Monday, December 01, 2025

  • Monday, December 01, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon


The Washington Post reports about the Christian exodus from the Middle East. For Bethlehem it says:
Another place that is visibly losing its Christians is Bethlehem, the Palestinian town in the occupied West Bank where Christians believe Jesus was born. Israeli military restrictions and resulting economic hardship have helped drive a recent exodus, residents say, but the drain has been underway for years. The Christian share of the population has dropped from 85 percent before Israel was founded in 1948 to about 10 percent in 2017, according to a more recent Palestinian census.
The WaPo is linking the Christian exodus to Israel's founding. But that is not really the proper linkage: it is linked to Muslim control of the city.

Let's look at the Christian and Muslim population of Bethlehem at four key dates: 1948, when it was annexed by Jordan; 1967, when it was conquered by Israel; 1995, when control of nearly all of Bethlehem was given to the Palestinian Authority, and today.

Year Total Population (Estimate) Christian Population (Estimate) Muslim Population (Estimate)
1948 ~8,500 ~6,800 – 7,200 ~1,300 – 1,700
1967 14,439 6,231 8,208
1997 ~22,300 ~9,800 – 11,150 ~11,150 – 12,500
Today (2022/2024 Estimates) ~35,000 ~3,500 – 4,200 ~30,800 – 31,500

The only time in the past 77 years that the Christian population of Bethlehem increased was under Jewish rule.

Jordan flooded Bethlehem with Palestinian Muslim refugees after 1948, changing the demographic balance significantly. But besides the huge change in percentage of Christians in Bethlehem during that time, there was also an exodus of some 10% of the Christin population under Jordanian rule.

When Israel took over the city, the Christian population increased by between 57-79%.

When the Palestinian Authority took control, it plummeted by some 62%.

It is Muslim rule that forces Christians out of Bethlehem, not Israel. Just like throughout the rest of the Middle East.

The media doesn't report it well, but the Muslim gangs in Bethlehem do persecute the Christians. Christians are also treated like second class citizens in the PA. 
The Christian leaders who remain in Bethlehem are generally of the most antisemitic denominations, combined with their huge fear of the Muslim majority, that makes them blame Israel for the exodus to the media who happily accept that narrative. 

We will be seeing lots of stories in coming weeks blaming Israel for Christian flight. But the numbers don't lie - if Israel's policies forced Christians to leave, they would be forcing Muslims to leave as well, yet Muslims are increasing dramatically. 

Christians are fleeing Bethlehem for the exact same reasons they are fleeing the entire region - because of Muslims and increased Muslim fundamentalism, not because of Jews,. 




  • Monday, December 01, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon

In my last post I started realizing that academic Israel discourse is based on the "coherence theory" of truth, not the alternatives like that used by science - the "correspondence theory." 

Briefly, the coherence theory says that a statement is true if it is consistent with a larger system of beliefs. The correspondence theory says that a statement is true if and only if it corresponds to, or accurately reflects, a fact or state of affairs in the objective world.

Hard sciences use the correspondence theory. A survey of scientific academic papers show that they use language like  "data collected from," "quantitative analysis," "survey results," "statistical significance," "measured," "null hypothesis" or "empirical."  Fields like economics which are not quite as predictive as hard science also uses correspondence theory language. An extremely high percentage of scientific papers use one or more of these terms in their abstracts. 

Social science likes to pretend that it is like a hard science, but at least in the Israel context, this language is almost entirely absent in the sample of abstracts I had AI analyze. Instead it uses phrases like "must acknowledge," "irrefutable," "undeniable," "only path," "systematic," "structural," "urgent," or "the real reason," language that tries to paper over the lack of hard facts with assertions. 

In the case of academic analysis of Israel, this is because there is already an established belief system: that Israel is malign by definition. Anything that is consistent with that belief is accepted as strengthening the belief system itself; anything that contradicts that belief is dismissed or re-interpreted to fit the belief. 

So, as we saw in the last post, when Israel’s president said that all of Gaza bears responsibility for the environment that enabled October 7, that quote is taken as proof of genocidal thinking - while in the very same speech he said clearly that civilians are not to be harmed. The latter statement is ignored, because it does not cohere with the prior belief.

We saw the same with Netanyahu’s references to Amalek — even though he explicitly quoted the commandment to remember, it is assumed that he meant annihilate - because the coherence framework allows only one possible interpretation.

That's why academics can claim that Israel is still committing "genocide" even after the war is over. Empirical facts are not important against the narrative - the stability of the coherent belief systems.

This is not simply a disagreement about facts. It is a disagreement about how truth itself is determined.

Coherence theory is often presented as a legitimate alternative theory of truth. But it isn’t merely different — it is epistemologically broken. The reason is simple: Coherence theory is not falsifiable.

In correspondence-based reasoning, if evidence contradicts a claim, the claim must change. In coherence-based reasoning, if evidence contradicts a claim, it is interpreted as misleading, irrelevant, or morally compromised.

This sounds very familiar to those of us who have analyzed antisemitism - because this is the exact mental structure of conspiracy thinking. 

Once a field abandons falsifiability -  the ability to test a claim against reality and risk being proven wrong  -  it becomes epistemologically indistinguishable from conspiracy theory.

In a conspiracy model, contradictory facts are reinterpreted as evidence of the cover-up. In a coherence-driven academic model, contradictory facts are reinterpreted as irrelevant, misleading, or morally suspect.

A conspiracy theorist says, “The lack of evidence proves how deep the conspiracy goes.”

A coherence theorist says, “The contradictory facts are irrelevant because they don’t align with what we know about colonial power structures.”

These are functionally identical. 

This is not about Israel alone. It affects broader academic domains like identity studies, post-colonial studies, critical race theory, and much of gender theory. When a model becomes too elegant - when it explains everything, and can  survive any contradiction  -  that is when it stops being scholarship and becomes dogma.

Falsifiability is the immune system of truth. If a claim can never be wrong, then it is not science, nor history, nor scholarship. It is theology without God.

People who operate within coherence-based frameworks are often sincere, intelligent, and genuinely unaware of the epistemic trap they are in. Their entire thinking process is wrong but this is how they are trained, how their fields operate.  If the underlying theory of truth is wrong, then entire disciplines built upon it are on unstable foundations. Confronting that feels existential to them, so resistance is natural. 

