Showing posts with label Opinion. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Opinion. Show all posts

Wednesday, January 10, 2024


Disclaimer: the views expressed here are solely those of the author, weekly Judean Rose columnist Varda Meyers Epstein.

Israel left Gaza in 2005, and now Israel has returned. Not to grow peppers and tomatoes, but to obliterate monsters. Many want to know what will happen the day after, when the war is over.  Some hope and pray that Israel can once again make Gush Katif area bloom and grow, and that beautiful Jewish children can be born to live there in peace, without fear of sirens and explosions, or having their heads cut off. Is this a realistic scenario?

Probably not. Objectively speaking, it seems unlikely that the Israeli government will allow the Jews to return to Gaza. Also, the majority of Israelis may not be in favor of such a move, believing that there will be some sort of creative solution that will allow the Arab refugees to return home. Others even call into question whether the Jews have a right to this territory. Not because they want to give Gaza away to the Arabs, but because some question whether Gaza is really Jewish land: whether this territory was part of the original Land of Israel, as described in the bible.

In the months and days leading up to Disengagement, or as those of us on the right call it, “The Expulsion,” we needed a way to express our distress over this traumatic event. Orange was the color chosen to symbolize Gush Katif. You’d see orange ribbons tied to car antennae and side view mirrors, and people wearing orange t-shirts, wristbands, and other assorted orange apparel. In addition to the color orange, a slogan was adopted, “Lo nishkach, v’lo nislach.” We will not forget, and we will not forgive.


I recall a bar mitzvah I attended not long after the Expulsion. The celebrants were twins. Their mother had crocheted yarmulkes for them in Gush Katif orange, with the “we won’t forget or forgive” slogan winding its way around the border. I said something to the mother of the boys, along the lines of, “Ha ha ha. Even their ‘kippot’ are patriotic.”

The mother did not find this at all funny. She said, “Yes. We feel very strongly about this,” with a serious expression on her face.

I had made a faux pas. And I should have known better. My entire community, including me, felt very strongly about the Expulsion, and until today, pray and hope and dream to return. We don’t forget and don’t forgive. But what constitutes the Jewish right to inherit this particular territory, Gaza?

In the real estate world, it’s all about location, location, location. One could make the case that the same is true of Gaza. If it’s part of the biblical land of Israel, then it’s Jewish land, if not, not. Perhaps that why author Toby Klein Greenwald begins The Significance of Gaza in Jewish History, with an indisputable fact: “Gaza is located within the boundaries of Shevet Yehuda,” or the land belonging to the tribe of Judah.

Then, and only then, does Klein Greenwald begin to detail for the reader the marvelous history and presence of the Jews in Gaza:

Avraham and Yitzchak lived in Gerar, located near Gaza. In the fourth century, Gaza was the primary Jewish port of Eretz Yisrael for international trade and commerce. Yonatan the Hasmonean (the brother of Yehuda HaMaccabi) conquered Gaza and settled there in 145 BCE. At various times throughout the centuries, Gaza was a center of Jewish learning (a yeshivah in Gaza is mentioned in the Talmud), life and commerce. King David is featured with his harp in an elaborate mosaic in an ancient synagogue in Gaza

Rabbi Yisrael Najara, author of “Kah Ribon Olam,” served as Gaza’s chief rabbi in the middle of the seventeenth century. Rabbi Avraham Azoulay of Fez wrote his mystical work “Chesed l’Avraham” in Gaza. Other well-known scholars and mystics lived there in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.



Sadly, this glory period was not to last:

The Jewish presence in Gaza was cut short in 1929, when Jews were forced to leave the area due to Arab riots, after which the British prohibited them from living in Gaza. Some Jews returned, however, and, in 1946, established the religious kibbutz Kfar Darom. A Jewish village by the same name existed there in the times of the Mishnah.

The Jewish Virtual Library entry on Gaza tells us that originally, Gaza belonged to the Philistines:

Gaza first appears in the Tanach as a Philistine city, the site of Samson's dramatic death. Jews finally conquered it in the Hasmonean era, and continued to live there. Notable residents include Dunash Ibn Labrat,* and Nathan of Gaza, advisor to false messiah Shabtai Zvi. Gaza is within the boundaries of Shevet Yehuda in Biblical Israel (see Genesis 15, Joshua 15:47, Kings 15:47 and Judges 1:18) and therefore some have argued that there is a Halachic requirement to live in this land. The earliest settlement of the area is by Avraham and Yitzhak, both of whom lived in the Gerar area of Gaza. In the fourth century Gaza was the primary Jewish port of Israel for international trade and commerce.

We also learn that even the “glory period” of the Jewish presence in Gaza, was not so glorious or uninterrupted as one might have hoped. Over the centuries, various occupying powers found they liked nothing better than to expel Jews—just as today’s Arab occupiers of Jewish land hope to push the Jews into the sea. But just as many Jews hope to return to Gaza after the war on Hamas is ended, so too, the Jews returned to Gaza, again and again:

The periodic removal of Jews from Gaza goes back at least to the Romans in 61 CE, followed much later by the Crusaders, Napoleon, the Ottoman Turks, the British and the contemporary Egyptians. However, Jews definitely lived in Gaza throughout the centuries, with a stronger presence in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

And now we learn the bitter history of what happened next:

Jews were present in Gaza until 1929, when they were forced to leave the area due to violent riots against them by the Arabs. Following these riots, and the death of nearly 135 Jews in all, the British prohibited Jews from living in Gaza to quell tension and appease the Arabs. Some Jews returned, however, and, in 1946, kibbutz Kfar Darom was established to prevent the British from separating the Negev from the Jewish state.

