Showing posts with label Syria. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Syria. Show all posts

Tuesday, November 11, 2025


In the Derechology framework I am developing, actions speak louder than words—but trajectories speak louder than both. Jews call this derech: the visible moral path that an individual or nation follows over time. And that derech is usually remarkably consistent. Whether for a person or a society, derech tends to stay the same until something disruptive happens—an upheaval, a revolution, or teshuvah—true repentance.

Changes in derech are rare but they do happen. When one is being claimed, how do we know it is legitimate and not window dressing?

When a former jihadist like Ahmed al-Sharaa rises to lead a transitioning Syria, we are faced with a serious question: has his derech changed—or just his outfit?

This is not a theoretical problem. The fate of lives, alliances, and legitimacy hangs on whether moral transformation is real or performative. Derechology does not shy away from this challenge. It offers us a layered framework to test what kind of change we are actually seeing.

There is no doubt that Syria, as a nation, is undergoing a derech change. The Assad era—with its brutal repression, sectarian warfare, and alliance with Iranian and Russian power blocs—has ended. Al-Sharaa’s rise represents a new chapter. Institutions are being rebuilt. Borders are shifting. New diplomatic gestures are being made. A new government with new policies, new alliances, and new political structure indicates a new derech.

But we must distinguish between a regime change and a personal moral transformation.

Al-Sharaa has a past steeped in jihadist networks. He was affiliated with Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham, an Al Qaeda offshoot. He now presents himself as a head of state, speaking of reform and stability. But has he renounced the ideology that justified violence in the name of religious purity? Has he made any public reckoning with his past?

Not that we’ve seen.

In the derechological framework, teshuvah—the genuine transformation of moral trajectory—requires more than new behavior. It requires a reordering of values, visible in pattern, policy, and persistence.

Here’s what we look for:

  • Visible break with past ideology: Not just silence, but renunciation. A derech pivot requires disavowal of prior loyalties or justifications for harm.

  • Emergence of a new value hierarchy: If before, power justified cruelty, does the new system prioritize dignity, justice, or peace?

  • Persistence under pressure: Does the new derech hold when it costs something, or only when it’s convenient?

  • Accountability for past actions: Even partial, symbolic, or rhetorical reckoning matters.

  • Broad-based moral coherence: Has the change spread beyond one person to the institutions and culture he shapes?

So far, al-Sharaa has offered diplomacy, not repentance. There is no public renunciation of or apology for his actions or decisions as a jihadist. We are only seeing strategic gestures, not ideological evolution. We do not see the markers of teshuvah. On the contrary, we have seen reports of sectarian violence, particularly against the Druze in southern Syria, and the empowerment of former Islamist militias within state structures.

In derechological analysis, when personal or institutional actions appear inconsistent, we keep probing until we identify a coherent moral trajectory. In this case, there is one: not the old Syrian derech but a continuation of Al Qaeda's derech. 

Al Qaeda’s long-term goal has always been the construction of a Sunni-led Islamic ummah or caliphate. Unlike ISIS, which rushed the process, Al Qaeda plays a long game: gradually destabilizing secular or Shi’a-aligned regimes, replacing them with Sunni Islamist governance, and building regional cohesion under a transnational religious vision. It is centered on controlling territory. 

Seen through that lens, toppling Assad is stage one. Establishing Sunni control over all of Syria is stage two. And, long term, rebuilding Syria as a Sunni-controlled, Islamist-aligned state is stage three.

Al-Sharaa’s regime has been consistent: his forces are fighting and suppressing non-Sunni factions (Druze and Kurdish) while there is no criticism of the Turkish occupation of huge parts of Syria. Because that territory is already under Sunni control. 

This is derech continuity—not rupture. 

What we may be witnessing is not moral transformation, but instrumental reform: reforms not rooted in changed values, but in strategic necessity. Al-Sharaa wants to realign Syria from the Shi’a-dominated Iran–Russia axis toward a new, Sunni-led regional order. To do that, he needs Western recognition, Gulf backing, and diplomatic legitimacy. That means talking about democracy and peace, even if the core ideology remains Islamist.