But this confrontation is necessary. Unless we return to falsifiability, to the kind of truth that can be tested, challenged, and corrected, we are training generations of students to confuse ideological coherence with actual reality. And life changing political and policy decisions are being made based on frameworks that cannot be wrong because they cannot be tested.

That should concern all of us.




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  • Monday, December 01, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon
The respected academic journal Analyse & Kritik just published a paper by Abed Azzam called "‘Blot Out the Memory of Amalek from Under Heaven’: The Gaza Genocide and the Political Theological Legacy of the Biblical Amalek." Here is its abstract:

The biblical command ‘Blot out the memory of Amalek’ surfaced heavily in Israel after October 7, 2023. UN institutions, international and Israeli human rights NGOs and scholars of genocide studies classified the wide use of the Amalek rhetoric across Israeli politics and the military as a clear incitement to genocide. It is acknowledged that such scientific and legal subordination of the present Israeli Amalek rhetoric to the concept of genocide is indispensably important for the Palestinian just cause. However, this paper further singles out this rhetoric to examine it through the analytical lens of political theology. Thus, it first highlights the political-theological carriage of the biblical narrations of Amalek. Second, it situates Amalek as an archetype of Carl Schmitt’s concept of the enemy. Third, the paper traces a genealogy of the Zionist construction of the Palestinian as an Amalekite enemy. Finally, it concludes by showing how this political-theological genealogy culminates in the erasure of the Palestinian from the memory of Western ‘civilization.’
Because I am familiar with the topic, I was quickly able to see that the article was based on false assumptions. I identified two: 

One that Israeli leaders invoked Amalek in the sense of destroying every Palestinian man, woman and child when they were in fact invoking the other Amalek commandment of "remembering Amalek" - that is the verse Netanyahu quoted and consistently used the language of "remember."

The other was that Israeli leaders were referring to Palestinians as Amalek or saying all Palestinians are legitimate targets, and they clearly said the opposite - that Hamas was the target. In fact this paper barely mentions Hamas and while it mentions the date of October 7, 2023 several times, not once does it say what happened that day. 

If any load-bearing assumption behind the paper is false, then the paper is itself wrong. And these aren't the only false assumptions:  the paper assumes "genocide" as a fact, that the "Amalek rhetoric" was widespread in Israel, that there is a traceable "genealogy" from the Torah to early Zionists to the Gaza war of "Amalek" rhetoric, that modern Israeli leaders using "Amalek" rhetoric reflect a coherent theological‑political ideology rather than as a rhetorical device. 

Again, if any of these are provably wrong, the entire paper is wrong. Which it is.

But this post is not meant to be merely a debunking of the paper. It is a story of how anti-Israel rhetoric has become so mainstreamed that even intelligent people can no longer tell the difference between truth and the lies I just listed.

Analyse & Kritik is a peer reviewed journal. A Jewish day school student would know the difference between the two Amalek commandments. Anyone can look up the text of the speeches of Israeli leaders to see what they actually said. Why couldn't the peer reviewers?

The answer, I believe, is that today's academia no longer has a reasonable definition of "truth." There are a number of theories of what truth means, and the one that they use (at least for Israel) appears to be the "coherence theory," which holds that a belief is true if it is consistent with a larger system of beliefs. This paper, and many others I have examined, are coherent - yet they are riddled with falsehoods that aren't just mistakes but that invalidate the entire paper. The reviewers are looking at whether the argument is consistent, but they are assuming that the facts are accurate. 

The anti-Israel narrative has become so widespread that it is now considered the only coherent explanation for anything Israel does. This is why the academics and NGOs are so resistant to correction when their facts are proven wrong - they cannot wrap their heads around any coherent alternative to "Israel is evil."  That is the only fact they are willing to accept, and any actual facts that contradict it are considered aberrant, not disproof. 

The frightening part is that AIs, unless carefully trained, tend to do the same thing. I tried to train a GPT to surface hidden, load-bearing assumptions and tested it with this article. It found some surface-level assumptions but did not detect the deeper ones. It assumed that Azzam's Biblical quotes were all referring to the same commandment. It said that it was wrong to generalize individual politicians to the entire Israeli leadership, but gave examples of genocidal sounding quotes that were themselves taken out of context - because it was trained on the ICJ case and UN documents that did not mention how they misquoted the speeches. Only when I told them the facts did they go to source materials and find out I was right. 

Academics don't know how to search for truth anymore, and AIs are being trained to think the same way. 

We should all be very, very scared.



Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 

Sunday, November 30, 2025

From Ian:

Alan Baker: UNSC Resolution 2803 and the ‘Comprehensive Plan to End the Gaza Conflict’
United Nations Security Council Resolution 2803 (2025), adopted on Nov. 17, 2025, represents a serious attempt to restructure governance, security and reconstruction mechanisms in the Gaza Strip.

Presented alongside, and built upon, President Donald J. Trump’s “Comprehensive Plan to End the Gaza Conflict” of Sept. 29, 2025, the resolution endorses a multilayered framework involving an unprecedented Board of Peace (BoP), an International Stabilization Force (ISF) and a transitional technocratic Palestinian administrative structure.

1. The resolution’s legal character and Chapter VII elements
Although Resolution 2803 does not invoke Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter, its wording adopts components associated with Chapter VII determinations. The operative clause stating that the situation in Gaza “threatens regional peace and security” reflects the terminology of Article 39, signaling that the Security Council perceives a threat to international peace.

However, by refraining from expressly stating that the resolution was adopted under Chapter VII, the council avoids establishing binding enforcement measures. Key operative verbs—such as endorses and calls on—further demonstrate that the resolution’s obligations are largely recommendatory rather than mandatory.

Legally, this carefully calibrated language creates a gray zone:
It strengthens the political authority of the plan.
It provides Security Council endorsement of it.
Yet it withholds the coercive weight of Chapter VII.

This ambiguity allows states to claim U.N. legitimacy for participation, while simultaneously preventing the council and the U.N. from assuming direct responsibility for implementation or oversight.

2. Endorsement of the Comprehensive Plan: Scope and limitations
The council “endorses” the Comprehensive Plan rather than “adopting” it. This distinction is essential. Endorsement acknowledges the plan’s existence and supports its aims, but:
It does not transform the plan into a U.N. instrument.
It does not give the U.N. operational control over implementation.

