israel's supposed peace partners.
In case you weren't certain that these are meant to recruit kids to be terrorists, here is a poster from the camp, showing the children with masked militants.
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