The United Nations 1947 partition plan allotted the coastal strip from Yavneh to [Rafah] on the Egyptian border to be an Arab state. In Israel's war for independence, most Arab inhabitants in this region fled or were expelled, settling around Gaza City. Israeli forces conquered Gaza, and proceeded south to El-Arish, but subsequently gave control of the area to Egypt in negotiations, keeping Ashdod and Ashkelon. In 1956, Israel went to war with Egypt, conquered Gaza again, only to return it again.

With the 1967 Six Day War, Israeli forces reentered Gaza and captured it. During the war, Israel had no idea what it would do with the territory. [Prime Minister Levi] Eshkol called it “a bone stuck in our throats.”

There is a tendency to think of the Labor Party as the party of land giveaways, but in actuality, it was a Labor government that built the first of the Gush Katif settlements:

The initial settlements were established by the Labor government in the early 1970s. The first was Kfar Darom, which was originally established in 1946, and reformed in 1970. In 1981, as part of a peace treaty with Egypt, the last settlements of the Sinai were destroyed, and some Jews moved to the Gaza area . . .

 . . . There were twenty-one settlements in Gaza. The most populated Gush Katif area contained some thirty synagogues plus Yeshivat Torat Hachim with 200 students, the Hesder Yeshiva with 150 students, the Mechina in Atzmona with 200 students, Yeshivot in Netzarim and Kfar Darom, 6 Kollelim, a Medrasha for girls in Neve Dekalim and more. All of the settlements had their own schools, seminaries, stores, and doctors.

All of this was destroyed in 2005. The vibrant communities of Gush Katif are no more. We even dug up our dead—many of them Holocaust survivors—to move them out of Gaza.

From then until now with this war, the only Jews present in Gaza were captives, some of them alive, like Gilad Shalit, and some of them almost certainly dead, like Hadar Goldin and Oron Shaul.

Will the Jews be allowed to reclaim and rebuild Gaza? Like so many Israelis, I wish it with all my heart, but have little faith that this will happen—even though it should. The centuries’ long Jewish presence and history in Gaza is indisputable, and certainly long predates that of the Arab latecomers.

Jews lived in Gaza long before the Arab people ever existed. In fact, the first reference to the Arabs as a distinct people comes only in 853 BCE, by the hand of an Assyrian scribe as he recorded the details of a battle. How fitting a beginning for a people who worship war and death.

Jews have more of a right to Gaza than any Arab ever did. And if return should prove impossible in the days following this wretched war, forced on us by cruel Arab two-legged beasts, I have faith that the return of the Jews to Gaza is inevitable, if at some unknown point in the future.  

                                                       ***

*I see no evidence to support the idea that Dunash Ibn Labrat lived in Gaza. After looking at many sources, it seems clear he lived only in Spain and Morocco.



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Monday, January 08, 2024

By Forest Rain

97% heaven

Beautiful rolling plains, clear blue sky, and low unobtrusive houses. Spots of greenery, a step away from the desert. Just enough civilization to not feel lonely with open spaces that give the feeling of air. Freedom.

Who wouldn’t imagine they had reached heaven?

Residents of “Otef” Gaza, the Israeli communities near the border with Gaza will tell you they have defined the region they call home as “97% heaven, 3% hell.” 

The hell they were referring to was that of missiles suddenly raining down on them, with 15 seconds (if any) warning to get to a shelter. The hell of periodic rounds of military engagement with Gaza, the demonstrations on the borders where Gazans burned tires polluting their air and making it hard to breathe. The hell of fire balloons from Gaza, setting their fields on fire, burning the crops, and ruining their livelihood for the season. And after every session of hell, the residents of these communities pulled themselves together, rebuilt, and replanted, recreating their heaven.

Never in their wildest dreams did they picture the hell of October 7th.

Nir Oz is one of these communities. (see more about the location and what happened in the kibbutz at: https://oct7map.com/).

Of all the communities, we wanted to see Nir Oz because, at the beginning of the war, our son, an elite combat soldier was there with his unit. In the Kibbutz, among other things, they were tasked with finding survivors and protecting them from terrorists remaining in the area.

They were there after the massacre after the hostages had already been taken to Gaza (among them, the Bibas family). It was days before the IDF was certain they had cleared the Otef of Hamas terrorists.

Having seen via the media, images of devastation and the stream of bodies being carried out of nearby Be’eri, I was worried about what he would experience at Nir Oz. Later he told us that although the same things were happening in Nir Oz, he was focused on the living people. Others were left to deal with the dead and the devastation. He was focused on the survivors. People who had just had their world shattered – family members murdered in front of them, others taken hostage, their homes burned.

What would we see in Nir Oz?

We’ve seen the images from various kibbutzim of burned homes, holes in the walls from bullets and grenades, homes turned upside down. What would it be like to walk through one of these communities, emptied of its residents? The only people there are soldiers, other rescue and rehabilitation professionals planning next steps, and those coming with groups to bear witness and teach about the crimes against humanity committed by Hamas. 

The first thing that struck me was the beauty of Nir Oz. 97% heaven. This was the place where kids played outside unattended, and no one locked their doors.

 


Sleek, healthy cats came rubbing on my ankles to say hello, used to friendly people. Perhaps they miss their people?

As we walked closer to the homes, I was hit by the horrific contrast between the beauty and the destruction, life and death, heaven and hell.