The Comprehensive Plan is thus validated politically but not incorporated legally into the UN’s institutional architecture. The United States, in some form of loose coordination with Qatar, Egypt and Turkey remains the principal diplomatic driver.

This distinction directly affects:
the legal authority of the Board of Peace
the status and obligations of U.N. agencies operating in Gaza
the status of future political negotiations

The Board of Peace: A novel international governance mechanism
The resolution welcomes the establishment of the Board of Peace, assigning it “international legal personality”—a term commonly associated with international organizations but undefined within the resolution itself.

Questions arise:
Is the BoP envisioned as an independent international organization?
What treaties or instruments grant it legal personality?
What “relevant international legal principles” govern its operations?

The BoP is empowered to oversee:
a transitional civil administration in Gaza
reconstruction and economic initiatives
coordination of humanitarian aid
establishment of operational entities (including bodies with their own international legal personality)

Importantly, the BoP is not a U.N. body, nor does it operate under U.N. authority or financing. Its legitimacy stems solely from the political endorsement of the Security Council and the states participating in its creation.
Gazans' Stark Choice: Either Hamas or Reconstruction
It will be many years before the great majority of Gaza residents are living in anything more than makeshift or temporary housing. The future of Gaza hinges entirely on the willingness of the world to take an active role in reconstruction. But for that to happen, Hamas has to step out of the way by disarming and ceding any role in governing Gaza.

Allowing Hamas to continue as a fighting force means that its war with Israel will resume, and with it will come another round of death and destruction. Understandably, the Gulf governments that are expected to foot the bill for reconstruction costs don't want to see their investment go up in flames.

Allowing Hamas a significant role in governance also risks undermining the reconstruction effort. In its years in power, Hamas never showed any particular interest in the welfare of the Gazans under its rule, leaving basic services like education and health to the care of others; it had even less of an interest in economic development. Hamas would almost certainly use the civilian institutions of reconstruction as a cover to rearm.

Gaza thus faces a stark choice of an armed Hamas preparing for the next round of war with Israel, or reconstruction and a functioning economy. Given how desperate the situation is, you would think the gun option would be a non-starter for Gazans. But it seems that Gazans want to have both, according to a recent poll.

A demilitarized Gaza means, in effect, raising the white flag and acknowledging that the most audacious and sustained act of "armed resistance" in Palestinian history was a failure. Yet however steadfast Palestinians may want to be in the fight with Israel, living in a tent amid rubble, with minimal access to basic services and no means to support a family, is not a long-term option.
Yom HaPlitim: How one day honors a million displaced Jews
Yom HaPlitim, meaning “Day of the Refugees,” is the Israeli national day honoring the 850,000+ Jewish refugees who were expelled from or forced to flee Arab and Muslim majority countries and Iran from the 1940s to the 1970s. In Israeli law, the day is officially called “The Day to Mark the Departure and Expulsion of Jews from the Arab Countries and Iran,” and is sometimes referred to as Yom HaPlitim (“Day of the Refugee”) or Yom HaGirush (“Day of the Expulsion”). The first official Yom HaPlitim was commemorated on Nov. 30, 2014, after the Knesset resolution adopting the day was adopted in June of that year.

Nov. 30 was chosen particularly because the day before marks the anniversary of the UN Partition Plan vote on Nov. 29, 1947, a day that also sparked violence and persecution against Jewish communities in many Arab countries.

Why did Jewish refugees flee Arab countries and Iran?
Before 1948, around 850,000–900,000 Jews lived across the Arab world and Iran, in places like Iraq, Egypt, Yemen and Aden, Libya, Syria, Lebanon, Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria, and Iran. After the partition vote and especially after Israel’s establishment, many of these communities faced anti-Jewish riots and pogroms, mass arrests, and laws stripping Jews of citizenship, jobs, and property. Within a generation, most of these ancient communities had been emptied; today, only a small fraction of the Jews who once lived across the region remain.

Yom HaPlitim was created to acknowledge the trauma, loss, and displacement of Jews in Arab and Muslim countries; preserve the history of ancient Jewish communities, many thousands of years old, which were declining and then destroyed in the mid-20th century; to promote awareness of confiscated and revoked property; and to correct the historical gap in which Jewish refugees from Arab lands received very little recognition and delegitimization of their Middle Eastern identities. By the 1970s, over 95% of Jews from Arab countries had left, many never allowed to return. In some cases, entire communities were moved in dramatic rescue operations, like Operation Magic Carpet (airlifting Yemenite Jews to Israel) and Operation Ezra and Nehemiah (airlifting Iraqi Jews).

Some advocates frame Yom HaPlitim as a way to highlight a “second” refugee population alongside Palestinian refugees. Others caution against using one community’s trauma to negate another’s. At its best, Yom HaPlitim is about adding a missing chapter to the story of the 20th century, not erasing or minimizing anyone else’s suffering.


  • Sunday, November 30, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon
I just came across a Substack by "The Progressive Jew" in which he pretends to debunk 17 of "The Biggest Zionist Lies of All Time." 

It is, frankly, an embarrassing list. Either the "lies" are true (Jews really did make the desert bloom) or they are things that no informed Zionist ever says ("the conflict between Jews and Arabs is thousands of years old". ) It is meant for the echo chamber of anti-Zionists; it doesn't hold up under 30 seconds of actual scrutiny.

But one thing he mentions made me want to look at history a little further:
The 1947 UN Partition Plan was drafted by a committee of 11 countries with no Arab representation and proposed turning roughly 55% of historic Palestine into a “Jewish state” at a time when Jews were about a third of the population and owned less than 7% of the land.
I've looked at how Israel haters misuse the second half of this statement before - there was very little private land altogether in British Mandate Palestine, so the Arabs didn't "own" 93% of the land, but about 17%, the rest being public or other non-privately owned lands.  (There were varying classes of lands in between private and public and each side chooses the statistics that help their case, but my numbers are reasonably accurate when talking about private land in the Western sense, not including Arab "musha'a" lands cultivated by Arab villages and also not counting JNF-leased lands cultivated by Jews. And the Jewish percentage would be much higher if there weren't British restrictions on Jews buying land, but that's another topic.) 

