She claims that it systematically disadvantages Palestinian Arab women, Mizrahi Jewish women and Ethiopian Jewish women. Her paper goes considerably further than merely alleging bureaucratic unfairness: she says the system helps “preserve Jewish supremacy.”
Written by an Israeli academic with a Hebrew name, published in a peer-reviewed sociology journal Humanity and Society, this sounds like a pretty damning indictment of Israel.
Unless you look at the methodology.
Carmi’s argument grew out of her doctoral dissertation, in which she examined three Israeli Supreme Court cases involving social welfare. One concerned an Ethiopian Jewish woman, one a Mizrahi Jewish woman, and one a Palestinian Arab woman. From those three cases she identifies a supposedly racialized “bureaucratic logic” running through Israel’s welfare state.
Three cases, generalized to the entire nation.
She did not take a sample of Israeli welfare cases and ask whether Mizrahi, Ethiopian or Arab women were treated differently from everyone else. She did not compare their experiences with poor Ashkenazi women. She did not compare them with Haredi women, Russian immigrants, Druze women or any other plausible control group.
She started by choosing representatives of three groups she had already defined as especially marginalized, found cases in which members of those groups had serious problems with the bureaucracy, and then generalized from those cases about the racial character of the bureaucracy itself.
If you want to demonstrate that a Mizrahi woman encounters bureaucratic obstacles because she is Mizrahi, you have to ask what happens to an otherwise similar non-Mizrahi woman. Carmi never does that.
Without a control group, her methodology is worthless. Yet she tries to obfuscate that problem with her description of her methodology:
I analyze each case using a multi-method qualitative approach, including legal archeology, discourse and content analysis, and in-depth interviews. This multi-method approach allows to identify patterns across ethno-racial lines, derive theoretical conclusions from a small number of cases, and uncover the connection between judicial decisions, discursive reasoning, and institutional procedures.
You cannot reach the conclusions she does using that methodology.
The kicker is that she footnotes an earlier study that could have acted as the control!
The earlier study by Ella Glass examined 38 Israeli court decisions involving public housing. It found that courts rejected most applicants’ appeals and that poor claimants generally faced a restrictive, moralizing bureaucracy that expected them to satisfy demanding rules about eligibility and economic behavior.
In other words, the obstacles Carmi identifies in the case of a Mizrahi single mother may not have been Mizrahi obstacles at all. They appear to have been the ordinary obstacles faced by poor Israelis trying to navigate an underfunded and rigid welfare bureaucracy.
There are individual cases that point in the same direction. Poor Jewish single mothers whose ethnicity was not even relevant to the litigation have fought the Housing Ministry over absurdly technical eligibility rules, sometimes all the way to the Supreme Court. One mother of four was denied public housing because she received one type of government support instead of the particular type specified by the regulations. Hundreds of single mothers receiving maintenance payments were caught by similar rules.
That is bad bureaucracy. It might even be unjust bureaucracy. But it is not evidence of racism unless you demonstrate that ethnicity explains the difference in treatment. Carmi never establishes that difference, and the court records don't, either.
The same problem appears in her Ethiopian adoption case. She criticizes the Israeli Supreme Court for “color-blindness” because the justices focused primarily on the welfare of the child rather than making Ethiopian ethnicity central to the decision. So even not treating an Ethiopian litigant differently can become evidence of racial bias.
So, if the state treats ethnicity as important, that can be called racialization. If the state does not treat ethnicity as important, that can be called color-blind racism.
There is something seriously wrong when a professor—not a student fumbling through a first research project, but a professor publishing in a peer-reviewed journal—can make sweeping claims about the racial logic of an entire national welfare system from three deliberately selected cases without establishing how comparable people outside those selected groups are treated.
Anyone familiar with sampling, controls or causal inference should immediately see the problem. You cannot select cases because they contain the phenomenon your theory predicts and then announce that the cases have confirmed the theory.
Her dissertation passed a university committee. The argument became an academic article. That article passed peer review. A journal published it. At every stage, people who were supposed to evaluate scholarship apparently accepted a claim about systemic racial discrimination without demanding the most elementary question: Compared to what?
Perhaps this is a general problem in parts of the humanities and social sciences. Perhaps it is especially acute in politically fashionable areas such as anti-Zionist scholarship.
I don’t know.
And unlike the methodology I am criticizing, I am not going to pretend I know.
I have been looking specifically for methodological problems in academic papers about Zionism and Israel, often simply by searching academic databases for words like “Zionism” or, in this case, "Jewish supremacy." Unsurprisingly, that means the bad scholarship I have collected is disproportionately about Zionism and Israel.
Maybe the same kinds of problems are everywhere. Maybe they are substantially worse in this particular ideological corner of academia. To answer that question I would have to construct a comparison set, examine papers on unrelated subjects and see whether the same methodological failures occur at similar rates.
Without doing that research, I cannot legitimately generalize from the cases I happened to select.
See how that works?
|
Reclaiming the Covenant on America's 250th (May 2026) "He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024) PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022) |
|
Elder of Ziyon







.png)
.png)
.png)