The frame of a Sukkah still standing, a seesaw for kids to play with, a professional BBQ grill and oven… signs of happy family life, amid destruction.


 Homes burnt out. Nothing left.

And then, I began to notice the spray-painted instructions on the buildings. The buildings were checked over and over – for bodies that needed to be removed, for remaining terrorists hiding inside, for booby-traps terrorists might have left behind (in some cases they booby-trapped corpses, knowing that rescue workers would come to get them, hoping their explosives would injure more Jews). Structural engineers also checked the buildings to see if they were structurally sound or not. Coded instructions spray painted on the buildings – which unit checked and what they found. I am not familiar with most of the codes but I do understand the words “sound” or “unsound” and the dates written.


The massacre occurred on 7.10 (October 7th). I was shocked to see buildings marked with dates that ranged from the beginning of the month towards the end of the month 22.10 and even 25.10. It took that long to complete all the necessary checks. That’s the extent of the devastation. So much to recover. So much to check.

What we saw told stories of things that happened to people who were not there. What elderly person was taken from this shelter? Were they killed or taken hostage?

 


Towards the end of our visit, we stood with soldiers in the vantage point towards Gaza. We could see the fence of the Kibbutz and the spot where the terrorists rounded up Jews and selected who to take back to Gaza and who to kill and not take.

Gaza is so close… From our vantage point, we could see the battle taking place in Chan-Younis. It is surreal to be in a quiet, peaceful place and watch the clouds created from explosions and armed cars maneuvering in the Gazan city and hear the gunfire of our soldiers battling Hamas. 

 


Heaven and hell. The people of Nir Oz lived in their little patch of paradise, with monsters just a short walk away.

I left the Kibbutz with an unexpected image. Among many other artistic things people had in their gardens someone, had a sign taken from the Disengagement, when in 2005 Israel pulled out of Gaza, forcibly removing the Jewish population that lived there, mainly in Gush Katif.   


Is this sign pointing to the past or perhaps a prophecy of what the future holds?




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Wednesday, January 03, 2024


Disclaimer: the views expressed here are solely those of the author, weekly Judean Rose columnist Varda Meyers Epstein.

On October 7 at 6:30 a.m., Meir Adoni [died]. A minute later, a new Meir was born. A Meir that repents his sin. A Meir who is ashamed that he was part of the delusion of the delusional Left who don’t understand that we are surrounded by extreme Islam monsters who have no interest in peace and normalcy, and only want to burn us alive.

He ended by asking forgiveness from Israel and God for having identified as left-wing. [1]

The kibbutzim where the slaughter occurred, by all accounts, lean to the political left. Many or even most of the kibbutz survivors would tell you they were happy when the settlers were expelled from Gush Katif. They thought the expulsion would bring peace. That was their ideology.

And their belief was unshaken, even when there were sirens and rockets and days and nights in safe rooms. They wouldn’t stop educating their children in the ways of peace. They kept on helping to transport sick children from Gaza into Israel for treatment in Israeli hospitals. The good farmers believed that in the end, goodness would prevail and there would be war no more.

Now in the aftermath of October 7, there is deep disillusionment. “We are the peaceful people,” they had thought. “No one would harm us,” as if pureness of heart were a kind of shield.

They couldn’t have imagined a people so cruel. No one could. Only what happened on October 7 could have broken the hope that peace would yet win out with the people of Gaza. The survivors now understand that Gaza is filled with monsters, and that there is no possibility of peace with the “Palestinian” people. That about-face from left to right, is a common theme in the emerging survivor testimonies.


Nir Shani of Kibbutz Be’eri, managed to hold the door of his safe room shut, as terrorists shot up his Kibbutz Be’eri home and then set it ablaze. His 16-year-old son Amit was taken to Gaza, and held hostage. Amit Shani was released from Hamas captivity on November 29, as part of a temporary ceasefire deal, 19 days after his father Nir, gave testimony on the October 7 attacks. Nir says that for the people of Be’eri, the peace movement was their “second religion.” Now Nir knows that peace cannot be achieved at this time, and that it is unrealistic to believe otherwise [emphasis added]:

We do need everybody, everybody to take responsibility of their previous actions and those who led to this situation, because I think it could be prevented and but yeah it—it's complicated now with the Palestinians, and their education is to hate us so badly and the hope for peace I think, no longer can exist after what they did.

We're Jewish, but we're not really religious in the kibbutz. And you can say that our second religion was the peace movement. Like every celebration we were singing a peace song and wishing for peace and oh, if we just do another effort, it would come.

But we don't have any partners from the Palestinian side to—to reach that point. They hate us so badly and [are] not willing. And there is no peace movement [on] the Palestinian side. Not at all. They're just saying, “Yeah, we want to kill them all. We want to send them away.”

So it would take another generation or two with great effort in education to change that. If at all. I think after what they did, we can't stay neighbors any longer. And there must be a certain solution to the problem.

 . . . the western world [sees] the Palestinian in a very romantic and maybe even childish way. I think we really, really wanted to live by them . . . and have peace with them, but they’re not cooperating about it. And the western world expects us to behave by certain rules of engagement that are not [the way of] the Middle East. It's like, based on the knight [battles] in [medieval] Europe.

But here it so different, as you could see in October 7th, and we have to protect [ourselves]. We have no other choice, and I wish it would be different, but for the time being, that is the situation. We have to do whatever is necessary to protect [ourselves].