But let's look at the first half of his statement: the partition plan would have given 55% of the land to only 33% of the population. Sounds unfair, doesn't it? Until you look at the partition map itself:


The vast majority of the land earmarked for the Jewish state was non-arable, Negev desert. 

If you exclude non-arable lands from the partition plan, the remainder shows a quite different story than the one given by anti-Zionists. It shows the 33% population of Jews would have received less than 20% of usable land!

This flips the anti-Zionist script on its head - the partition plan was hugely biased towards giving arable land to the Arabs far out of proportion to their population! Under the partition plan the Jewish state would have received ~2,600 km² of non-desert land for its ~600,000 Jews → roughly 230–240 people per km² of usable land, while the Arab state would have received ~11,100 km² of almost entirely non-desert land for its ~725,000 Arabs → roughly 65–70 people per km² of usable land.  

In other words, every Jew was allocated about one-quarter to one-third the amount of arable/habitable land that every Arab citizen was allocated.

If you read the UNSCOP report from which the partition plan was hatched, you can see that it supports the "Jews made the desert bloom" idea that is dismissed as a myth. It envisioned hundreds of thousands of Jewish immigrants from Europe and there was no physical space for them, so UNSCOP said that the Jews were more likely to turn the desert into usable land for these immigrants. UNSCOP admitted that that without irrigation and investment, the Negev was "practically rainless and almost without life," but "Jewish agriculturists have given much attention to the problems of irrigation" in drier areas. 

So the next time someone tells you the 1947 partition was 'unfair to the Arabs,' remember: the UN offered the Arabs 80%+ of the good land for 67% of the population and the Jews a mostly desert state for 33% of the population -  and the Arabs still rejected it and started a war. 

The 'unfairness' narrative doesn’t survive contact with an actual map.







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Andrew Pessin has launched the Institute for the Critical Study of Antizionism, and in his introductory manifesto he he quotes Adam Louis-Klein:

“We now need entire teams of researchers — serious, methodical, interdisciplinary — to mine the full archive of genocide studies, settler-colonial theory, Middle Eastern studies, and the whole academic nexus where antizionism has taken root… a vast, largely unexamined body of antizionist hate literature, treated as scholarship but functioning as ideology.”

I am not an academic, but I can certainly critique academics on their own playing field. I've quoted and mocked the most egregious examples of anti-Zionist academic literature a number of times. But what is required here is a more rigorous examination showing that the entire field is rotten at the core.. From what I could tell, anti-Zionist academic literature does not simply contain bias. It behaves like a sealed intellectual ecosystem, with its own canonical texts, circular logic, and selective evidentiary filters. The appearance of scholarly rigor is there -  citations, peer review, footnotes  - but the underlying method is adversarial rather than truth-seeking. The conclusions are rarely tested; they are assumed.

This is where AI becomes indispensable.

Taylor and Francis hosts hundreds of academic journals. While most papers there are not available in full text, they show their abstracts - and their footnotes. I realized that with a minimal effort I could have AI examine the papers and their references to see if they are following the patterns of normal academic research or if their evidence is all circular and ignoring any counter-examples.

I found that when searching for papers accusing Israel of “settler-colonialism,” “apartheid,” and “genocide,” nearly all of them fail basic academic standards required in the social sciences.

The rot is very deep. Here is what I found in only a half hour of research with Grok:

The Settler-Colonialism Frame: Theory as Template

Searching Taylor & Francis for “settler colonial* + Israel” yields about 110 papers since 2015. In this cluster:

  • Patrick Wolfe (2006) is cited ~52%

  • Ilan Pappé (2006) ~48%

  • Lorenzo Veracini (2010) ~35%

  • Gershon Shafir (1996) ~28%

These four sources account for roughly 80% of the network’s intellectual gravity. Virtually every subsequent paper refers back to them.

But here is the problem: these works are rarely challenged, only repeated. Assertions like Zionism is a settler-colonial project by definition.”are taken not as hypotheses to be investigated, but as axioms to be applied.

Primary sources,  such as Ottoman-era Jewish land ownership, pre-Mandate Jewish presence, or Mizrahi Jewish indigeneity,  almost never receive examination. The fact that Jews have always considered Israel their homeland and have prayed to return for two millennia? Not to be found, because that one fact by itself shows that Jews never considered themselves to be settling someone else's land but returning to their own. 

Even within the larger field of settler colonial studies, there are debates on whether Israel fits the definition the way the US or Australia do. Those dissenting opinions not only might but must be mentioned in serious academic papers - yet they are virtually absent in the context of Israel.

The Apartheid Frame: NGOs as Canon

The apartheid literature is even larger, about 230 papers. But here, the intellectual source code changes.

The top citations are no longer academics but NGOs: 

  • B’Tselem (2021) ~75%

  • Human Rights Watch (2021) ~68%

  • Amnesty International (2022) ~62%

These are not academic papers, but advocacy documents. They are not peer-reviewed; they were created with predetermined conclusions and PR strategies behind them. 

Yet in academic writing, they are treated as if they were definitive legal assessments. The logic often goes something like, As established by HRW and B’Tselem, Israel is an apartheid regime.

But the reports themselves have been directly challenged,  in detail, by Eugene Kontorovich,  Avi  Bell, Gerald Steinberg, CAMERA, and myself. Those critiques exist. They are public and specific. 

And yet,  in the 230 T&F apartheid papers,  they are cited in less than 2% of cases. And when they are cited, it is often dismissively, as “denialist rhetoric,” not as arguments requiring rebuttal.

This is ideological cherry-picking that excludes any contradictory evidence.. It does not reach anything close to accepted academic standards.

The “Genocide” Acceleration

Finally, the most recent wave: the “genocide” framing post-October 7. There have been so far about 150 papers since late 2023 accusing Israel of "genocide," which is astonishing for two years. 

And in these, the primary sources are:

  • Francesca Albanese’s UN Special Rapporteur reports (70%)

  • ICJ provisional ruling language (65%)

  • Amnesty’s December 2024 genocide report (already ~55%)

Again, the pattern holds. These sources are treated as if they constitute established legal conclusions rather than political and rhetorical framing.

Arguments rooted in genocide scholarship, like the specific standard of dolus specialis,  are barely discussed. The ICJ’s own high evidentiary standards (as applied in Croatia v. Serbia) are almost never mentioned.

