By Daled Amos (updated with new information)
Jordan's King Abdullah II will be the first Arab leader to meet with Trump since he assumed office.
In past years, when the King of Jordan visited the US, a major topic of discussion has been its refusal to honor its treaty with the US and extradite Ahlam Tamimi for her role in masterminding the Sbarro Massacre in 2001. Instead of being imprisoned or at least shunned, Ahlam Tamimi went on to become a television host and public speaker with celebrity status in Jordan.
Last week, there were reports Jordan was finally considering expelling the terrorist and was ready to extradite Tamimi to the US if no Arab state was willing to take her in. Later, Jordanian Parliament Speaker Ahmad al-Safadi denied these reports. Normally, this would have led to speculation online about Tamimi's extradition. But this time, Jordan is a topic of discussion for other reasons.
The media is abuzz with stories about Trump's plan for Gazans to clear out and relocate to Jordan and Egypt. With Trump's invitation to King Abdullah II to visit the US, connecting his visit with Trump's plans for Gaza is only natural.
Another consideration is Trump's 90-day funding freeze on all foreign aid. Israel and Egypt are the only two exceptions. That leaves Jordan under the freeze. This is a topic the king is likely to bring up, giving Trump leverage. But will he use it as a bargaining chip for his Gaza plan or for extraditing Tamimi? We know that kind of leverage works, because of indications that Abbas is ending the infamous "pay for slay" program. The leverage in this case may be the threat of US courts imposing heavy fines on the PA in connection with lawsuits filed by families of terror victims. Financial pressure works. [Update: newer information indicates that Abbas's claim to end "pay for slay" merely moves the program to the Palestinian Economic Empowerment Foundation. Times of Israel reports that the change just "moves the families of prisoners and slain attackers into the same welfare system as the rest of Palestinian society, which receives stipends strictly based on economic need"]
Could we be entering a new era in the way the US is willing to deal with terrorist attacks on US citizens?
In 2016, then-Congressman Ron DeSantis chaired a hearing before the Subcommittee on National Security of the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform. The topic was Seeking Justice for Victims of Palestinian Terrorism in Israel. At issue was whether the Office of Justice for Victims of Overseas Terrorism was fulfilling its purpose and obtaining justice for the families of the victims of Palestinian terrorism.
DeSantis questioned the Assistant Attorney General on the 64 Americans killed and 91 wounded between 1993 and 2016Mr. DeSantis: Mr. Wiegmann, the committee has counted that since '93, at least 64 Americans have been killed, as well as two unborn children and 91 have been wounded by terrorists in Israel in disputed territories.
How many terrorists who have killed or wounded Americans in Israel or disputed territories has the United States indicted, extradited, or prosecuted during this time period?
Mr. Wiegmann: I think the answer is--is none.
Mr. DeSantis: Okay. How many terrorists who have killed or wounded Americans anywhere else overseas has the United States indicted, extradited, or prosecuted?
Mr. Wiegmann: I don't have an exact figure for you.
Mr. DeSantis: But it would be a decent size number, though, correct?Mr. Wiegmann: It would be a significant number, yes.
Mr. DeSantis: Now, it's- been alleged that the reason that DOJ does not prosecute the Palestinian terrorists who harm Americans in Israel, the disputed territories, is that the Department of Justice is concerned that such prosecutions will harm efforts to promote the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, or that it will actually harm the Palestinian Authority.
So let me ask you straight up, is that a consideration the Department of Justice?
Mr. Wiegmann: I can assure that is absolutely not the case.
Mr. DeSantis: And has the State Department ever made arguments to the Department of Justice to handle some of the Palestinian terrorism cases differently than you may normally handle, say, a terrorism case in Asia?
Mr. Wiegmann: Absolutely not.
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