I mean, the—“the occupation,” “the occupation” all the time. It's not something that we want to do, it's just something that you have to do because otherwise they would be jumping to our throats and kill us. So we have no other choice but to do that and in the most moral way that we can, I think. I mean, we really wish [there was] another way to solve the problem, but that's the situation. That's the reality we live in.

The world should understand that and demand the Palestinians to change their ways and stop supporting [them], because they get a lot of support and it's not helping to solve the problem.


Tali Enoshi-Arad, 37, huddled in the safe room of her home in Kibbutz Holit for hours on that bloody day in October, along with her husband and three-year-old daughter. The Enoshi-Arad family had left the big city for a “quieter” life on this kibbutz situated close to the Gaza border. Now Tali contemplated putting her hand over her little girl’s mouth to keep her quiet so the terrorists wouldn’t hear and discover them, bringing to mind tragic stories from the Holocaust, of mothers desperately trying to still a baby’s cry, and smothering them in the process. The people on Holit were simple farmers. All they wanted was to raise their children in peace. But now she knows that will never be [emphasis added]:

People from Gaza [used] to come in to Israel daily and work in our communities, and some people had very close connections with them um, and just thinking about the fact that this was the result—obviously they are also prisoners in their own city, because they're being uh, held [hostage] by their own government, who doesn't have any care for their safety. They just want to live up to their diabolic, diabolical uh, I guess goals, murdering Jews, killing the—destroying the State of Israel. It's in their [Hamas Charter], but these were not military installations. These were peaceful communities.

We had no form of retaliation, we had no form of attack, we had no objectives, no . . . no um, offense—barely defense.  We were just there to grow some potatoes and raise our kids in peace and you could, you would think that would have been enough, but what they did when they went in, was nothing short of deplorable atrocities.


Hadas Eilon, lived on Kibbutz Kfar Aza, a farming community, from the age of five until the age of 30, when she deemed it time to leave the nest and go out on her own. Her mother still lives there, along with her siblings and their own families. She didn’t live there anymore, but on October 7, Hadas was there with one of her two daughters, for an extended family gathering. Having grown up among the peace-seekers of a rural community, Hadas truly believed that if only people spoke with and really listened to each other, there could be peace. She still wants to believe that—or so it seems—but she is having to adjust her perceptions.

Now she knows: not all, and perhaps many, or even most Gazans want peace. The rest want death. It is hard for Hadas to come to terms with this reality. It appears to help Hadas come to terms with this reality by mentally separating Gazans and assigning them to one of either two groups: terrorists and “Palestinians.” This approach does not appear to give her complete satisfaction; it does seem to give her hope and a way to move forward [emphasis added]:

I am a person who strongly believes in communication and human relations. Hearing that drugs were found on them helped me understand the animals that they were, and at the same time, it was always so difficult for me to understand extreme people, psychopaths. I mean, it's impossible to understand. Extreme people, psychopaths, people who want others to die, that... that I can't understand.

But I also have a hard time generalizing. I also know that there are people, there are Palestinians who want peace. I think that we have a . . . completely impossible situation here. But in this completely impossible situation, something terrible is happening. And again, I was never in favor of occupation, and I always really have conversations and everything, but when there is one side, and I'm not saying that we don't have extremists either, but they don't rule. When there is one side . . . that has a job of destroying and killing and abusing, and when I hear the phone call of the Palestinian who called—a terrorist, I won't say Palestinian, because it's a terrorist—I don't want to generalize Palestinians in any way. A terrorist who calls his parents and boasts that he murdered ten Jews. It's not human, it's not human behavior, as far as I'm concerned, they don't . . . do not deserve any forgiveness or any respect as human beings, because they are not.

So I am ready to make peace with Palestinians and humans who have a heart and family and children. But with terrorists and human animals, I'm not ready to make peace. And if someone wants to kill me, I will kill them first.


Natali Yohanan is a 38-year-old mother of two boys. What happened to her family on October 7, in their home on Kibbutz Nir Oz, and what happened to their neighbors, relatives, and friends, killed her faith in humanity. She no longer believes that peace is possible.

Not in a world where a mother of children can treat another as she, Natali, was treated by a Gazan mother of children, a civilian who infiltrated her home on that terrible day. Natali was shocked into reality by this monster’s cruel behavior toward her and her two sons. The Washington Free Beacon featured Natali’s story in “Netflix and Kill: How a Palestinian Woman Took Over an Israeli Family's Home on Oct. 7,” [emphasis added]:

We had people in the kibbutz who are very involved with the Palestinian, um people. We had one person he's in Gaza right now, he’s kidnapped, that he drove sick kids from Gaza to the hospitals in Israel. We're a very peace-loving community. Like, the country, they always make fun of us that we're very, like, people-loving and we want peace, and in Israel not everyone feels the same, but we don't feel the same, anymore.

I always told my son, “There are kids just like you in Gaza. They just want to go to school, and just want to live, and just want to be happy and be free,” and that's what I thought before. It's very hard for me as a mother to think about a woman who came to my home and saw the pictures of my kids and still came to, to steal and to terrify my kids, and the first thing she did is to open my [electric box] and [turn] off the electricity. Just in the safe room.

So she sat and watched TV, and my kids—we had no water, no food, no air conditioning. It's the middle of the summer. It was so hot.

Like she saw my kids’ pictures on the walls. She knew there's a family inside—like terrified kids. I think that she's a mother as well, because she took my kids’ clothes, and she took my clothes, and she took, um, she took my credit card, and then she went back to Gaza, and she, she went to the supermarket and she bought . . . I got a list of the things she bought.