There are virtually no counter-interpretations, no accurate readings of the Genocide Convention, no documentation of Israeli efforts to warn civilians, no discussion of Hamas embedding military assets among civilians.

Once again, NGO reports are treated not as evidence but as authority.

In other scholarly fields, like  political science, history, and sociology,  academic standards require:

  • representing opposing views fairly

  • citing dissenting scholarship

  • acknowledging uncertainties

  • engaging with primary sources

  • and above all: practicing falsifiability

What we see instead is the construction of a self-affirming discourse where counter-arguments are not refuted. They are simply not acknowledged.

This produces an illusion of consensus where none exists. It creates the appearance of “settled scholarship” when what actually exists is selective citation and methodological exclusion.

I managed to prove, in less than an hour, what I and probably the members of ICSA have long suspected: that the field of anti-Zionism is not just dismissive but contemptuous of academic standards. It is not a field at all, but an anti-Israel propaganda initiative disguised as scholarship. It does not stand up to the slightest bit of critical scrutiny.

ICSA must adhere to rigorous academic standards to make this case airtight. But I just proved it beyond any reasonable doubt. 

Ideas start in journals, get simplified into lectures, then transmitted to student activists, turned into slogans and then accepted as moral certainties which then become dogma, and dogma that cannot be questioned becomes a weapon. Entire university departments are complicit in this truly horrible hijacking of academia. Any honest researcher should be horrified and want to excise this cancer from the social sciences.

Let's hope ICSA will be the spark to burn this entire false field of study down.




Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 

Saturday, November 29, 2025

From Ian:

John Podhoretz: Tom Stoppard, 1937-2025
That essay, “On Turning Out to Be Jewish,” was about all Stoppard had to say about his relation to Jewishness and Judaism over the course of the following two decades. But then, according to his official biographer Hermione Lee, he read a novel by a Croatian writer named Dasa Drndic called Trieste. A character in the novel, writes Lee, “lacerates real historical figures whom she describes as ‘bystanders’ or ‘blind observers.’ They include Herbert von Karajan, Madeleine Albright, and Tom Stoppard: people who discover their family history, but turn a blind eye to it. Her ‘blind observers’ are ‘ordinary people’ who “play it safe. They live their lives unimpeded.'”

This hit Stoppard hard. Writes Lee: “He thought: yes, actually, she’s right. He felt that Drndic was justifiably blaming him for excluding from this ‘charmed life’ all those others who had ‘disappeared.’ He took it as an intelligible rebuke. He felt regret and guilt….He went back over his family history, and his Jewishness. It began to seem to him that he had been in denial about his own past. He increasingly felt that he should have been rueing his good fortune in escaping from those events, rather than congratulating himself. As a playwright, he needed to inhabit those lives he never lived, in his imagination. He started to think about a play which would answer the rebuke.”

That play is Leopoldstadt, and in every way, it is a miracle. It is the greatest play of our time, and the greatest play Stoppard ever wrote, and perhaps the greatest literary work written by an octogenarian. It is set not in Czechoslovakia but in an apartment in Vienna we see at four moments in time—1899, 1924, 1938, and 1955. Over the course of the first three scenes we meet 20 members of the extended Marz-Jacobowicz family. In the final scene, only three remain; all the others are dead, either directly or indirectly, due to the Holocaust. One of them is Stoppard’s stand-in, a young British writer who has no memory of his youth in Vienna from which he was removed by his widowed mother’s fiancee until he is reminded of a scar on his hand. He cut it as a little boy and had it stitched up by a now-dead uncle in that very apartment. He dissolves into tears. His cousin, a survivor of the camps, says to him, “You live as if without history, as if you throw no shadow behind you.”

The richness of the assimilated existences of the Jews of turn-of-the-century Vienna whose Christmas celebration (!) we witness at the play’s beginning is revealed in all its fragility almost immediately; success for the family’s richest member comes in part from his converting to Christianity, but the converted man is soon humiliated for his Jewishness by his wife’s Austrian military-officer lover. The first act features a passionate argument about Zionism and Herzl’s The Jewish State, and the great shadow cast over the rest of the proceedings is if the people in that apartment had heeded Herzl’s call and understood his ideas, they would have moved to Palestine and lived.

Leopoldstadt is a great work of art, and not a tract, but it is the most explicitly Zionist work of art of our time—though the point seems to have sailed over the heads of most of the people who wrote about it in words of extravagant praise. Its celebration and success capped Stoppard’s career not a moment too soon. Because, of course, had he written it three years later and had it been staged in London and New York after October 7th, its Zionism would have been unavoidable to all who saw it, and there would have been protests against it outside the theaters that showed it.

Tom Stoppard chose to stop “living as without history” by writing Leopoldstadt, and in so doing, he brought his career to its apogee with an earnest and passionate piece of work in which he played none of the linguistic games that had made him famous. He wanted to make it known that we must all live with history, with the knowledge of history, with the lessons of history, and not have them erased—either by parents whose journeys were too painful to share with their children and grandchildren or by those who seem determined to forget so that they can commit the same crimes anew, the crimes their grandparents and great-grandparents committed. Tom Stoppard did not live the life of a Jew, but in writing Leopoldstadt, he contributed to the treasure-house of civilization, and for that, he deserves eternal honor. He did good for his people and for the West. May Tom Stoppard’s memory be for a blessing.
Tom Stoppard, acclaimed playwright of ‘Rosencrantz and Guildenstern,’ dies at 87
Stoppard was born Tomas Straussler on July 3, 1937 in what was then Czechoslovakia, the son of Eugen Straussler, a doctor, and Marta (or Martha), née Beckova, who had trained as a nurse.

The Jewish family fled the Nazis and moved to Singapore when he was an infant.

Singapore in turn became unsafe. With his mother and elder brother Peter, he escaped to India. His father stayed behind and died while fleeing after Singapore fell to the Japanese.

In India, Marta Straussler married a British army major, Kenneth Stoppard, and the family moved to England.

Boarding school followed at Pocklington in Yorkshire, northern England, where Tom Stoppard loved cricket more than drama and learned how to be British, which Major Stoppard considered the ultimate nationality.

The adult Stoppard, who rediscovered decades later the Jewish roots that he explored in his final play, would accuse his stepfather of "an innate antisemitism."

