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"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024) PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022) |
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Elder of Ziyon|
"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024) PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022) |
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Varda Meyers Epstein (Judean Rose)Disclaimer: the views expressed here are solely those of the author, weekly Judean Rose columnist Varda Meyers Epstein.
--1--
As an American-born Israeli, I have worried about antisemitism
on American college campuses for decades. For me, it’s personal. My friends and
family are there. I worry about the physical safety of their children, but am actually
more concerned that the rhetoric will damage their psyches and souls. When we
text or speak I always want to ask, and sometimes do, especially if the kids
are seniors in high school, “Where will they be going to school?”
My question is no different after October 7th,
but now I voice it to the collective: Where will your Jewish children go to school,
now that all of us know they are unsafe? And where will they go to college?
Will they attend Hillcrest
High, where a Jewish teacher hid in a locked office for two hours? Will
they go to Citizens
of the World Charter School-East Valley where teachers spoke to first
graders about the “genocide in Gaza”?
Portland-area teacher Hailey DeMarre launched a harassment campaign against Beaverton School District after they told her to remove a Palestinian flag students had painted on the classroom wallshttps://t.co/QgI1CXX0pw https://t.co/QgI1CXX0pw
— The Post Millennial (@TPostMillennial) November 19, 2023
Sometimes I imagine what you are thinking now: How long until
it reaches the playground, the grocery store, the synagogue, now that it has been
proven without a doubt, that Jew-hatred can rise up, as it did on October 7th,
and sweep across a kibbutz, dance festival, or campus like a tidal wave.
It’s not about October 7th, but about the nature
of antisemitism. Too many of us don’t want to learn the lesson that yes, it can
happen again. And it did. Because it’s not enough to say a slogan.
--2--
I knew what this column would be called, but I didn’t know
what form it would take. All I knew was that I wanted to talk about the fears
that Jewish parents must be experiencing right now. Did I want to focus on the
individual schools? I didn’t know. I wasn’t sure what I’d need, but I did want
to get an idea of the scale. So I went online and boom, boom, boom. The
internet started blowing up. Within the hour I had found dope—antisemitic dope,
so to speak—on the following 33 schools, the majority of them institutes of “higher”
learning.
1.
University
of Michigan in Ann Arbor
2.
MIT
3.
Yale
4.
Columbia
6.
UC
Berkeley
7.
Harvard
8.
NYU
9.
University
of Southern California
10.
University
of North Carolina
13.
Brown
14.
UCLA
15.
Princeton
17.
Montclair
State University
18.
Brandeis
19.
Bard
College
20.
CUNY
22.
Oberlin
23.
George
Washington University
24.
Wellesley
26.
Cooper Union
27.
UC San Diego
28.
Stanford
30.
University
of Massachusetts
32.
Carnegie
Mellon University and University of Pittsburgh
33.
Citizens
of the World Charter School-East Valley
An hour’s worth of research cannot claim to be exhaustive or
authoritative. It is only disappointing that I found so much of this stuff in
such a short time, just surfing the internet. It’s not surprising; it’s unsettling.
I worry about Jewish children and what the hatred and violence is doing to them.
Antisemitism is a kind of crucible. Will they merely wrestle with fear, despair,
and faith, or are we looking at a Norman Finkelstein or Max
Blumenthal situation?
It’s hard for kids and adults of any age to go through this,
to experience antisemitism, no matter how jaded we think we are. It hurts—especially
when it comes from a teacher and the university does nothing, or when it happens where you least expect it.
This was discovered today at @BaruchCollege pic.twitter.com/JE4AlLGrM6
— Aviva Klompas (@AvivaKlompas) November 28, 2023
You know what I will say, because I must. I believe that the
answer of where your children should go to school is, “in Israel.” There is no
remedy for antisemitism, but there’s treatment: come to Israel and strengthen
your people. Take your children and move there—move to Israel. Make Aliyah. I
wish you would.