It broke my faith that people are good. It’s . . . I never thought that a woman would do that. Like men? Yes. Soldiers? Yes. Hamas terrorists? Yes. I knew they were very cruel and very driven, but I never thought a common people—kids and women—would participate in things like that and it broke my faith in the goodness of people, but especially people from Gaza, because I really—I really believed that the women and children were just—they were kidnapped by Hamas terrorists.

I really believed that Hamas kidnapped Gaza, and um, I don't anymore. I think they are participating. I think in that morning [Hamas] told them, “We are going to do this, who wants to come in?” or they invited people they trust and they told them, “You can take whatever you want. You can take. You can plunder. You can steal, and we'll keep you safe,” and they told themselves, “Why not?”

Why not? Like I'm a woman. I'm a mother. I'm a teacher. I work with kids. I believe that all kids are good. All kids are good, good. No one is born bad. No one is born a terrorist and I feel very guilty that I raised my kids in a place that [wasn’t] safe.

I believed that I'm safe. I believed my kids are safe. I really believed it.

Like, we have this sense of, we want revenge, which is a horrible, horrible feeling, but I find myself showing my son videos of houses being bombed in Gaza, because I want to show him that Israel is still strong. I want to show him that the army is strong—that someone is protecting us, because he doesn't feel it anymore, and something in his faith was broken.

It is broken. We don't believe in anyone, anymore. We don't believe in the country. We don't believe in the army. We don't believe in ourselves. We don't believe in in Gaza. We don't believe in the world. We don't believe in anyone who will come to help us, and it's, um, like everything we believed was shattered in that moment.

I don't want Hamas to exist anymore. I want the . . .  the normal, the, the, the good people in Gaza to rule. I want someone who my country can talk to and uh, right now it, it sounds like it will never happen . . .

 . . . I try to concentrate on not falling to the revenge—that we feel like we want to [take] revenge. I'm trying not to focus on that, ‘cuz it's not healthy. It's not going to help my kids. Nowhere is safe in the world like Israel. Israel is the safest place for Jews. That's what I believe.


Her daughter was to depart for a class trip to Poland in a few days. Now, says her mother,  Ola Metzger, the 17-year-old girl won’t need to visit Auschwitz, a rite of passage for Israeli students. She won’t need an experiential history lesson on the Holocaust—the girl won’t need it, because she just went through one, a true Holocaust, right in her home on Kibbutz Nir Oz, so perilously close to Gaza. Ola, 45, used to believe that if we would only alleviate the suffering of the common people of Gaza, peace would reign.

What Ola learned on October 7, was that peace is not a value for them. Material wealth is also not so important to them. What is important to them is their hate. For her, the eye-opener was the destruction, burning cars, homes, people. They already, had already looted and taken what they wanted, money, everything, and still it did not satisfy the lust, because the lust is not for things. The lust is for torturing and murdering Jews [emphasis added].

I told her to hide under the bed because bad guys were out there shooting all, all over, all around, and all I was thinking [was], “What happens if they get in?”

I can't believe that these actions are real actions to aim to free Palestine from someone. I always felt that these people are being hostages you know, of their own regime, and uh, we always felt that if they will be okay, if these people will have something to lose, you know, I mean something to lose, I mean if they have a regular, or more or less regular life and homes and work and you know, money coming in, and uh, food for their kids . . . if they will be okay we will be okay, too.

It's very hard to say that I hate someone, but I don't trust any, anyone now. I, I don't trust them. I can't. We lost so many people, you know, one out of four in our kibbutz . . .

Um, it was [scary]. I was scared. I was scared and then sad you know, later on, because how much hate do you have to have? Okay. So you, okay . . . you came in, you took all the jewelry and you know, and the money, and the computers and TVs, and whatever, and then you just, you just have to like ruin everything?


Irit Lahav, a 57-year-old peace activist from Kibbutz Nir Oz, sustained a serious shock on October 7. It was then that Lahav realized that the people of Gaza were not like her, not like normal human beings. Their behavior, well, they do things Lahav would never dream of doing to anyone, even her most mortal enemy. The smaller deeds of October 7, even, would be beyond her. She could not have stolen a wallet, a bike, or a person’s shoes, let alone perpetrate such brutal acts of violence.

On that day, a border was crossed, all boundaries and norms of behavior breached. Now the ardent peacenik is no more. Now it is us and “them” [emphasis added]:

In 2005, when Israel moved out of Gaza, I was very happy. I thought this, this, is the right thing to do, and I was shocked that 2 months later, they threw bombs, missiles, at us. What, what the heck is going on? They just received what they wanted. Why, why is this going on?

Generally speaking, everybody from the kibbutz is very left-minded. I would say even 100% of the people would really respect the Palestinians and wish really good things for them and never want to hurt them or do anything bad toward them. I always saw that they have an equal right like we do, to have their own country—to be happy, to live peaceful, to be prosperous.

I also volunteered. I would drive the Palestinians who are very sick, from the border to get treated in Israeli hospitals. Am I thinking about myself being foolish until now? Maybe. Maybe. But more is that I'm disappointed at them that they are so cruel, have no values—really lost their human values.

There is no “Hamas” anymore for me. There is the Palestinian nation. They are responsible for that, and I think Israel should [let go] this concept of Hamas being the important people. No. The whole community has invaded and were brutal and violent.

I think about myself. Would I go to somebody’s house and rob it and steal their shoes and bicycles and wallets? And no. I wouldn't. Even if he is my enemy. Even if it's someone that I don't agree with I would not do that, and if this is not clear to them or to the world that's very sad, really.