He eventually learnt from Czech relatives that all four of his grandparents had been Jewish, and that they had died in Nazi concentration camps.

"I feel incredibly lucky not to have had to survive or die. It's a conspicuous part of what might be termed a charmed life," he wrote in Talk, a US magazine, in 1999, reflecting on returning with his brother to their birthplace Zlin in what is now the Czech Republic.
Scarlett Johansson: I was asked not to make a film about the Holocaust
In Scarlett Johansson’s first film as director, an elderly Jewish woman falsely claims to be a Holocaust survivor after an innocent misunderstanding spins out of control. A month before filming was due to begin, one of Johansson’s financial backers got in touch with a stipulation regarding the script. The gist of it? Love the film, Scarlett, but we’re not so keen on the whole Holocaust thing. Can we have the character lie about something else?

The demand came “after months of preparatory work”, Johansson recalls, despairingly. “I mean, if they’d said ‘I’ll only back this if you shoot in New Jersey,’ or ‘We need to get this done by the spring’, then that would have been one thing. But they were objecting to what the film actually was. It had to be about what happens when someone gets caught in the worst lie imaginable; if not the Holocaust, then what could it be? They offered no alternative. It was just, ‘This is an issue.’”

The Avengers and Marriage Story star stuck to her guns. So the backer pulled out and, with just weeks to go, a significant portion of the $9m (£6.8m) budget disappeared overnight. “We’d been talking about the film for so many months, and then this was the outcome?” she says. “It was really shocking, and I was so disappointed.” Fortunately, an emergency ring-round soon brought Sony Pictures Classics on board as distributors – the studio made up the shortfall, and filming went ahead as planned. tmg.video.placeholder.alt wZ6l2ue--KA

Time was of the essence – not least because Johansson’s leading lady, June Squibb, who had recently celebrated her 94th birthday, was only available for a few weeks. (The redoubtable star of Nebraska and Thelma turned 96 earlier this month.)

Today the two women are sitting side by side in a mirrored salon overlooking the Boulevard de la Croisette in Cannes. Squibb is wearing a colourful silk kimono; Johansson, a white cotton tea dress. Their film, Eleanor the Great, had its world premiere at the town’s festival the previous day, which Johansson attended with her husband, the Saturday Night Live comedian Colin Jost. She and Squibb have just had lunch together, and I’m joining them for coffee and chocolates.

Friday, November 28, 2025

From Ian:

Melanie Phillips: The Islamists’ Trojan horse
The Palestinian cause has had an even deeper effect. It has simply corrupted discourse and morality in the West. By adopting Palestinianism as their badge of moral worth, people have signed up to an agenda of lies that they assume is incontrovertible truth.

Convinced that the Palestinians are the wretched of the earth, Western liberals refuse to see that they are actually supporting a genocidal agenda. By internalizing Palestinian Jew-hatred, they now see nothing wrong in themselves spewing out vicious antisemitic tropes.

Demonizing Israel in the name of anti-racism, they have turned morality inside out, reversing victim and aggressor. That’s why, after the terror attacks on Oct. 7, so many of them denied Israeli victimization and instead grotesquely blamed Israel for abuses such as war crimes or genocide, of which Israel was innocent but of which the Palestinians were guilty.

This pathological projection by aggressors of their own evil deeds onto their victims is hardwired into the Palestinian cause and indeed the Islamist world.

The Islamists do this because they believe that Islam is perfection, and everything beyond it is the province of the devil. Islamist aggression against the West is therefore falsely framed as a defense against Western attacks on Islam.

This was why British Muslims in Birmingham justified their exclusion of the Maccabi Tel Aviv away-fans from the club’s match against Aston Villa in October by claiming that the Israeli fans had a record of violence.

They based this on the utterly false assertion that a violent, pre-planned Arab “Jew-hunt” against Maccabi fans at a match in Amsterdam last year, in which the Israelis were chased through the city, beaten and one of them forced into a canal, was in fact a major attack by Israeli “hooligans” against local Muslims.

By allowing the Palestinian cause to subvert their ability to distinguish truth from lies and right from wrong, Western progressives have damaged something rather closer to home than the truth about the Israel-Arab impasse. It meant that they can’t see how their own society is being Islamized.

That’s why the knee-jerk response after any Islamist atrocities in the West is to worry about attacks on Muslims. It’s why in Britain, any criticism of the police delivering “two-tier justice” by treating Muslims less harshly than others, or concern about attempts to Islamize the curriculum of some state-run schools, or speaking about the overwhelmingly Muslim identity of the rape and grooming gangs is all denounced as “Islamophobia” and silenced.

Palestinianism is the Trojan horse for the Islamization of the West.

Mamdani is motivated, above all, by his passion for the Palestinian cause and his hatred of Israel.

It’s clear from his transition team—a nightmarish collection of Israel-haters, nihilists and ultra-leftists—that he intends to drive a wedge down the middle of the Jewish community by using anti-Zionist Jews as human shields to protect him from charges of antisemitism as he pursues his vendetta against Israel.

New York Jews who denounce Israel will receive protection and favors; Jews who are assumed to support Israel will be thrown to the wolves.

And it will all be done in the language of human rights, justice and international law.
UN Solidarity Day ignores Jewish refugees expelled from Arab countries
This isn’t just a perversion of history. It’s perverted, period.

Tomorrow, the United Nations marks “International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People.” The date, November 29, was not chosen by chance. On November 29, 1947, the UN accepted the Partition Plan that would lead to the establishment of the State of Israel. The Arab world rejected the partition and declared war on the nascent Jewish state, hoping to swiftly eradicate it. This is the origin of the “Nakba,” the Palestinian “catastrophe.”

Choosing to commemorate one side of the conflict – the side that launched the war – and on that particular date, is more than cynical. It’s manipulative; a reframing of the narrative. It also deliberately ignores the other half of the story. Hence on November 30, Israel commemorates the expulsion of more than 800,000 Jews from Arab and Muslim lands who came to Israel. These are the Middle East’s most overlooked refugees.

Two years after the Hamas-led invasion and mega-atrocity on October 7, 2023, to mark International Solidarity with the Palestinians, while ignoring what has been inflicted on Israel and the Jewish world, is particularly jarring.

Thanks to the UN granting the Palestinians “perpetual refugee status,” the number of Palestinian refugees has risen in the past 70-plus years from some 750,000 to more than five million. So much for the charges of “genocide” by Israel.

