Thursday, May 29, 2025

Real life has overtaken parody a lot in recent years.
Ireland wants an expansion of the definition of genocide to bring home the enormity of what Israel is doing in Gaza, the Taoiseach has told the Dáil.

The Israeli Government, with its “far-right elements”, is "committing genocide in Gaza right now," Micheál Martin said.

Labour Party leader Ivana Bacik echoed: "It is genocide." 

The Taoiseach added: "We're hoping that we will broaden the criteria by which Genocide is judged by the Geneva Convention."
It's genocide - as long as you don't let the international law definition of genocide get in the way!

It might be hard to satirize this blatant antisemitism, but I have to try.







Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 

  • Thursday, May 29, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon
The anger over the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation shows, as clearly as can be, the double standards applied to Israel.

The Humanitarian Country Team yesterday said, "A new militarized distribution system has just been launched. As we have stated, it does not align with humanitarian principles, it puts people at risk, and it will not meet people’s needs, or dignity, across Gaza.."

The main problem, the critics say, is that Israel's military is in the distribution hubs, and  that violates "neutrality" in aid distribution.

Yet when Hamas gunmen pretend to "protect" the aid, for some reason the UN and other organizations haven't had a problm with "neutrality."

This is only the beginning of the hypocrisy and falsehoods from the critics.

From the beginning of the war, the UN and others say that Israel is responsible for feeding Gaza because it is still legally the occupying power, using a tortured logic that controlling the borders and airspace is considered  occupation under international law. The UN and Israel's critics say Gaza has been occupied by Israel since 1967, and even after the 2005 disengagement. This was a rule made up just for Israel and Gaza. 

And they know this as well.

Because when they say that Israel cannot use the military to help protect aid centers and corridors, that is the opposite of what international law says.

The Fourth Geneva Convention says, "To the fullest extent of the means available to it, the Occupying Power has the duty of ensuring the food and medical supplies of the population; it should, in particular, bring in the necessary foodstuffs, medical stores and other articles if the resources of the occupied territory are inadequate."

The 1958 ICRC Commentary says, "It should be noted that the Convention does not lay down the method by which this is to be done. The occupying authorities retain complete freedom of action in regard to this, and are thus in a position to take the circumstances of the moment into account."

Which makes sense in a case of real occupation, because all the functions of a government fall to the occupiers. It makes no sense when Israel has no areas under its direct control. 

Of course a real occupier can use the military to expedite aid delivery. If Israel was really occupying Gaza, then it would be legally obligated to directly provide aid or to oversee NGOs in providing aid under whatever constrains the IDF deem necessary for security and to avoid aid going to Gaza. The only way their argument against "militarized distribution" makes sense is if Israel is not occupying Gaza!

The UN and other critics want to consider Gaza occupied when it is in Hamas' favor but they do not consider it occupied if it helps Israel's desire to cut out Hamas.

The occupation paradigm has changed in the past few months. Up until recently, even though Israel invaded Gaza, it didn't hold much territory. That is changing. And any territory it physically holds is, under the legal definition, occupied.

Since now Israel has said it intends to re-occupy parts of Gaza, this means under international humanitarian law (IHL) it must provide aid. According to real international law, not the one made up just for Israel, "occupation" extends to where the occupier has real control, i.e., boots on the ground.  These humanitarian zones are set up and built by Israel, inside Gaza - meaning that at least those areas are, legally, occupied - and Israel is obligated to provide aid in those areas.

There is no problem in international law for the occupier to hire a private contractor to help distribute aid.  It might be a problem only if Israel is not the occupier of any part of Gaza.

So Israel is doing everything international law demands of it - and its critics are whining about it because they simply do not want Israel to win the war against Hamas. That is the only consistency I can see as to when they say aid distribution is not neutral and when it is, when Gaza is considered occupied and when it isn't, when refugees are encouraged to flee war zones for other countries and when they are not, emphasizing glitches on the first day of GHF food delivery while ignoring Gazans being shot dead while taking flour from a Hamas warehouse - the only pattern is that they are always choosing the position to make it more difficult for Israel to win the war. 

In respect to aid, I cannot find a single example where Israel has violated international law. In fact, that applies to the entire war in Gaza. The way that the IDF built these humanitarian distribution hubs is a perfect example of how Israel wants aid to be delivered to the innocent and not hijacked by Hamas. It is utterly inconsistent with "using starvation as a weapon of war" or "genocide." 

Why has no news media noticed this pattern? Why does it repeat the UN lies? Why is it so hard to look up the Geneva Conventions themselves? 



Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 

Wednesday, May 28, 2025

From Ian:

Seth Mandel: On Holocaust Envy
Holocaust envy, then, is a demented inversion of the current conflict’s modern origin story, a way for some Palestinians to wipe the slate of guilt clean and claim a false moral equivalence with their would-be victims.

For Europe, it’s even simpler. The Holocaust is not Europe’s only modern legacy, of course. But it is the continent’s ever-present demon. Some in Europe choose to attempt to dispel this demon by denying it ever happened. Others do so by erasing the level of evil attached to the great crime of the 20th century: If the Jews are capable of perpetrating such atrocities too, then nothing more is owed them.

Both of these explanations rely on the belief that the Holocaust was not unique.

But what if it was unique? What accounts for Holocaust envy in that case? One answer is that the Holocaust becomes a trump card; for the anti-Semites whose self-perception is based on their victimhood, the Holocaust inspires literal jealousy. For Europeans, if the Holocaust is unique then it can only be mitigated by the unique evil of its descendants. Thus, we come full circle and the Jews are back to being a problem the world has to deal with.

There is another angle to this. The Polish philosopher Stanislaw Krajewski last year proposed a brilliant theory on Holocaust envy and the role that its perceived uniqueness plays in the minds of those who would appropriate Jewish suffering for their own ends.

Krajewski points out that many people believe that the ability to attribute a death to a Holocaust-level act “somehow ennobles them… it is not just any death.” The killings of the Holocaust were not themselves noble deaths, however, he notes: they were intentionally humiliating.

Instead, one must think of the Holocaust as a holy war against the Jews: “let us recall that the great murder actions often began on Jewish holidays.… What is more, such acts as public desecration of Torah scrolls were also a favorite way to show who was superior. Apparently, the task was not only to kill Jews, but also to humiliate and destroy the Jewish religion. In a world without Jews—and this was Hitler’s dream—Judaism would have disappeared anyway, but by choosing such dates and introducing such behaviors, it was possible to immediately show the superiority of the German order over everything Jewish. And above all, it was possible to demonstrate to Jews, as well as everyone else, that the Jewish tradition, its most sacred moments, its sacred objects would be of no help.”