What else can we do? What else can we do? I fight for the peace. We step out from their land. We respect them, you know, and this is what is going on. Slaughter. Slaughter back.

No. Too much.


[1]Israel-Hamas war: Did Oct. 7 change Israeli left-wing views on peace?” Ariella Marsden, Jerusalem Post, November 24, 2023

 



Buy the EoZ book, PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism  today at Amazon!

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Wednesday, December 20, 2023

Guest post by Andrew Pessin: (Subscribe to his free substack)

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“I was forced to leave my study group because my group members told me that the people at the Nova music festival deserved to die because they were partying on stolen land.”

--M.I.T. student Talia Kahn on her campus environment


1. 2023 and 1948

It may be 2023 but campus responses to October 7 show that, for many, it’s still 1948.

Many campuses exploded in outright celebration of the barbaric violence, the enthusiasts typically invoking, by way of justification, the massacre’s “context” or “root causes” (in Israel’s “occupation,” “apartheid,” “ethnic cleansing,” etc.) and the legitimacy of “resistance” to those evils “by any means necessary.” Even many who didn’t quite “celebrate” the violence invoked the same by way of explanation quickly bleeding into justification. And many of those who remained silent about October 7, too, were no doubt thinking the same when they said things such as “I need to learn more about this complex situation before rendering judgment.” Now normally after watching armed men tie up a mother and father and three small children and burn them alive you don’t need to “learn more” to determine who the bad guys are, but hey, it’s “complex.” I’ve argued elsewhere that that silence amounts to complicity, to borrow the popular expression many progressives apply everywhere except to themselves: you’re in favor of October 7 or you’re against, in other words, and silence entails the former.

But now this shocking campus response itself has its own “context” and “root causes.” In my view the twenty-year-long campus Boycott, Divestment, Sanction (BDS) campaign of lies against Israel combined with the more recent expansion of progressivism (aka Critical Race Theory, DEI, Wokeism, etc.) has amounted to a campaign to delegitimize and dehumanize not just Israeli Jews but all Jews; and the clear success of that campaign explains why so many are somehow unable to see that the torture, mutilation, rape, and murder of babies, children, women, pregnant women, the disabled, and the elderly is a straightforward moral atrocity constituting a mass terror attack. If every Jew is fundamentally guilty, then their torture and murder is not merely permissible but even obligatory; if every Jew is guilty, then nothing you do to the Jew can make the Jew a victim.

So what does this have to do with 1948?

The dehumanization campaign above in fact ultimately rests on the premise that the 1948 establishment of Jewish sovereignty in the State of Israel was a massive injustice. For consider: if that establishment were perfectly just, then the efforts to prevent it then and the 75 years of nearly continuous “resistance” to it since, whether military, terrorist, diplomatic, cognitive, or other, would be unjust. In turn, many of the measures that Israel has taken over the years that detractors cite as “root causes” above—as Israel’s “oppression” of Palestinians, as mechanisms subserving its “occupation” and “apartheid,” etc.—would be seen not as illegitimate aggressive measures of domination but as legitimate reactive measures of self-defense. Take just two examples, the security barrier along western Judea and Samaria and the blockade on Gaza instituted after Hamas took power there by an illegal violent coup. Detractors call the former an “Apartheid Wall” and say of the latter that it makes Gaza an “open air prison.” But to those who see the establishment of Israel as just these are legitimate defensive measures justified by the unremittent preexisting violence directed toward Israelis by Palestinians.

If Jewish sovereignty there is legitimate, in other words, then Jews are ordinary human beings with ordinary human rights including the right to defend themselves, by walls or blockades as need be. But if Jewish sovereignty is not legitimate then Jews are simply evildoers who, per campus dehumanization, lack even the basic human right to defend themselves, and all such measures become aggressive mechanisms of an unjust occupation. On this view every Jew is guilty and therefore worthy even of the atrocious harms of October 7, including the babies, and Hamas is not a genocidal Jew-hating terrorist group but “freedom fighters” fighting for “decolonization.”

If 1948 is just, in short, then 2023 is a terrorist atrocity; if 1948 is unjust then 2023 is political liberation.

So 2023 really still is about 1948.

This point has actually been clear for some time. Those who follow the campus scene know that the anti-Israel movement long ago gave up on the demand merely for a Palestinian state alongside Israel in favor of undoing Israel entirely. The popular chant, “We don’t want two states, we want 1948!,” states that about as clearly as can be. But it took October 7 to see how profound and visceral that demand is, as it manifested itself in the celebration of the slaughter. For them, the massive injustice of 1948 means that the Israeli Jews of today have it coming to them, as the M.I.T. student above quoted her antagonists.  

Clearly Israel advocates need to double down on disseminating their “narrative,” the one grounded in the long Jewish history in this land, and on finding ways to do it that will break through the ideological fortress that BDS and progressivism have established on our campuses.

But here I sketch an alternative, complementary strategy.

2. Grant Them (Most of) What They (Falsely) Claim

Let’s for the moment (falsely) grant the detractors what they claim, or most of it, namely that the establishment of Israel was an injustice: per their narrative, that Jews were “settler-colonists,” outsiders who, via “ethnic cleansing,” took over the land that became the State of Israel.