Using diplomacy and reform as camouflage is strategic discipline, not repentance. Where reforms help attract support or funds, they’re made. Where Islamist dominance can be preserved (e.g., militia control, Turkish alliance), it is.

This is a consistent derech towards Sunni Islam supremacist goals over the long term. But Syria is weak today so it needs Western help to rebuild for now - the end of sanctions, Western investment, western humanitarian aid. 

That does not mean engagement with al-Sharaa is forbidden. Diplomacy often involves strategic interaction with flawed actors. Jewish ethics includes realism—Peace first, strength always. But it also includes truth and moral visibility.  Granting someone moral validation before it’s earned degrades the ethical vocabulary.

To be blunt: You can shake his hand, but don’t call him a reformed man until he shows you his teshuvah.

Syria may be on a new path. That is good, and we should pray and act to support the best possible future for its people. You may even claim that Syria is in much better shape under Sunni control than it was under the brutal Assad regime. 

But Ahmed al-Sharaa’s personal derech remains unproven. Until he walks in the light, we are not obligated to pretend the shadows never existed. And so far, he is not doing anything inconsistent with what Al Qaeda leaders would approve for a long term strategy.  

The world needs moral clarity as much as it needs peace. Jewish ethics demands we offer both - without confusing one for the other.





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Wednesday, August 09, 2023

From reading the media, the impression one gets is that while Arab governments are considering the benefits of closer relations with Israel, the populations are completely against it.

It turns out that this is not exactly true.

The 2023 Arab Youth Survey mentions that nearly 17% of Gulf citizens and 11% of North African youth now see Israel as a strong ally or somewhat of an ally of their country, and notes that "these modest approval ratings would have been unthinkable several years ago."

The most surprising results come from when Arab youth were asked how strongly they support their government's normalizing relations with Israel.

Among the Abraham Accords countries, there was strong support from the UAE youth, with 75% supporting normalization. For Morocco it was 50%, while it was only 30% in Bahrain and a mere 3% in Sudan.

More interesting were the results from other Arab countries.

An incredible 73% of Egyptian youth support normalization with Israel, which is a complete surprise for anyone who monitors Egyptian media that is virtually unanimous in opposing Israel. 

47% of South Sudan youth want to see normalization, along with 39% of youth in Oman.

Even more astonishing is the attitudes of youth in other Arab countries. 

Fully 31% of Algerian youth support normalization, at a time when its media is among the most antisemitic - and hugely against Morocco's relations with Israel. 

Also surprising is that 19% of Syrian youth want to see normalization with Israel - and in Yemen, 19% strongly support such normalization. 

These are numbers that simply would be inconceivable in years past.

Yet in Jordan, which is benefitting from ties to Israel in deals to provide the kingdom with much-needed water and natural gas, only 6% of youth want to see normalization with Israel.

And 100% of Palestinian youth never want to see normalized relations with Israel.

The survey includes this eye-opening graphic:


With the notable exception of Egypt, the countries that are the most antisemitic tend to also be the countries whose youth most reject ties with Israel. 

The media has once again dropped the ball on reporting from the Arab world. There are real consequences and policy decisions that can be made based on these results, but the people whose jobs are to analyze these sorts of trends are clueless and instead parrot what "everyone knows."





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Monday, July 24, 2023














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Or order from your favorite bookseller, using ISBN 9798985708424. 

Read all about it here!

 

 

Sunday, July 16, 2023




This video segment from VOA News describes how many Gazans trace their roots to Kurdistan.




Of course, we knew this. There are plenty of Palestinians with the last name "el-Kurd" or "el-Kurdi," and many prominent Palestinian families proudly trace their roots to Arabia or Syria or Morocco or Turkey and everywhere else.