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Elder of ZiyonBeyond the contours of Zionist sovereignty: Decolonisation in Palestine's Unity Intifada
This article takes the May 2021 uprising in Palestine, known as the Unity Intifada, as a prism to map old and new political geographies between coloniser and freedom-fighter, whose significance extends beyond the temporal limits of the May event. The first part of the paper investigates the role of identity and cultural geographies in re-enforcing Jewish claims to sovereignty. It shows how the Zionist production of pink (sexed/gendered), red (racializing/indigenising) and green (environmental) markers, is used to draw the contours of settler legitimacy and intensifies when faced by growing indigenous rebellion. The second part addresses the decolonising possibilities engulfing the Unity Intifada. It examines the role of youth, including women and queer collectives, and how their actions invoke new political and material taxonomies beyond the liberal peace structure to which Palestine has succumbed since the Oslo agreements. Overall, the article advances the political geographies of decolonisation by challenging the maintenance of settler colonial violence within the popular, political, and intellectual imaginary of ‘Israel/Palestine.’ It does so by tracing the spatial and epistemic value of decolonisation theories that extend from interactions across indigenous, queer feminist, critical race, and eco-materialist debates.
[G]iven the role played by social media in circulating activist online campaigns and commentary about the Uprising, a digital ethnographic component shaped the methodological approach of the article. Not only did this method help direct the selection of primary sources that ‘capture how self-identity is formed, structured and expressed on digitally based platforms,’ (Kaur-Gill and Dutta, 2017: 3) but it also aligns with the epistemic base of decolonising research (Tuhiwai Smith, 2012), recognising the author's own positionality as Palestinian. Indeed, the majority of the discussion across the two sections emerges from the author's political and scholarly engagement within decolonial feminist and activist online spaces, in Palestine and beyond, which responded to the Unity Intifada's plight. The aim of advancing the sovereignty of indigenous knowledge, therefore, is at the heart of this article's methodological approach (Tuhiwai Smith, 2012).
It was as the bombs were dropping on besieged Gaza, devastating entire families and amounting to war crimes, that Israel took part in the annual international song competition, Eurovision. Israeli participation in such events unveils a cultural site for Zionist pinkwashing, delineating a sexed/gendered self that reifies the logic of settler colonial domination. The country's 2021 representation through the figure of a Jewish Ethiopian woman, Eden Alene, reveals how race plays a defining role in settlers' (subjects and state) efforts at indigenising colonial settlement. I read Alene's 2021 Eurovision contest participation as an attempt to neutralise Zionism's mounting crisis during times of growing confrontation with the indigene's resistance via the crafting of ‘an alternate (hi)story.’ This Zionist self-indigenising narrative, which also activates forms of cultural exchange with Indigenous nations and their plight elsewhere, further intertwines redwashing and greenwashing efforts.
Predating Alene's participation was Netta Barzilai's win of the 2018 Eurovision contest with the song ‘Toy,’ whose feminist LGBTQ vibes (Cook, 2019) invoked the celebration of Israel as a place that shares the progressive liberal values of Europe. Israel has been at the core of embodying attributes of ‘European identity’ (Ayoub and Paternotte, 2014) as they link to feminist and LGBTQ issues.
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Elder of ZiyonThis article examines the Depo-Provera Affair—where Israeli doctors administered the contraceptive Depo-Provera to newly immigrated Ethiopian Jewish women—to argue that the Israeli settler colonial project depends on these forms of gendered anti-Black violence, through the management of Black African bodies. In 2013, then Israeli Deputy Health Minister Yaakov Litzman admitted that they had administered Depo-Provera to Ethiopian immigrant women without their consent, after reproductive and civil rights activists in Israel called for an investigation after a drop in the birthrate among Ethiopian women: close to 50 per cent within the previous decade. The demarcation of Blackness as a political tool necessary to advance Israeli modernity and the situating of Black bodies as antithetical to the state of Israel are not contradictory but rather illuminate Israel’s deployment of anti-Blackness through the racial and reproductive violence necessary to become part of the superior, European West.