The Nazis, then, took the Bible very seriously. And the Bible’s main theme is the “election of the Jews.” The Holocaust was a revolt against God’s having chosen the Jewish people. To be the victims of the Holocaust, therefore, meant first being the one and only chosen nation. And that is both unique and ennobling—and the source of a poisoned global public discourse about Israel.
If you hate Israel, you hate Jews. Own it
I knew it in my guts to be true, long before 7 October. Now the Chief Rabbi’s gone and said it. Out loud. In public. Good on him. If you are anti-Zionist, then yes, you are anti-Jewish. And not just a bit anti-Jewish, either. You hate – for whatever sinister motive – not just the idea of a Jewish state but Judaism itself.

The anti-Zionist movement that’s metastasised like mould across the left and much of the Muslim world is not some noble stand against colonialism. It’s grubby pound-shop Jew hate.

Being a campaigning anti-Zionist – that is, opposing Israel’s right to exist ‘From the river to the sea’ – is not a political stand like campaigning for lower taxes and a better-funded NHS. It’s loaded, venomous, visceral and oozes from a very dark place.

Where does this darkness often start? In vast swathes of the Middle East and campuses worldwide, anti-Zionism isn’t a reasoned evidence-based judgment. It’s baked in. Inculcated. Handed down. In textbooks, in sermons. On BBC Arabic. A steady drip-feed from childhood casting Jews as horned demons, blood drinkers and well poisoners. It’s a horror show.

Children deserve formative years, not deformative years. Then we wonder why some of those same communities here in Britain call for a global intifada on Oxford Street.

You still think it’s just about Gaza? Grow up.
Because Words Matter and Lies Kill: Julius Streicher, The Man Who Was Hanged for His Words
On October 16, 1946, Julius Streicher stood on the gallows in Nuremberg. He was not a general. He never commanded an army. He didn’t sign deportation orders or operate gas chambers. But he was hanged for crimes against humanity.

His weapon was not a gun. It was a pen and ink.

As the publisher of the virulently antisemitic newspaper Der Stürmer, Streicher relentlessly dehumanized Jews. His cartoons depicted grotesque caricatures. His headlines screamed conspiracies. His editorials encouraged hatred. And though he did not kill with his own hands, the Nuremberg Tribunal made clear: the lies he told fueled the murder machine. His incitement, they said, paved the way to the Holocaust.

He was convicted not for what he did, but for what he made others believe.

Because today, we are once again witnessing a barrage of lies. Not from Nazi presses, but from podiums at the United Nations. From op-ed pages of major newspapers and media organizations. From university lecture halls and international NGOs.

Israel, the world's only Jewish state, fighting an existential war after the worse terror attack in modern history, is portrayed not merely as flawed, but as demonic. A regime of pure evil. Accused of genocide, apartheid, ethnic cleansing—terms that carry moral weight but are tossed like stones, untethered from facts. We are told that the IDF targets children, that Zionism is racism, that the Jewish right to self-determination is colonialism in disguise.

Four years ago today, the United Nations launched what would become one of the most brazenly biased initiatives in its history: the so-called Commission of Inquiry led by Navi Pillay. Billed as an “independent” investigation, it has functioned as a permanent inquisition against the world’s only Jewish state—without precedent, without balance, and without end in sight. No other nation has been subjected to such an open-ended mandate of scrutiny and condemnation. This is not accountability; it is persecution masquerading as principle. Like Streicher’s Stürmer, the commission cloaks its obsession in the language of justice, but its purpose is clear: to isolate, delegitimize, and ultimately dismantle Israel through the steady drip of falsehoods dressed as findings. The hate is institutional now—and history is watching.
From Ian:

Seth Mandel: U.S.-Led Gaza Aid Efforts Are About Much More Than Food
The concerted effort to undermine the new U.S.-administered Gaza aid program should force us to reconsider the funding and cooperation the U.S. gives to the wider United Nations “humanitarian” network. In that sense, yesterday’s launch of this new system, sans UN and celebrity chefs, made clear who does and does not actually want to see this problem solved.

And what we learned was this: The UN’s self-declared guiding “principles” require it not only to let Gazans starve but to actively abet their starvation.

The key principle at issue is one of so-called neutrality. The controversy heated up when the U.S. and Israel sought ways to deliver humanitarian aid to Gazan civilians without enabling Hamas to commandeer that aid. The UN claimed this plan violated the required neutrality from humanitarian groups because it was not neutral between parties in the conflict (i.e. it was biased against Hamas). Yet the UN routinely employs members of Hamas, and therefore no UN-connected agency is neutral either. The lesson is that the UN does not favor neutrality at all. It favors Hamas.

This is the reason a new aid-delivery mechanism was sought in the first place. Both Israel and the United States insist on distinguishing between Gazan civilians and Hamas (and other armed terror groups). Existing “humanitarian” groups refuse to do so and thus organized a boycott and a media-demonization campaign against anyone considering joining an aid effort that excluded Hamas. This campaign further delayed the establishment of a new aid mechanism and delayed the delivery of food and medicine to Gazans.

That new aid distribution began yesterday, led by an organization called the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation. The results bode well for this particular model of aid delivery.

The lead-up to the GHF’s launch was fraught and threatened to derail the project entirely. A New York Times story that damaged the organization and resulted in the resignation of its leader just days before its launch painted its backstory in as sinister a light as possible. The piece began by warning of the project’s “obscure histories and unknown financial backers.” In an attempt to discredit the project as irredeemably biased, the Times describes it as “an Israeli brainchild.”

Yet even the Times’ own reporting makes it out to be the product of a working brain, at the least: “The plan was designed to undermine Hamas’s control of Gaza, prevent food from falling into militants’ hands or the black market, and bypass the United Nations, which Israeli officials do not trust and have accused of anti-Israeli bias. Israeli officials argued, too, that their plan would move distribution out of chaotic and lawless areas into zones under Israeli military control.”
Israel’s U.S. Ambassador Is Punished for Defending His Government
One might think that an ambassador would be expected to defend his own homeland’s elected leaders against vicious accusations during a media appearance in the country where he serves. In Israel, it seems that he is expected not to. This is what Yechiel Leiter, Jerusalem’s envoy to Washington, discovered after he was interviewed by the American podcaster Marissa Streit. Ruthie Blum writes:

The Foreign Ministry announced on Sunday that its director general, Eden Bar Tal, was summoning . . . Leiter for a hearing, in accordance with “the directive of the senior director of the disciplinary division at the Civil Service Commission.” . . . Leiter committed what the Foreign Ministry considers a diplomatic faux pas.