Here is my latest list of Palestinian surnames and where they appear to have originated:


Abbas

Iraq

Abdil-Masih  (Beit Sahour)

Turkey

Abid

Sudan

Abu Aita (Beit Sahour)

Turkey

Abu Ghosh

Europe/11th century

Abu Sitta

Egypt

Abu-Kishk

Egypt

Adwan

Arabia

Afghani

 Afghanistan

Ajami

Iran

Al Hafi

Iraq

Alami

Morocco

Alami

Morocco

Alawi

 Syria

Al-Hayik (Beit Sahour)

Turkey

Arafat

Syria

Araj

Morocco

Aramsha

Egypt

Arashi

Egypt

Ashrawi

Yemen

Awwad

Egypt

Ayyubi Kurdistan

Azd, Azad

 Yemen

Badra

Egypt

Baghdadi

Iraq

Banna

Egypt

Bannoura

Egypt

Bardawil

Egypt

Barghouti

Yemen (may be Jewish)

Bushnak

Bosnia

Chehayber

Turkey

Dajani

Arabia via Spain

Darjani

Arabia

Djazair

Algeria

Doghmush

Turkey

Erekat

Jordan

Fakiki

Morocco

Faranji

France

Faruqi

Iraq

Fayumi

Egypt

Filali

Morocco

Gharub

Egypt

Ghassan

Lebanon

Haddadin

Yemen

Halabi

 Syria

Hamis

Bahrain

Hammouda

Transjordan

Hannouneh (Beit Sahour)

Turkey

Hashlamun

Kurdistan

Hathat Kurdistan

Hijazi

 Arabia

Hindi

India

Hourani

 Syria

Husseini

Arabia

Ibrahim (Beit Sahour)

Turkey

Iraki

Iraq

Issa

Arrived in 1820s to Haifa, not sure from where

Jabari

Iraq

Jazir

Algiers

Kafisha

Kurdistan

Kanaan

Syria

Khair

Egypt

Khairi

Morocco

Khalil

Arabia

Khamadan

Yemen

Khamati

Syria

Khamis

 Bahrain

Khazen

Lebanon

Khoury (Beit Sahour)

Turkey

Kukali

Syria

Kurdi

Kurdistan

Lubnani

Lebanon

Mahdi

Morocco

Makhamra

Jewish

Marashda

Egypt

Masa'ad

Egypt

Masarwa

Egypt

Maslouhi

Morocco

Masri

Egypt

Matar

Kuwait

Mattar

 Yemen

Metzarwah

Egypt

Mughrabi, Moghrabi

Morocco

Murad

Albania/Yemen

Muwaqat

Morocco

Muzaffar

Morocco

Nablusi

Named after Nablus - but that was named in the 7th century

Nammari

Spain

Nashashibi

Kurdish/Turkoman/Syria

Nusseibeh

Arrived 7th Century

Omaya

Arabia

Othman

 Turkey

Qudwa

Syria

Qurashi

Arabia

Qutob

Morocco

Ridwan

Ottoman

Rishmawi (Beit Sahour)

Turkey

Sa'ad

Egypt

Salibas

Greece

Samahadna

Sudan (maybe)

Saud / Saudi

Arabia

Shaalan

Egypt

Shakirat

Egypt

Shami

 Syria

Shamis

Syria

Shashani

Chechnya

Shawish

Arabia

Sidawi

Lebanon

Sous (Beit Sahour)

Turkey

Sultan

Turkey

Surani

Lebanon

Taamari

Arabia

Tachriti

Iraq

Tamimi

Yemen/Egypt/Arabia

Tarabin

Mecca oe Egypt

Tarabulsi

Lebanon

Tartir

Egypt

Tawil

Egypt

Tayib

Morocco

Tijani

Morocco

Tikriti

Iraq

Touqan

Northern Arabia or Syria

Turki

Turkey

Ubayyidi

 Sudan

Uthman

Turkey

Yacoub (Beit Sahour)

Turkey

Yamani

Yemen

Zabidat

Egypt

Zaghab

Morocco

Zarqawi

Jordan

Zaza Kurdistan

Zeitawi

Morocco

Zoabi

Iraq

Zubeidi

Iraq




(h/t Tomer Ilan)



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