Even if so, I suggest, the campus anti-Israel movement of 2023 is morally objectionable. And once we see that this movement—that aims to undo the Jewish state “by any means necessary,” to “dismantle Zionism,” to remove its supporters from campuses, with events, talks, panels, conferences such as this one numbering in the thousands across hundreds of campuses in recent years—in fact is morally objectionable, then we can begin to see it for what it actually is: a campaign of dehumanizing hate that grotesquely leads its proponents to see the mutilation and mass murder of Jewish children as the moral high ground.

3. The Child As a Metaphysical and Ethical Fresh Start

Let’s start with a repulsive practice that occurred for a while soon after October 7: activists not ripping down the posters of Israeli hostages but instead replacing their “Kidnapped” headings with the word “Occupier.” There was a photo of a sweet little kidnapped three-year-old girl, for example, labeled as an “Occupier.” A three-year old who was born in this land, very probably to parents who were born in this land, very probably to parents who were born in this land, and so on, possibly stretching way back.

In contrast consider how refugees and immigrants are considered in pretty much any other country in the world. Someone moves to Canada, and maybe in time becomes, feels, is a Canadian; but their children are largely raised as and feel Canadian, and certainly their grandchildren. Three of my own four grandparents immigrated as refugees from Russia to the United States, and my parents, and certainly I myself, feel as American as can be. One or two generations is more than enough, generally, for assimilation and ultimately legitimation. Anyone who claims otherwise—who tells the children or grandchildren of an immigrant that they don’t belong here—would instantly and correctly be branded a racist.

Well, those who put the word “Occupier” on the photo of a three-year old are saying that no matter how many generations her family may have lived in this land, even if her family is one of those whose roots trace back two or three thousand years, then she can never belong there.

They may as well put a target right on her head—as Hamas in fact did.

Now what, exactly, is so repulsive about this practice, beyond its obvious racism? It’s that that little girl is entirely innocent, she cannot be blamed, for anything that may have preceded her in this world. She is simply not responsible for the alleged sins of her parents, or of her grandparents, or great-grandparents, any more than the small child of a Hamas member is responsible for his parent’s terrorist activities. Nobody is responsible for what anybody did prior to their own birth. Nor is it her fault or responsibility that she was born when and where she was.

A child, a new generation, is fresh start, a “do-over” in the most profound metaphysical and ethical ways.

Keep this child in mind as we next consider the question of how to rectify large-scale historical injustices.

4. On Rectifying Large-Scale Historical Injustice

Take your pick for an example; there is no shortage of historical injustices. Obviously, unfortunately, we have no time machine, no way to literally undo the event or retroactively prevent it. Uncountably many innocent lives have been lost and shattered in every terrorist act or war, but there’s just no way now to make Sept 11 not have happened, or the Vietnam War, or World Wars II or I, or the American Civil War, or the French Revolution, or the 30 Years War—or the 1948 Arab-Israeli War (which, curiously, is pretty much the only major historical event that large numbers of people around the world ever even express interest in undoing).

So that’s off the table.

The next best thing would be to compensate those individuals who actually suffered the injustice. But if the injustice involved their death that’s also impossible; and unfortunately for those who survive the injustice, they die off too as the event gradually sinks into history. If there are ways to identify and compensate any remaining survivors of specific concrete injustices, by all means have at it.

 The most plausible mode of rectification for some large-scale historical injustice, then, is to compensate not the individuals who suffered the injustices but their descendants. And that’s where things immediately get tricky.

First, from whom, exactly, should they get their compensation? Presumably from descendants of those who perpetrated the original injustice. But a child, we just saw, is a fresh start, a “do-over,” who cannot be held responsible for the sins of her forebears. It seems very unjust to demand recompense from someone who is in no way responsible for the injustice in question.

Nor, though it’s more complex, is it obvious that the descendant of the original victim should actually be entitled to anything, period, especially as the generations go on. If a new child is not responsible for the sins of her ancestors, neither is she deserving of any of the merits or blessings of the ancestor; nor is she automatically entitled, by virtue of being born, to restitution of something that may have once belonged to them or compensation for something that may have happened to them. Obviously where there is some concrete property in question and a relevant enduring legal system in place there may be laws governing inheritance and restitution, but that’s not what we’re discussing here. The fact that something unjust happened to my grandparents or they were unjustly deprived of something does not automatically mean that I am owed anything. I didn’t suffer the loss, after all, and nothing was taken from me; I was born long after, into the new reality created subsequent to the loss—a fresh start.

Of course an objector might imagine here a counterfactual such as, “Well, if the loss hadn’t occurred then I would have been born into a better situation, so I did after all suffer the loss myself.” If so, then she might be entitled to restitution or compensation.

Perhaps, but this objection opens up a whole set of problems. Once you open the counterfactuals then almost anything goes. If the loss hadn’t occurred then many things would have been different, a whole other course of life would have ensued, and who can know what that may have included? Perhaps in this new course of life your grandfather would have been hit by a truck or died of a heart attack and never sired your parent, so you would never have been born—but if you owe your very existence to the loss you can hardly claim that the loss harmed you! Or perhaps if the loss hadn’t occurred you would have ended up far worse than you in fact are, so the loss actually improved your condition. Millions of people have become refugees and ended up resettling elsewhere, where their children, or grandchildren, eventually end up with much better lives than they would have had had the ancestors stayed put. Even if we grant that the historical loss resulted in a negative outcome for you, it’s not clear that that outcome can be blamed entirely or even maximally on the loss itself. In the case of the Palestinian refugees, for example, even where we grant that their contemporary conditions are poor, should we blame those conditions on the 1948 war—or on the 75 years of their mistreatment and mismanagement since, at the hands (for example) of the refugee agency UNRWA and the many Arab states who resisted their rehabilitation and resettlement?