This consisted of his spending six out of the 66-minute tête-à-tête defending Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu against demonization. . . . Perhaps he should have known better than to delve into internal Israeli issues. Maybe he should have answered Streit’s query with a boilerplate statement about the country’s healthy, robust debates and left it at that.

But it’s hard not to scoff at the double standard applied to any government appointee whose views don’t jibe with the anti-Netanyahu line. Indeed, Leiter’s real “blooper” was revealing his loyalty to Bibi—and by telling the truth.
Foreign Secretary accused of wrongly translating Netanyahu comments to Parliament
The Foreign Secretary has been condemned by the Conservatives for “mislead[ing] Parliament”, after he was accused of misquoting Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s comments on food aid to Gaza.

Speaking to a crowded House of Commons chamber last week, Lammy described the IDF’s new offensive in Gaza, stating: “Prime Minister Netanyahu says that they are going to take control of the Strip, letting only minimal amounts of food reach Gazans. Madam Deputy Speaker, I quote Mr Netanyahu – he says ‘just enough to prevent hunger’”.

However, the original video of Netanyahu speaking shows the Israeli Prime Minister saying something different, numerous native Hebrew speakers have told the Jewish News. They say that in the video Netanyahu describes how, until a new aid distribution system to bypass Hamas has been established, the current UN system would be used, stating that “we need to give some minimum, basic support so that there will be no hunger” – and they say that there is no ambiguity in Netanyahu’s remarks.

Eylon Levy, a former Israeli Government spokesperson, alleged that the “made-up quote” used by the Foreign Secretary had originated from “a BBC story which quotes a video from Netanyahu, explaining to his domestic audience why Israel was letting aid into Gaza again. So naturally, I went to the video…

“In a video, Netanyahu explained Israel was setting up a new aid distribution system to bypass Hamas, which is hijacking aid to fund its war. This will take time. So Israel will let in aid through the current mechanism ‘so that there will not be hunger’.

“Netanyahu never said Israel would let in ‘just enough [food] to prevent hunger.’ But David Lammy used that made-up quote to convince MPs to support his hostile foreign policy against Israel, which Hamas has praised.

“Lammy misled his fellow MPs. He misled Parliament.”

Levy continued by suggesting that perhaps “Lammy’s aides nicked the mistranslation from the BBC, instead of doing the professional thing and asking the British Embassy in Israel for a precise translation of Netanyahu’s remarks.”


The famed legal scholar discusses his magnum opus, The Preventive State, why he wrote it now, and why it may never reach the audience it deserves.

Alan Dershowitz calls The Preventive State his magnum opus—and for someone as prolific as he is, that’s saying something. Often referred to as “the world’s best-known lawyer,” Dershowitz has authored more than 50 books and over a thousand articles. But it’s clear why this latest work stands apart. In The Preventive State, he proposes a visionary jurisprudence designed not just to respond to harm, but to anticipate and avert it—be it something on the scale of World War II or the October 7 massacre.

At the heart of the book is an elegant and accessible framework: a four-quadrant matrix of true and false positives and negatives. With this structure, Dershowitz gives readers—experts and laypeople alike—a practical vocabulary for assessing risk and reimagining how the law might operate proactively rather than reactively. It’s a slim volume, yet it delivers a substantial punch, opening the door to a future where justice is not only fair but also preventative.

“You cannot prevent harm if you cannot predict it.” —Alan Dershowitz

Of course, any system that emphasizes prevention carries the risk of overreach—of stifling freedoms in the name of safety. The Preventive State doesn’t shy away from that danger. Instead, it makes the case for a jurisprudence that allows people to be both secure and free. But here’s the catch: the very person who authored this powerful and timely work has, to a large extent, been canceled.

As Dershowitz explains in the interview below, he doesn’t expect The Preventive State—his most important book to date—to receive a review in The New York Times. Why? Because the Times severed ties with him after he served on President Donald Trump’s legal team during the first impeachment trial in 2020. Since then, the once-reliable platform has ceased interviewing him and no longer covers his books.

“The New York Times will not review my most important book—because I defended Donald Trump.”

It’s a bitter irony: a book devoted to safeguarding democracy and civil liberties may be denied the public attention it deserves because its author remains unapologetically committed to due process—and to being, in his own words, an “outspoken Jewish Zionist.” That, perhaps more than anything, ensures his exclusion from today’s mainstream platforms.

More’s the pity.

***

Varda Epstein: Your book is titled The Preventive State, which to some might sound authoritarian. How do you define it—and how would you distinguish it from totalitarian systems?

Alan Dershowitz: Well, prevention is good and authoritarianism is bad, and there’s the risk that trying to prevent will create authoritarianism. There's no way of the state engaging in preventive actions without diminishing certain liberties. Benjamin Franklin said those who would give up essential liberties for a little security deserved neither. But every government has always given up some liberties to assure great security. If any of us could have prevented 9/11, or October 7th, by arresting some people, even if we made some mistakes, we would have done it. You know, we went much too far after the Second World War began when President Roosevelt confined 110,000 Americans in detention centers in order to prevent one or two acts of treason, and none of them occurred. So, it’s the question of balancing, but if the balance is struck improperly, there is the potential for authoritarianism, of course. That’s why I worry about the preventive state. On the other hand, we’re always going to try to prevent. We’re never going to wait until cataclysmic harm occurs. Every country has to confront those issues. Israel’s confronting it right now with Iran. Should Israel go and prevent, as they did Iraq and Syria, from developing weapons? And the United States probably has a different view on that. So these are always the kind of balancing decisions that we have to make.

Varda Epstein: You described Abraham as the first lawyer. He pleaded with God to spare the innocent. Why would he choose to plead for the innocent over eradicating evil?

