In December 1991, William F. Buckley Jr. devoted nearly 40,000 words of National Review to a single question: was Pat Buchanan an antisemite? Buckley reviewed Buchanan's Gulf War commentary, his "amen corner" description of Congress and Israel, and a set of statements that tracked classic tropes about Jewish influence and dual loyalty. His conclusion: "I find it impossible to defend Pat Buchanan against the charge that what he did and said during the period under examination amounted to anti-Semitism." Buckley did not find that disqualifying: the National Review endorsed Buchanan in the 1992 New Hampshire primary a few weeks after the piece ran. Buckley had ruled the language out of bounds. He had not ruled out the man. Yet his essay reverberated in the conservative movement for years.
Ted Cruz wants to do something perhaps even more dramatic. Speaking at a March 2026 antisemitism symposium hosted by the Republican Jewish Coalition and National Review, Cruz called for conservatives to purge antisemitic figures from the movement "just as" Buckley did sixty years earlier, then turned to Tucker Carlson: "I believe Tucker Carlson is the single most dangerous demagogue in this country." He has described antisemitism as "the gateway drug to anticapitalism and anti-Americanism," and backs The Front Line, a 501(c)(4) built to make it disqualifying in Republican primaries, mapping races and running messaging campaigns against candidates who traffic in it.
Buckley published a finding, in his own magazine, that cost him a working relationship with a writer who had called National Review his "spiritual guide." Cruz and The Front Line are trying to go further - to make antisemitism disqualifying for any Republican lawmaker.
Both men treat antisemitism as diagnostic rather than incidental. A movement does not produce Jew-hatred as a random defect. It produces it when something upstream has already gone wrong, and the antisemitism is the symptom that surfaces first because it is the easiest one to spot. Buckley traced Buchanan's rhetoric to a paleoconservative strain trading the movement's postwar commitments, anti-totalitarianism, ordered liberty, alliance with the traditional partners of the West, for an isolationism that found Jews a convenient explanation for America's foreign entanglements. Cruz is diagnosing the same disease in his own generation's terms. He is not primarily worried about the students cheering anti-Israel lines at Turning Point USA events. He is worried about the isolationist "America First" reflex behind the cheering, one that treats Israel, capitalism, and the postwar order as three names for the same betrayal. The antisemitism is the test result. The disease is the abandonment of the commitments that used to define conservatism.
Both men are also paying, or paid, a real cost for saying so in public. Buckley's essay widened a rupture with the paleocon wing that never closed, even after the National Review endorsement tried to paper over it; critics on both sides accused him of either damning an ally or failing to finish the job. Cruz, weighing a 2028 run, is picking a fight with a commentator who reaches a bigger youth audience than he does. At the same March symposium, Republican Jewish Coalition chairman Norm Coleman told the room the party is winning the fight against right-wing antisemitism. Cruz, on the same stage, said flatly that he wasn't sure that was accurate. This is principle over optics and standards over the illusion of unity.
While occasionally the Left makes a show of being strongly against antisemitism, they invariably come up against the anti-Zionists in their camp who hide their antisemitism behind politics, and they are unwilling to take a stand against the "anti-Israel" dog whistles. So Chuck Schumer may have made a speech about antisemitism on the Left in 2023, and Keir Starmer may have purged blatant antisemites from the Labour party, but the source of the rot is still there. Antisemitism on the left travels increasingly under cover of anti-Zionism, and a movement that treats demonization of the Jewish state as presumptively legitimate cannot succeed in drawing a line that doesn't really exist.
What Buckley and Cruz share is a working premise: when you tolerate the antisemite because he brings votes, ratings, or energy, the toleration licenses everything that follows from it, the isolationism, the conspiracism, the substitution of resentment for argument. Confronting it costs real support and buys nothing in return except the claim that the movement's stated principles are still operative. Buckley made that trade in 1991; Cruz is invoking Buckley's example to justify finishing the job. It is an uphill battle and perhaps a quixotic one. But there may be a way to succeed, and it is not to separate Israel from the antisemitism discussion but to center it.
That is an essay for another time.
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Reclaiming the Covenant on America's 250th (May 2026) "He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024) PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022) |
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Elder of Ziyon




