But what happened to the Jews?
The Jews who once lived in the Muslim world have all but disappeared. In places like Algeria and Libya, once the homes of vibrant Jewish communities, not one Jew is left. In Yemen, the Jewish population dropped from more than 55,000 in 1948 to less than a handful today – and that includes poor Levi Salem Musa Marhabi, who has been languishing in a Houthi prison since 2016 for helping to smuggle a Torah scroll out to Israel.

Apart from launching a war on the newborn Jewish state in 1948, the Arab world also took revenge on the Jews living among them with devastating riots and anti-Jewish measures. According to Israeli Foreign Ministry statistics, “[Since 1948]: In the North African region, 259,000 Jews fled from Morocco, 140,000 from Algeria, 100,000 from Tunisia, 75,000 from Egypt, and another 38,000 from Libya. In the Middle East, 135,000 Jews were exiled from Iraq, 55,000 from Yemen, 34,000 from Turkey, 20,000 from Lebanon, and 18,000 from Syria. Iran forced out 25,000 Jews.”

In other words, the Jews have been the victims of ethnic cleansing. And when the Jews disappeared, thousands of years of Jewish heritage, history, and culture were wiped out with them.
Father of Ran Gvili, one of two remaining hostages, to speak at possible final Tel Aviv rally
Itzik Gvili, the father of Master Sgt. Ran Gvili, one of the two remaining slain hostages in Gaza, will speak Saturday night at what may be the final rally in Tel Aviv’s Hostages Square.

Gvili and Thai worker Sudthisak Rinthalak are the two slain captives still held in Gaza, after the body of Kibbutz Be’eri’s Dror Or was released earlier this week.

Gvili was killed battling Hamas terrorists in Kibbutz Alumim on October 7, 2023, and his body was abducted to Gaza. Rinthalak was killed by Hamas terrorists the same day in Kibbutz Be’eri, where he was employed as an agricultural worker.

The other speakers at Saturday night’s Tel Aviv rally are Jon Polin, the father of murdered hostage Hersh Goldberg-Polin; Ayelet Goldin, sister of slain soldier Lt. Hadar Goldin; Nira Sharabi, wife of Yossi Sharabi, a hostage slain in Hamas captivity; and Eyal Eshel, father of surveillance soldier Roni Eshel, who was killed on October 7 at the Nahal Oz base.

Alongside the Tel Aviv rally, additional protests will be held at Shaar HaNegev Junction and Carmei Gat, the Kiryat Gat neighborhood home to the evacuated Kibbutz Nir Oz community.

Jerusalem’s Safeguarding Our Shared Home protest group said that it will hold a farewell event on Saturday evening for the Hostages’ Tent at the corner of Aza Road and Balfour, erected since the start of the struggle for the release of the hostages.

A spokesperson for the Hostages Families Forum said Friday that it hasn’t yet been announced whether there will be future rallies.

The forum said earlier this week that Saturday’s rally may be the last as the organization will greatly narrow its activities now that there are only two families left to support.

The Forum recommended stopping the rallies by the end of November, given the cost of around NIS 200,000 ($61,000) each week to erect a stage with video and sound systems, adding that the events don’t serve the current situation of terror groups apparently searching for and locating the remaining bodies in Gaza.

The Gvili family has said it understands the Forum’s decision.

Rinthalak’s family is located in Thailand, and while the Forum is in touch with the Thai Embassy, it has not been involved in rallies. Security forces pay their respects as a convoy carrying the body of a hostage arrives at the Abu Kabir Forensic Institute in Tel Aviv, November 25, 2025. (Avshalom Sassoni/Flash90)

Itzik Gvili said Thursday that he feared his son would never be returned.

“We pray, of course, that he will not be another Ron Arad or [Hadar] Goldin,” Itzik Gvili told Kan news. “That we don’t drag it out for many more years.”
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  • Friday, November 28, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon
It is not true that antisemitism is worse now than ever before in America.

In the 1930s and 1940s, antisemitism was mainstream. A survey in 1938, after Kritallnacht, found 53% of Americans blamed European Jews for their Nazi persecution and 60% held negative views about Jews (e.g., "greedy," "pushy," "dishonest").

After Pearl Harbor, Jews were seen as the "greatest threat" to U.S. welfare by 40-50% of Americans  - more than any other group including  Japanese or Germans!

In the 1940s, even after the Holocaust, 58% of Americans had very negative attitudes towards Jews. 

Things slowly became better. In the 1950s, between 30-40% of Americans believed standard antisemitic tropes. That went down to the 22-28% range in the 1960s, and continued to go down steadily until 2019, when it hit an all-time low of 11% of Americans agreeing with several antisemitic stereotypes. 

But between 2019 and 2024, we have rocketed back up to 1960s levels.


As a reminder, in the 1960s, Jews were routinely excluded from clubs, from many law firms, and - unofficially - from many suburban housing complexes and resort hotels. Companies also adhered to the Arab boycott which demanded no Jews in top positions of companies they would deal with. 

US antisemitism is now back to the levels it was at then. 

It gets worse.

In the 1960s, 20% of young people felt that Jews had "too much power." That went down to 10% in 2018. 

In 2023 it was at 37%, nearly quadrupling in only five years. 

Unlike previous decades, today's youth - as well as college educated students - are more likely to be antisemitic than their parents. 

Also, this is the first time since the 1930s that antisemitism was becoming mainstream among both the political Left and the Right.

The time to sound the alarm is now. This is huge change in both amount and direction for antisemitism in America, and there is precious little being done to combat it at a root level. 

(1940s and 1950s data from Gallup/Roper polls, since the 1960s from the ADL. The 1980s numbers were copied from the 1970s; they had no survey then.)





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My last post on Peter Beinart's craven apology to his BDS comrades for speaking at Tel Aviv University was scathing, but it didn't examine his thought process. And a deeper examination reveals something that we all need to learn from.

Beinart is very smart. He knew about the BDSers' anger at his talk beforehand, and he went ahead and gave it anyway. So why would he defend his decision before the talk and then, afterwards, apologize for it? The BDSers who aren't accepting his apology have a point - if he really cares about their feelings, as his apology stated, then he was as aware of their objections before the talk as he was afterwards.