Alan Dershowitz: Because I think he understood that God could easily have come back and said, look, Abraham, I’m God. I know who’s guilty and who’s innocent. I’ll kill only the guilty and not the innocent. But God said he was going to kill everybody because there were so many guilty people, and Abraham was the first one to challenge authority by saying, no, you can’t overdo it. If you can’t separate the innocent from the guilty, you have to spare everybody. And then God comes back and basically says, yeah, but it depends how many innocent there are. And then that’s when the negotiation begins—50, 40, 30, 20, 10, stops at 10. And that’s been the number that we focus on in Anglo-American jurisprudence also, better ten guilty go free than one innocent be wrongly confined. So, you know, there are various concepts in the Bible that are instrumental in the preventive state. Obviously, Abraham’s argument with God; the idea of punishing recalcitrant children to make sure they don’t become dangerous adults; taking people who have contagious diseases and putting them in isolation; the concept of exile goes back thousands of years, and that’s what we’re doing now with deportation. Deportation is simply a form of exile.

Varda Epstein: I’d argue that it’s just following the law. I mean, if people are somewhere illegally, shouldn’t they be deported?

Alan Dershowitz: No, not necessarily. Some of my relatives came into this country to escape Nazism, and had false affidavits in order to get in because they couldn’t get in lawfully. So sometimes you have to understand, it depends on the circumstances. If you’re escaping from absolute brutality, the way they were escaping from Castro, you have a different rule than if they’re trying to just get some economic benefits. So, you know, the Torah has said, “Tzedek tzedek tirdof,” “Justice, justice” and why two justices? Well, you know, one is justice with compassion, and you have to have a little bit of compassion. But there’s a big difference between people who sneak in in order to commit crimes or in order to evade justice and people who come to save their lives.

Varda Epstein: You spoke in your book about how Great Britain and France could have prevented World War II had they enforced the Versailles Treaty early on, but you posited that perhaps they feared being seen as warmongers. Do you think that’s the main reason they didn’t act?

Alan Dershowitz: Yeah. I think they . . . first, I’m not sure they believed that Hitler would actually do these things. So this was an example of a false negative where there was evidence and information; they didn’t believe it, and they made a horrible mistake. They could have saved 50 million lives. And, you know, we may be making the same mistake now with Iran. If we believe that Iran is trying to develop nuclear weapons . . .

Varda Epstein: Do you think democratic leaders today still face this dilemma of being seen as warmongers, facing backlash for acting, so they hesitate, and they hesitate too long?

Alan Dershowitz: Well, I think some, it depends. You know, Israel would like to move preventively, as it has. Much of my book, The Preventive State, is based on what I call, or what has been called, the Begin Doctrine, that sometimes you just can’t wait to be attacked. You have to take preemptive and preventive action. Israel’s been a leader in that because it’s a tiny country; it’s very vulnerable; and it won’t kill innocent civilians needlessly; whereas other countries are less protective in their approach. So, I think there is the fear that the world would condemn them. There’s this idiotic International Criminal Court that selectively condemns only democracies, and I don’t think anybody should take seriously the International Criminal Court. I think it should be ignored and ended, but there are countries that, you know, England and France and others care about that.

Varda Epstein: At first after 9/11, Americans were pretty accepting of the extreme security measures that were taken, such as in airports with the creation of the TSA. You talked about society turning preventive to prevent terror, right? Then, as time goes on, the fear slips away, people forget, go back to normal, and no longer want these measures, resulting in pushback. Do you think October 7th produced a similar kind of shift among the Israeli left, rendering preventive measures more acceptable?

Alan Dershowitz: For a while, but many, many in the Israeli left have “BDS,” Bibi Derangement Syndrome. So, if Bibi’s doing it, it must be wrong, and many in the Israeli left are making terrible mistakes about how they deal with this issue. So, you know, the same thing is true in the United States with Trump Derangement Syndrome, and so there’s too much of personal issues involved, both in Israel and in the United States. Both have very controversial leaders, and the left can’t believe that they would do anything for positive reasons.

Varda Epstein: Yeah. I always think that the fact that American Jews voted for Kamala shows they hate Donald Trump more than they love Israel. That’s how I felt about that.

Alan Dershowitz: I would feel differently about that. I think they want to be more liberal than they want to be Jewish, and they’re willing to vote, not their Jewish values or their Jewish defense, but they want their friends to like them, and they want to be seen as progressive and liberal. And they vote against their own interests.

“They were killed because of Harvard. Because of Columbia. Because of the way antisemitism is taught.”

Varda Epstein: Let’s talk about the couple that was murdered last week, targeted because the attacker assumed they were Jewish. That’s antisemitic no matter their religion, right?

Alan Dershowitz: So, one was Jewish, the other was not. But it doesn’t matter. They were killed because, whether they were Jews or not, they were killed because they were Jews. And they were killed because of Harvard, and they were killed because of Columbia, and they were killed because of the way in which the Ivy League schools and many schools have been teaching, not just tolerating, but teaching antisemitism. When you teach intersectionality, when you teach DEI, when you teach critical race theory, you’re teaching antisemitism. And when you encourage people, the way Kamala Harris and Walz, the vice presidential candidate, encourage people to call for “Palestine will be free” and
“globalize the intifada,” you’re inciting murder. And so there’s a lot of blood on the hands of university administrators and politicians.

“I’m an outspoken Jewish Zionist, and that will never change.”

Varda Epstein: When should we limit speech? How far do we allow it to go? Do we allow them to say “from the river to the sea”? Do we punish it? Because maybe it would have prevented this?

Alan Dershowitz: No, in my book The Preventive State, I have a whole chapter on free speech and when it should be limited. I think the limitation has to be incitement towards speech. And when you stand in front of a large crowd and you yell, “Globalize the intifada,” that could be incitement. When you, however, just talk abstractly about Israel not existing, that’s hate speech, but it’s free speech. Hate speech is protected by the Constitution today. That may change. We may experience over the next years with this current Supreme Court, a cutting back a little bit of incitement and advocacy of violence. As we see more and more violence, look, I predicted in my writings, I predicted what happened in D.C. I predicted that, based on my experience in representing radical violent protesters back in the 1960s and 70s, and some of them went on to become terrorists. Kathy Boudin, who I helped represent, became a murderer and spent many years in prison. The Weathermen became murderers. They also became friends of Barack Obama. But these are people who Barack Obama befriended. These were people who were regarded as legitimate. But they turned into terrorists. And I think that’s going to happen here, too. I think supporters of Hamas, people who support Hamas and who advocate the end of Israel, which is what “from the river to the sea” and “globalize the intifada” means, there’s a risk that they may start killing Americans. You know, Jews are always the first, they’re the canary in the mine shaft, but as we see, it’s not always Jews that get killed, but there’s going to be more of that. I’ve had to redouble my own personal security.