Coloniality and feminist collusion: Breaking free, thinking anewNK Purewal, J Ung Loh - Feminist Review, 2021Beyond the contours of Zionist sovereignty: Decolonisation in Palestine's Unity IntifadaW Alqaisiya - Political Geography, 2023 - ElsevierStructural racism and the health of Palestinian citizens of IsraelO Tanous, Y Asi, W Hammoudeh, D Mills… - Global Public …, 2023 - Taylor & FrancisFor sled dogs and women: Hormonal contraception and animacy hierarchies in Danish/Greenlandic Depo-Provera debatesAN Bang, CH Kroløkke - European Journal of Women's …, 2023 - journals.sagepub.comJil Oslo Generation Palestinians and the Fight for Human RightsBK Thakore - Critical Sociology, 2022 - journals.sagepub.comCriminalising Palestinians: History and Borders in the Construction of the Palestinian ThreatM Al-Hindi - International Journal for Crime, Justice and …, 2023 - crimejusticejournal.com
Elder of ZiyonAli H. Musleh will be working on his first book project, To What Abyss Does This Robot Take the Earth? Using his dual background in design and political theory, he focuses on Israel's design, development and deployment of drones, autonomous weapons and artificial intelligence, treating them as technological processes of managing and differentiating forms of life.Apparently, this book is a version of Musleh's 341-page PhD dissertation, with the same title. Here's the abstract:
How do weapons make the colonial worlds that Palestinians and Jewish-Israelis inhabit? My dissertation attends to this question starting from an experience shared by Palestinians: that the majority of us have never encountered an Israeli settler, whether in uniform or out of uniform, who is not attached to a weapon, be it an assault rifle, a fighter jet, or a tank, etc. Taking this experience as a philosophical provocation, I subject the settler colony to a form of insurgent study exercised everyday by Palestinians that confronts the settler as contingent and transitory human-weapon ensembles. These studies are bodying and worlding. They reveal and unravel the spatialized embodiments, sensations, affective terrains, orientations and regimes of truth that weapons generate as lived world(s) of experience. In doing so, Palestinians exercise a fleshy sociality that constantly puts into question the self-evidence of the settler and the settler state. Thinking with Palestinians and alongside peoples of struggle, my dissertation is a performance in reverse engineering that moves from micrological sites, scenes and bodies of war, to macro formations of sovereignty. My itinerary focuses primarily on encounters with remote and robotic weaponry as technologies of engineering spatial and procedural distance between the settler and weapon. My task has been to show how that distance became the abyssal site from which forms of war, apartheid, and erasure emerge that consign settlers to martial automatisms that materialize and mediate their existence. The result is a work that dissects settler colonialism as a form of life inseparable from weapon power, as I also consider Palestinian rehearsals of decolonial life in the robotic age of war.
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Elder of ZiyonThis article draws on the elaboration of social death theory and expand it to analyse the (attempted) social death Israeli regime is inflicting on Palestinian refugees.
In the Palestinian context, we are contending that Palestinians are not entirely socially dead; however, they are, to a certain degree, are exposed to social death. The dispossession of millions of Palestinians in the past 73 years is an (attempt) to socially kill them. Quoting Edward Said (1986 p. 16), “identity- who we are, where we come from, what we are—is difficult to maintain in exile.”
Said's quote is only true when the exiles do not have a strong social identity to begin with. Jews, Kurds, Armenians, and Tibetans have all managed to maintain their national identities. One can look at the same set of evidence in this paper that supposedly proves Israel is attempting "social death" on Palestinians and instead argue that Palestinian identity was never that strong to begin with.
This Said quote exemplifies how academia rewards lies.
2.2. Social death and genocide? Unlatching a new portal to social deathCard looks at “genocide” from a sociological viewpoint, a stance that attempts to expand the legally bounded term of genocide. Interestingly exemplifying the Holocaust, Card contended that it was not only a program of mass murder but also an assault on Jewish social vitality. This article argues that the ongoing Nakba is not only a program of violent dispossession but an assault on Palestinian social vitality. Lendman (2010), in Israel’s Slow-Motion Genocide in Occupied Palestine, perhaps puts it best in illustrating this. Palestinians: dispossessed of their lands, chased out of their sanctuaries, turned into permanently temporary people. This state of being permanently temporary separates them from their families and community is a form of assault on Palestinians’ social vitality, therefore, an (attempt) to social death.