Something must have happened at the talk that prompted him to reverse his opinion on the propriety of his speech. 

Unfortunately, there is no video of the speech or the Q&A. But there is one detailed article about it as a blog at Times of Israel, by Alec Mauer.

Mauer says that Beinart was one of his childhood heroes. He shares Beinart's ideas of 15 years ago about the two state solution, of being against BDS. He is disappointed that Beinart's position today makes no sense to living, breathing Israelis - including the liberal ones who attend TAU or who make films. Beinart repeated BDS claims that they are not boycotting individuals but only institutions, and being at one such institution, he understands that this is a nonsensical distinction.

Based on his report, it appears that many of the students who attended were like him - people who are liberal, who want Palestinians to have a state and equal rights, but who actually live there. 

In other words, Beinart 2025 met Beinart 2010 - and couldn't win an argument with himself. He was confronted with people who share his stated goals but actually think about them realistically. And he failed to move them. 

In the past 15 years, while Beinart moved more and more to the anti-Israel Left, he came up with reasons that sounded reasonable to his new audience - but that made increasingly little sense to those on the Israeli Left who would be affected by his desired policies. He spoke to echo chambers of progressives in America who look at the world through the simplistic oppressor vs. oppressed lens and the feedback in that echo chamber prompted him to keep moving that way. 

One crucial point that is not often mentioned in these contexts: his livelihood became more and more dependent on his political positions. It is incredibly difficult to think independently when your income depends on thinking only one way. As progressive Americans moved more towards blatant antisemitism, Beinart had to work not to alienate them. 

His talk at TAU showed him that his progression from liberal Zionist to anti-Israel activist, which he pretends was a natural evolution, did not impress those who are exactly like he used to be. They knew his arguments and they wanted to hear him answer their questions about them. He couldn't do it. 

Before the talk, he believed the praise heaped on him by his followers, that his arguments are airtight, that he can convince any sincere liberal Zionist of the righteousness of his new positions by quoting Amnesty and B'Tselem. When he realized that he was not nearly as consistent or smart as he thought he was, he decided that going to TAU was a mistake. But he cannot admit he couldn't win the arguments.

Beinart didn't go to Israel for dialogue. He went to admonish the students. He went not as an intellectual but as a prophet. And the students would have none of that. 

A truly humble person would have listened to the students and admitted that he doesn't have the answers. A conceited person blames those who refuted him as being part of the evil enemy. 

Beinart's apology was not an act of contrition. It was an act of conceit to avoid admitting his hypocrisy. Usually apologies are signs of humility, but in this case, Beinart's apology was an act of self preservation. And the BDSers understand that. 

Humility is a necessary component of growth. Beinart's arrogance shows what happens when one believes that they are infallible - their own ethics go out the window to keep from admitting they are wrong. 







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Thursday, November 27, 2025

Peter Beinart spoke at Tel Aviv University this week. Both Israel haters and Zionists criticized him for this, and he apologized to only one side.

But one aspect of his craven apology appears to be Beinart's first direct support for BDS against all Israeli institutions, not just "settlements" or "aspects of BDS"  as he had argued before.

By speaking earlier this week at Tel Aviv University, I made a serious mistake.

In the past, when formulating my views about Israel-Palestine, I’ve sought out Palestinian friends and interlocutors and listened carefully to their views. In this case, I did not.

I really wanted to speak to Israelis. In the US, I’ve cultivated conversations with Jews with whom I strongly disagree, both to listen and in hopes of changing their minds. Over the horrifying last two years, I’ve hoped for more conversations with Israelis, to explain why I believe Israel has committed genocide in Gaza and why I believe Jewish supremacy is fundamentally wrong. My motivation for giving the talk wasn’t financial; I didn’t receive an honorarium. I wanted to say certain things to an Israeli audience. Speaking at Tel Aviv University seemed to offer that chance.

I let my desire for that conversation override my solidarity with Palestinians, who in the face of ethnic cleansing, apartheid and genocide have asked the world boycott Israeli institutions that are complicit in their oppression. As Noura Erakat and others have pointed out, there are ways for me to talk to Israelis without violating BDS guidelines and undermining a collective effort against oppression. I could have had the exchange I desired while respecting a non-violent movement based on human rights and international law. Had I listened more to Palestinians, I would have realized that earlier.

It’s embarrassing to admit such a serious mistake. I dearly wish I had not made this one, which has caused particular harm because international pressure is crucial to ensuring Palestinian freedom. This was a failure of judgment. I am sorry.

He sounds like an abused wife apologizing to her husband after being beaten.

And so the transformation from "Zionist critic of Israel" to "non-Zionist critic of Israel" to "BDS supporter" is complete. From now on, Beinart now takes all of his instructions on how to act, what to write, what to do, what to say and what to think  from the BDS movement. 

He has finally outsourced his brain to terrorist lovers like Noura Erekat, who must approve everything he does in the future. 

This is a role that Beinart now enthusiastically supports. He just wants to be loved by terrorists.  (His magazine, Jewish Currents, refuses to condemn Hamas for October 7.)

But that isn't enough! Even after his groveling apology, the haters weren't mollified. TOI writes:
His apology, however, drew more backlash from leading anti-Israel activists. Nerdeen Kiswani, a leading anti-Zionist organizer in New York City, posted on X, “Peter consistently disrespects communities he claims to support, particularly Palestinians, and then apologizes for it.”

Ali Abunimah, founder of the Electronic Intifada website, wrote, “It’s hard not to see this as anything other than an exercise in damage control, to restore his marketability following the overwhelming backlash to his informed, conscious, willful decision to violate a clear picket line.”
This is the BDS playbook. As soon as you give them an inch, they berate you even more to browbeat you into total submission. 

To the BDS crowd, Beinart isn't an articulate supporter of the Palestinian cause who should be applauded for telling Zionists they are wrong. He is just a Jew, and Jews are useless unless they act like dhimmis, begging for acceptance and protection from their Palestinian overlords and agreeing that Jews who think for themselves are just closet Zionists. 




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This blog may be a labor of love for me, but it takes a lot of effort, time and money. For 20 years and 40,000 articles I have been providing accurate, original news that would have remained unnoticed. I've written hundreds of scoops and sometimes my reporting ends up making a real difference. I appreciate any donations you can give to keep this blog going.

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