Varda Epstein: Yeah. I saw you on Hannity.

Alan Dershowitz: It’s true. I’ve always had some threats on my life, so I’ve been concerned about security. But when I spoke just the other day at a college in Florida, I got an honorary doctorate, and they had to have armed guards around me. They had to have a whole process in place for what happens if somebody tried to attack me. They gave me instructions of how do I leave, and will there be bulletproof glass in front of me, and all of that. So, as a result of what happened in this group at Columbia, I’ve had to redouble my own personal security because I’m an outspoken Jewish Zionist, and that will never change.

Varda Epstein: I wanted to talk about the false positive that was your swatting incident that happened to you and your wife. It was a horrible thing, obviously traumatic, but you said it was the right thing. They made the right move.

Alan Dershowitz: Oh, of course. They got a call. They said that there was violence going on in my house. It was, you know, middle of the night, banging on the door, “If you don’t open the door, we’ll break it down.” And they came in with their guns drawn, and they could have easily shot somebody if I had made the wrong move. I was half asleep, I was getting up, and it was a very, very dangerous situation. It was quite deliberate, and we’re going to see more of that. We’re going to see much, much more violence. That, of course, is illegal, but you have to catch the person. And in my case, they haven’t caught the person who did this because it’s very easy to place an anonymous 911 call, and thankfully, the police respond to all these calls. Soon they’ll stop, because they’ll say they’re false alarms, and that will hurt the people who are really in trouble. I have a friend, a policeman who was killed in a domestic violence shootout, because he wouldn’t take the first shot to kill the person who was holding the woman hostage, because he was afraid he would kill her. And then he was shot and was killed. These kinds of situations, swats and everything, are very, very dangerous and have to be taken much more seriously than they’ve been taken.

Varda Epstein: And we need to make some kind of protocol according to your book. Okay, so on the other side of that, then, would be a false negative and preventable harm. So, what’s an example of one that stands out to you as a devastating false negative, what should have been caught?

Alan Dershowitz: The worst, of course, was World War II, the greatest example in history of a false negative. I would say after that, probably 9/11, October 7th, they could have been caught. October 7th was a disaster because Israel had a lot of the information that should have led them to take preventive actions. And because some of the information was provided to them by these women who were serving in the front line, some of them with emotional issues, the men who were in charge didn’t take these women seriously, and I think this was a situation where sexism contributed to this disaster.

Varda Epstein: Absolutely, absolutely, I’m with you on that.

Alan Dershowitz: By the way, let me add something. I met these women. I went there before this happened, and I sat with them, and they were absolutely incredible. They would be sitting with their television screens, and if they saw a rabbit, they would notice it, if they saw anything, they would notice it. And these were our front line defenses against terrorism, and the men in charge of the very macho Israeli army didn’t take them seriously, and that was kind of a disaster.

Varda Epstein: How do you see the role of AI playing in predicting or preventing harm, especially in legal or national security contexts?

Alan Dershowitz: It’s a double-edged sword. It can help prevent crime because it has this incredible predictive ability based on putting together enormous amounts of information to anticipate what might happen. But AI is itself a potential danger. It can intrude on people’s privacy, it can create its own problems. So I think, on balance, AI is helpful in preventing, but one has to constrain and control every scientific development, including AI.

Varda Epstein: You say that you’ve been thinking about prevention since the 1960s? So, why did you write The Preventive State, now?

Alan Dershowitz: Well, you know, I’ve written articles about it, and I never had, in my own mind, the answers. I had the questions, but I didn’t have the answers, and it took me a long time to think through how to create a jurisprudence. And finally, you know, at age 86, with the benefit of a lot of experience and a little bit of chutzpah, I decided to set out my answers, and so here it is, my magnum opus, my 57th book, for those of us old enough to remember Heinz 57 flavors. So, finally, I was ready, and I think this is my most important book, but of course, the New York Times will not review it because once I defended Donald Trump, they stopped reviewing my books, and they stopped interviewing me mostly. And then they tried to cancel me because they don’t like who my clients are, and so I hope people will read the book on Amazon and learn from it. Even though you can disagree with some of its conclusions, I think you can’t argue with the fact that we live in an increasingly preventive state, and so we have to deal with those issues in a moral and calculated and balanced way.

Varda Epstein: You have an appendix. But it’s the end of your book. Why did you end with a critique of rabbinic law?

Alan Dershowitz: Well it’s not a critique. It’s that rabbinic law goes too far, and so did much classic law, much of which was based on rabbinic law. Went too far, but it asks the right questions. I’m a big fan of rabbinic law, because almost every issue that I taught in my 50 years of teaching at Harvard, the questions had been raised by rabbis and by those who wrote the Torah. But they didn’t always get the answers right. And so I just thought it would be interesting to put in the book ancient sources that gave rise to some of the modern approaches. And I, you know, when I taught at Harvard, I would always introduce rabbinic law and Torah law into my classes, because almost every issue was addressed, which is amazing because they weren’t really in control of an active society. They were writing more in the abstract or for their own community, because, you know, until 1948, there was no country to which to apply Jewish law, that was just a community, but they did a remarkable job in raising these unbelievably complex problems and resolving them.

Varda Epstein: You own a letter from George Washington about urging smallpox inoculation. So, what drew you to that artifact?

Alan Dershowitz: Two things. One, I was writing about this issue, and I wanted to own a piece of history in which Washington not only urges everybody to get inoculated, but as commander-in-chief of the Revolutionary Armed Forces, he commands that, he says, basically, you have to do it, you have to do it quickly, otherwise we can lose the war based on smallpox. Second, the letter is fascinating because it’s signed by George Washington and dictated by George Washington, but the three pages are written by Alexander Hamilton, his secretary. So it has the three things in it. I love the writings of Alexander Hamilton, I’m a great admirer of George Washington, and the concept of prevention is in there, so it worked perfectly.

Varda Epstein: What’s next for Alan Dershowitz? Do you have any other momentous topics to write about?