We start off with Holocaust inversion, comparing what Palestinians to Holocaust victims, which is antisemitic. They are doing this consciously with the word "interestingly" above.
Omar and Said then assert, with no citations, that the "nakba" is ongoing. This is an example of how social science rewards repeating lies that "everyone knows" without the slightest reluctance.
The authors cite Stephen Lendman, a recently deceased crazed right-wing conspiracy theorist who has no academic credentials. Lendman's blog includes "CIA Involved in Child Trafficking?", "Fake Biden Announces 2024 Re-selection Bid" and "The Scourge of US-Supported Ukrainian Nazis.
This is their source for a "slow motion genocide" of Palestinians!
The researchers are cognizant of social death being the centre of genocide (Card, 2003, 2010; Card & Marsoobian, 2007). However, she also noted that “social death is not necessarily genocide. But genocide is social death”, the same as we are conscious of the debate on using “genocide” to illustrate the violent Palestinian dispossession. Additionally, Card and Marsoobian (2007) point out that “genocidal acts are not always or necessarily homicidal” but achieve their intended effect by inflicting harm on the victim’s social vitality. Similarly, Lemkin (1944) notes genocide is not necessarily the immediate destruction of a nation. Destroying social relations on which a group’s identity and communal life are based can be genocidal (Lemkin as cited in Abed, 2007, p. 27). Culverwell (Citation2017) notes that while social death is unrecognised as an act of genocide under international law, it is essential to understand these actions’ impact on society as a whole. It is vital to note that this article will not ruminate on the genocide debate because it is not the focus of this research. There is a plethora of work on this, and among them are (Boyle, Citation2000; Doebbler, Citation2010; Lendman, Citation2010; Ophir, Citation2010; Pappé, Citation2006; Rashed et al., Citation2014) that the researchers find persuasive.
Their main source says that social death is not genocide. But the authors then twist that into saying that some people say that Israel practices genocide on Palestinians, and they agree, so social death is evidence of genocide. The entire purpose of this paragraph is to link Israel to genocide using cherry picked sources and an argument that violates basic logic.
Abed (Citation2007) responds and expands Card’s (Citation2003) social death in a manner we agree with. He introduced “territory bounded culture”, which is central to our argument where the forced removal of a population from their traditional lands eventuates social death (2007 p. 47). From our observation, Abed (Citation2007) and Patterson’s (Citation1982) work are interconnected. Patterson wrote: “slave is violently uprooted from his milieu and the process of social nullification constitutes the first external phase of enslavement” (1982 p. 38). The Palestinian case is a mixture of Patterson’s framework of social death; they are violently uprooted from their milieu by being dispossessed of their homes and lands. Many if not all cases of genocide involve forced displacement of populations, and many of these populations have cultures that are, in varying degrees, “territorially bounded” (Abed, Citation2007, p. 45). Nevertheless, Abed summarised Card’s argument perfectly.
Omar and Said are basing their entire thesis on making links that don't exist, that they feel must be right, and therefore they seek sources that seem to support them and ignore any counter-evidence.
[L]ooking at Palestinian identity, Siklawi (Citation2019) recognises Palestinian refugees’ identity in Lebanese camps faced a decline post-Lebanese civil war.If their identity was strong before the Lebanese civil war in the 1980s and weakened after it, then what does Israel have to do with their "social death"?
Elder of ZiyonBuy EoZ's books!
PROTOCOLS: EXPOSING MODERN ANTISEMITISM
If you want real peace, don't insist on a divided Jerusalem, @USAmbIsrael
The Apartheid charge, the Abraham Accords and the "right side of history"
With Palestinians, there is no need to exaggerate: they really support murdering random Jews
Great news for Yom HaShoah! There are no antisemites!