Alan Dershowitz: Of course, I always do, you know, on the way to being buried, I will probably try to be dictating a final op-ed. I write every single day. I’m writing a book now tentatively entitled Trump to Harvard, Go Fund Yourself. It’s a cute title, and it tries to strike the appropriate balance. I don’t think that the government should be cutting off research funds or funds from scientific, medical, but they should be cutting off funds from the Divinity School, Public Health School, the Carr Center for Human Rights, all of which are incubators for antisemitism. So I want to see targeted defunding and targeted denial of visas. For example, in the 1930s, Harvard loved Nazis, the president of Harvard, Conant, was a Nazi lover, he loved Germany. He brought professors from Nazi Germany and students, and of course the United States said, no, we’re cutting off the visas. Many, many liberals would have applauded that, but they don’t applaud it now, and it’s too broad. We shouldn’t be cutting back on all the visas for all students, but only for the ones that are fomenting dangerous activities on campus and contributing to an atmosphere that led to the death of these two young, wonderful people.

***
📚 Book Information

Dershowitz, Alan. The Preventive State: Preempting Cataclysmic Harm while Preserving Fundamental Liberties. New York: Encounter Books, 2024. ISBN: 9781641774401.



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  • Wednesday, May 28, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon


An EU press release says quotes press remarks by EU High Representative/Vice-President Kaja Kallas.

She said, "The situation in Gaza remains dire. Israel’s strikes in Gaza go beyond what is necessary to fight Hamas. Bypassing the UN in aid deliveries undermines humanitarian principles. And incidents challenging the special status of Jerusalem risk further escalating tensions. "

Beyond what is necessary to fight Hamas? What, exactly, does she think is necessary and what isn't? Should Israel go back to bombing empty warehouses after being hit with rockets?  Should it pretend October 7 didn't happen 600 days ago? 

Given that Israel's goal is to destroy Hamas, this implies that the EU thinks that is going too far. Terrorist groups must be allowed to do what they want as long as they use human shields. 

There is one other disgusting implication here: that Israel is not targeting Hamas alone. She seems to be saying that Israel is "going beyond" by not only targeting Hamas but also civilians. 

And her last sentence on Jerusalem is also perverted. The only incidents she could be referring to is allowing Jews to hold a march in Jerusalem and to visit the Temple Mount. The "special status of Jerusalem" she refers to was never implemented, not for one day. The only status is that it is fully part of Israel and Palestinians claim it as their own with no legal or historic justification. (Jordan could make a case, but it no longer claims rights there besides the Temple Mount Waqf.) 

(h/t Irene)



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  • Wednesday, May 28, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon
The New York Times writes an apologia for anti-Israel groups in wake of the murders of two Israel embassy workers in Washington DC last week. 

The article emphasizes that "The pro-Palestinian movement ...has long included a wide spectrum of activists, with a variety of views on the role violent resistance should play in achieving a Palestinian state."
Some chapters of Students for Justice in Palestine, for example, the most organized pro-Palestinian group on many college campuses, have embraced the Thawabit, a set of principles written by the Palestine Liberation Organization in 1977 that is considered central to the Palestinian national cause. Among them is the right of resistance, including through armed struggle.  
I've seen the phrase "Palestinian national constants" often in Palestinian websites and the words of Mahmoud Abbas, but I never knew they were formalized. It turns out they were, in a document that is surprisingly hard to find.

It came from the 13th meeting of the Palestinian National Council in Cairo in March, 1977.  It includes support for terrorism in its third article:

The Palestinian National Council affirms that the struggle in the occupied territories, in all its military, political and popular forms, constitutes the central link in its struggle programmes. On this basis, the Palestine Liberation Organization struggles to escalate the armed struggle in the occupied territories, and to escalate all other forms of struggle associated with it, and to provide all forms of material and moral support to the masses of our people in the occupied territories in order to escalate this struggle and support their steadfastness to defeat and liquidate the occupation.
If you think that these national constants were superseded with Oslo, that is not so clear. According to Khaled Elgindy, these principles - and specifically "armed struggle" - were confirmed in another Cairo meeting between Palestinian factions, including Fatah, Hamas and Islamic Jihad, in March 2005:
 Those gathered confirmed their adherence to Palestinian principles, without any neglect, and the right of the Palestinian people to resistance in order to end the occupation, establish a Palestinian state with full sovereignty with Jerusalem as its capital, and the guaranteeing of the right of return of refugees to their homes and property.
We knew this. Fatah's 2009 political platform, also difficult to find, advocates armed violence as well and has never been superseded

This is yet more proof that every single Palestinian faction supports terror, and any reticence that they show towards "armed struggle"  is purely tactical and not strategic. 



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How would journalism look if its code of ethics were actually rooted in a transparent, universal moral framework? 

I keep coming up with interesting applications to ask my Jewish ethical chatbot, AskHillel.com.

On Tuesday I engaged in a conversation with it on what journalistic ethics would look like if they adhere to Jewish ethics. It gave me a first draft, I asked it about a lot of other cases, and in the end you can see  what it came up with below. (I took out the Hebrew phrases mapping each item with its Jewish value.) 

The ethics are a bit different from what journalists do. Section II is pretty much universally ignored, for example. The code below also insists on far more transparency than we see in journalism today, and much clearer procedures for corrections - not burying mistakes on page 17 at the bottom. 

This code appears to be more complete than the major ones I found online - yet it was done in ten minutes, and is based on a real moral code. (I cannot claim it is truly complete, there are a lot of issues. But it is easy to ask the chatbot about specific cases to cover other issues.) 

Not that the existing journalistic codes are immoral, but they tend to be patchworks built over the years. They do not go far enough and too often they tend to lean more towards profit and hurting people than being truly ethical. When you have a transparent moral yardstick based on universal principles, it forces you justify why you cannot do what it right (and there may be some good reasons and cases in journalism that would tilt some of these rules.) 

Here is what the tool and I came up with:

Jewish-Inspired Code of Ethics for Journalism

Preamble
Journalism is a public trust grounded in the pursuit of truth, the protection of human dignity, the prevention of harm, and a shared responsibility to society. This ethical code adapts a Jewish values-based framework to journalism’s core responsibilities, blending timeless moral imperatives with modern challenges.


I. Truth and Accuracy

  • Verify all facts rigorously. Avoid relying solely on single or biased sources.

  • Attribute claims clearly, disclosing source affiliations and reliability history.

  • Provide necessary context for statements, especially in conflict zones.

  • Avoid emotional distortion or manipulation of the story’s impact.

II. Respect and Harm Minimization

  • Consider the personal and social consequences of reporting.

  • Avoid gratuitous exposure, humiliation, or stereotyping.

  • Use sensitivity with traumatic content or imagery.

  • Balance transparency with respect for privacy and human dignity.

III. Independence and Integrity

  • Disclose any conflicts of interest.

  • Avoid influence from funders, ideology, or public pressure.

  • Preserve intellectual independence in all reporting.

IV. Accountability and Transparency

  • Correct errors promptly and visibly.

  • Accept public critique with humility.

  • Be open about editorial judgments and decisions.


V. Source Credibility and Conflict Reporting

  • Flag sources with histories of false or politicized reporting.

  • Use anonymity only when ethically necessary, and explain its use.

  • Do not create false balance between verified and deceptive sources.

VI. Protecting Sources

  • Protect confidential sources when disclosure could cause harm.

  • Never promise anonymity lightly or without safeguards.

  • Honor source confidentiality as a moral and professional obligation.

VII. Reporting in Dangerous Contexts

  • Prioritize safety over immediate full disclosure.

  • Delay or anonymize information if necessary for protection.

  • Never lie, but use ambiguity or silence when ethically required.

VIII. Journalists on Social Media

  • Recognize public impact of all statements, even personal posts.

  • Avoid incivility, inflammatory tone, or harmful generalizations.

  • Maintain professionalism and truthfulness across platforms.

IX. Competition and Attribution

  • Do not copy reporting without added value or credit.

  • Attribute scoops from other outlets and expand with integrity.

  • Acknowledge major developments regardless of the outlet.

X. Use of Identity in Reporting

  • Include ethnic, racial, religious, or personal identity only when relevant to the story’s context or significance.

  • Avoid tokenism, stereotyping, or unwarranted emphasis on identity.

  • Explain inclusion when relevant; avoid silence that misleads.

XI. Advocacy and Moral Voice

  • Opinion journalism must be fact-based and clearly labeled.

  • Express outrage only when rooted in truth and moral purpose.

  • Avoid performative anger or dehumanizing rhetoric.

XII. Evaluating Patterns of Wrongdoing

  • Fair judgment should consider consistent behavior and reliable evidence.

  • In absence of a court ruling, journalists must act with caution and transparency.

  • Charitable interpretation ends when truth and accountability demand clarity.

XIII. Plagiarism and Misattribution

  • Never present others’ work or ideas as your own.

  • Attribute all quotations, media, and research clearly.

  • Avoid misattributing sources or misleading citations.

XIV. Visual Media Standards

  • Do not stage or manipulate photos to alter reality.

  • Portrait-style posing is acceptable in features if disclosed.

  • Clearly label edited, staged, or archival images.

XV. Legal Compliance and Civil Disobedience

  • Follow the law unless doing so causes moral or public harm.

  • Civil disobedience must be a last resort, justified, and transparent.

  • Do not use illegality to excuse unethical behavior.

XVI. Employer Responsibilities

  • Employers must protect journalist safety and offer training and support.

  • Vet hires to prevent abuse of journalistic roles or access.

  • Ensure oversight and accountability within the organization.

XVII. Editorial Framing and Prioritization

  • Editors must weigh story prominence and framing ethically.

  • Avoid bias by sequencing and quoting fairly.

  • Consider real-world impact, diversity of voices, and narrative balance.

XVIII. Corrections and Edits

  • Correct errors proportionately to their original visibility.

  • Flag major edits in evolving online stories.

  • Archive versions and explain significant changes clearly.

XIX. Editorial and Opinion Standards

  • Opinion must respect truth, accuracy, and dignity.

  • Distinguish clearly between editorial and news.

  • Avoid promoting dehumanizing or false content under the guise of opinion.

XX. Ethical Audits and Public Trust

  • Support regular, independent audits of fairness, transparency, and sourcing.

  • Use findings to improve—not punish—journalistic practices.

  • Publish audit results and commit to ethical growth.

XXI. AI and Visual Editing Ethics

  • Use image editing only for clarity, not distortion.

  • Label all significant edits, AI-generated media, or simulations.

  • Do not use AI to impersonate, fabricate, or mislead.

  • AI must support—not replace—ethical journalism and human judgment.


XXII. Conflicts of Interest with Owners or Advertisers

  • Newsrooms must disclose any potential conflicts involving parent companies, investors, or advertisers that could influence editorial content.

  • Journalistic decisions should be shielded from business interests through internal firewalls, independent oversight, and editorial autonomy.

  • If a conflict cannot be avoided, transparency with the audience is essential. Hidden influence erodes trust and violates the foundational duty to truth.

  • Advertiser-friendly editing that compromises fact or tone must be rejected. The audience’s right to truthful reporting outweighs commercial pressures.

  • Media organizations must train staff and leadership to recognize and ethically manage such conflicts, prioritizing public trust over corporate loyalty.


XXIII. Fact-Checking and Verification Protocols

  • Establish and enforce rigorous internal standards for verifying facts before publication.

  • Require cross-checking of quotes, statistics, and attributions across departments.

  • Maintain documentation of verification steps for accountability and training purposes.

XXIV. Audience Education and Media Literacy

  • Promote public understanding of how journalism works, including sourcing, editing, and retraction practices.

  • Offer context, definitions, and explanations when stories involve complex issues.

  • Provide links to source material and tools for reader evaluation of claims.

XXV. Global and Cross-Cultural Reporting Ethics

  • When reporting internationally, do not compromise ethical standards to match local norms that contradict core journalistic values.

  • Respect cultural differences, but uphold universal principles of accuracy, fairness, and human dignity.

XXVI. Leaks and Unauthorized Information

  • Treat leaks and stolen material with caution: weigh the public interest against potential privacy violations.

  • Do not publish raw dumps without verification or responsible framing.

  • When using leaks, disclose origins and editorial process for evaluating authenticity.

XXVII. Reporting on Violence and Trauma

  • Avoid sensationalism when covering tragedy, crime, or conflict.

  • Be sensitive to the dignity and safety of victims, survivors, and affected communities.

  • Refrain from re-traumatizing individuals through excessive repetition or graphic detail.

XXVIII. Retractions vs. Corrections

  • Issue a full retraction when the central claims of a story are false or misleading.

  • Differentiate corrections (which fix errors) from retractions (which withdraw entire narratives).

  • Publicize retractions with clarity and prominence to restore trust.

XXIX. Ethics of Archival Content

  • Archived content reflects the historical record and should generally be preserved in its original form.

  • When older material contains factual errors or causes ongoing harm, consider appending clarifications or context rather than altering the original.

  • Avoid retroactive edits that obscure history. Transparency and integrity should guide any annotation or disclaimer.

  • Editorial teams are not obligated to review entire archives, but should respond responsibly when specific concerns arise.


XXX. Navigating Contested Claims and Propaganda

  • When covering disputed topics, especially geopolitical ones, journalists must distinguish between informed opinion, partisan propaganda, and factually grounded expertise.

  • Quoting multiple perspectives is not enough; context must be provided about each source’s credibility, affiliations, and track record.

  • Be cautious of outsourcing truth-seeking to organizations—such as NGOs or international bodies—that may carry institutional biases. Rely on multiple forms of verification, not just authority.

  • Avoid false equivalence. When one side's claims lack factual grounding or are refuted by evidence, it is misleading to present both sides as equally credible.

  • Explain to readers why certain perspectives are included or excluded, and clarify how editorial decisions were made.

  • Journalism should pursue moral clarity without polemic, ensuring the audience is informed rather than manipulated.


Conclusion
Journalism demands humility, responsibility, and courage. This code offers a vision of journalism as a moral covenant with the public—committed to truth, dignity, justice, and integrity.

This isn’t just an exercise in theory. If newsrooms (or readers) genuinely care about ethical journalism, why not start with a code like this, and then debate, refine and improve it? If we can’t, or won’t, we should at least be honest about why not.

But this isn’t only about journalism. Any profession or institution with an ethical code should ask: Why not even the playing field using a transparent, universal standard, flexible enough to adapt to the particular challenges in each field?

We can’t hope to become better people, or a better society, until we make a habit of actively seeking ways to improve. This kind of framework doesn’t just set the bar - it opens the door for real growth, honest critique, and maybe even a better world.






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"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 

  • Wednesday, May 28, 2025
  • Elder of Ziyon

Reuters reports:
Israel and Syria are in direct contact and have in recent weeks held face-to-face meetings aimed at calming tensions and preventing conflict in the border region between the two longtime foes, five people familiar with the matter said.

The contacts mark a significant development in ties between states that have been on opposite sides of conflict in the Middle East for decades, as the U.S. encourages the new Islamist rulers in Damascus to establish relations with Israel and Israel eases its bombardment of Syria.
As far as I can tell, Israel and Syria haven't ever had bilateral talks in the 77 years of Israel's existence. The closest were some US-sponsored talks between them in the 1990s. The occasional crossings of Israeli Druze to Syria before the Syrian civil war were seemingly coordinated with third parties like the UN.

So by any measure, these talks are historic. And it is barely a major story. 

It is again astonishing how much things have changed in the region in the past year. 



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Tuesday, May 27, 2025

From Ian:

An American Problem
What we’re witnessing is an issue not with Israel, but with America. When violence aimed at Jews—or those seen as aligned with them—is dismissed, excused, or rationalized, it undermines the civic norms that hold our society together. Elite institutions that once upheld liberal pluralism now indulge a form of identity politics that prizes grievance over justice. Some of the ugliest reactions to the D.C. shooting treated the murders as incidental—or even deserved. That’s not just moral failure. It represents a worldview that treats violence as politics by other means. Such rationalizations have been used to justify the ideological murder of a health-care executive, coordinated arson attacks on Tesla dealerships by anti-capitalist extremists, and, now, executions outside a Jewish museum in the nation’s capital.

The denial of Jewish legitimacy—whether of the state of Israel or of American Jews participating in public life—is no longer a fringe opinion. In too many quarters, it’s treated as respectable. It is not. It is bigotry. And when paired with the belief that those claiming oppression are justified in doing “whatever it takes,” the result isn’t justice. It’s carnage.

We do not argue that speech should be criminalized; our First Amendment freedoms need to be protected. And it is possible to criticize Israeli policies, or those of any other government, without crossing the line into incitement.

But we must be honest about what’s happening. When networks of activists treat unrepentant killers as heroes, coordinate illegal activity, and agitate for the collapse of Western society, they’re not engaged in civil disobedience. They’re waging political warfare. That some of these groups are backed by hostile foreign regimes only underscores the urgency of a serious response.

The way forward is not to panic, but to draw a clear line. We must reaffirm that no political grievance justifies murder. That Americans—of any faith or background—should not have to fear for their lives while leaving a museum event. That violence in the name of justice is still violence. And that democracy works only when we preserve the norms that keep politics from devolving into civil conflict.

The murders of Yaron Lischinsky and Sarah Milgrim were horrific. They were also predictable. If Americans continue down this path—excusing, indulging, and minimizing political violence when it comes from favored factions—we will see more such tragedies.

It is not enough to mourn. We must act. Not by censoring ideas, but by enforcing the law, defending civic order, and refusing to normalize an ideology that leads, inexorably, to bloodshed.
How the American Left Descended into Anti-Semitic Murder
In the brief manifesto the thirty-year-old Chicagoan circulated the day before he murdered Yaron Lischinsky and Sarah Milgrim, he explains that he first wanted to kill Jews to express his anger at Israel in 2014, but felt that he wouldn’t have gotten sufficient sympathy. Kathleen Hayes provides a firsthand account of the leftist ideological cesspool that produced, and then encouraged and intensified, his way of thinking:
I’m quite familiar with the Party for Socialism and Liberation (PSL), the radical Maoist organization he once belonged to; my now-ex-comrades supported the PSL’s candidates in the 2024 presidential election and I had many encounters with its predecessor group, the Workers World Party. . . . His beliefs and delusions were, broadly speaking, mine.

Today they’re shared by a wide swath of liberal society—people who would never shoot a young man and woman in cold blood, but who think there’s a context in which the shootings are, if not justifiable, then at least comprehensible as a response to Israel’s “genocide.” As Time magazine helpfully explains: “The shooting comes amid rising tensions over Israel’s ongoing war in Gaza, which has left an estimated at least 50,000 Palestinians dead and millions more displaced since October 7, 2023.” With so much Palestinian suffering, they imply, what’s a couple of Israeli embassy staffers?

Then there’s the open gloating, enthusing, and calling for more.

Twentieth-century Marxism had its (totalitarian) problems, but at least in 1989, my comrades and I defended Salman Rushdie against Ayatollah Khomeini’s fatwa. Twenty years later, we asserted Iran’s right to nuclear weapons and denounced Rushdie as a pro-imperialist stooge. Iran and Rushdie didn’t change—we did, and a large swath of Western society changed with us.

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