Moreover, why isolate and emphasize only that single counterfactual concerning your grandfather? What if your grandfather himself had acquired the thing in question by some unjust means? Or inherited it from people higher up the ancestral ladder who had done so? As you go up the ladder there are surely many injustices to be found, perhaps in great quantities, particularly given the long history of human warfare across the globe. If you insist that the descendant of the person who stole it from your grandfather doesn’t have rightful claim to it, then what happens to your grandfather’s claim to it if he only had it because one of his ancestors had stolen it from another? Shall we go all the way back to the 7th-century Muslim Arab conquest of the Land of Israel, which took the land ultimately from (say) the descendants of the 1st-century Roman conquest of the Land of Israel, which took it from the Jews? Shouldn’t we in that case give it all back to the Jews, or the descendants thereof? If we insist on “root causes,” shouldn’t we go all the way back to the roots?

So, yes, maybe you would have been born into a better situation had one particular injustice not occurred—but you equally might have been born into a worse situation had all sorts of other older injustices not occurred. If you are contemplating counterfactuals and thus undoing history, justice requires undoing them all.

If your grandparents did something unjust to my grandparents, then, that does not automatically give me a claim against you: you didn’t do anything, and I didn’t suffer anything. More broadly, the fact that one community did something unjust toward another community does not entail that all future generations of the latter have any legitimate claims against all future generations of the former. In fact if we go quantitative and acknowledge the enormous growth in the relevant populations over time, then it’s hard to avoid the conclusion that demanding compensation from later descendants of the original injustice-doers would end up perpetrating against them an even greater injustice than the original one their ancestors perpetrated. And it could hardly be just to demand the rectification of some historical injustice by means of some even greater contemporary injustice.

Let us repeat that point:

It is not just to demand the rectification of some historical injustice by means of some even greater contemporary injustice.

5. Still Not Convinced?

Even if you still have some intuition that later descendants of injustice-victims should have such claims, trying to accommodate those claims would literally be both impossible to do and a formula for disaster. If we inherit both the sins and the claims of our ancestors then we will live in a perpetual Hatfields v McCoys world in which everyone ultimately has a claim against everyone else. World history both distant and recent features massive injustices on inconceivable scales; as Arab intellectual Hussain Abdul-Hussain has put it on social media, everybody’s grandfather lost something, so everybody will have various, multiple claims to compensation. Even restricting ourselves to the Israeli-Palestinian-Jewish-Arab-Muslim Conflict (IPJAMC), even where we’re (counterfactually) granting that the Jews came from outside and took over via ethnic cleansing, who exactly were these perpetrator Jews? In the standard anti-Israel narrative these Jews came from Europe—whence they fled overwhelmingly as refugees escaping the massive injustice of persecution and pogroms. A simple glance at 19th century European antisemitism, culminating in mass-murderous pogroms of 1881 and 1903 among others (not to mention in 1930s Germany and the Holocaust), will easily demonstrate that. In addition to these Jews of course were the hundreds of thousands who fled Arab and Islamic persecution and pogroms across the Middle East and North Africa, leaving many lives and much property behind. These Jews were all victims of injustice, even if, on the anti-Israel narrative, they then victimized the innocent Palestinian Arabs. How can one demand today’s Israelis compensate today’s Palestinian Arabs without also demanding that most Middle East and North African countries compensate the Israelis? Throw in the fact that many Arabs themselves emigrated from those countries to Palestine in the 20th century and they, and/or their immediate relatives, may well even have participated in the persecution of the Jews who fled those countries. So today’s Palestinians also owe something to today’s Israeli Jews!

Everybody’s grandfather lost something. To look backward, to maintain and pursue all those claims, is only a formula for propagating violence and instability.

All the more so when we step a bit closer to reality, acknowledging the actual long history of Jews in the Land of Israel and remembering that at the time of the U.N. Partition proposal’s passing in November of 1947 there were zero Palestinian refugees. Zionism itself, in other words, displaced no one. There was, in fact, room enough for everyone in Palestine, until the Arabs launched the civil war and then the multi-Arab-army international war. In the process one percent of the Jewish population lost their lives, tens of thousands were injured, Jews were ethnically cleansed from those parts of the land that Egypt and Jordan conquered, and so on. So even if the Jewish immigration into the land (which displaced no one) were itself an injustice, consider the disproportionate injustice then perpetrated against them in the murderous military and terrorist activity that followed. If the Arab descendants of 1948 have a legitimate claim against the Jews of 2023, again, then surely the Jews of 2023 have similarly legitimate claims against their contemporary Arabs.

So there may well have been some massive injustice in the past. But it’s literally impossible to undo that injustice, and any efforts to compensate for the injustice will only perpetrate further, almost surely greater injustices, if not directly sink the region into the pre-modern Hobbesian state of nature, a war of all against all, in which everybody loses.

Everybody’s grandfather lost something. And so unless we accept the idea that every new child is a fresh start, then everybody has a claim against everybody and all is lost.

(part 2)


Buy the EoZ book, PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism  today at Amazon!

Or order from your favorite bookseller, using ISBN 9798985708424. 

Read all about it here!

 

 

Wednesday, December 13, 2023


Disclaimer: the views expressed here are solely those of the author, weekly Judean Rose columnist Varda Meyers Epstein.

Liz Magill, with her smug smile and inability to denounce calls for the genocide of the Jewish people, disgraced herself and UPenn. No one wonders why she resigned. The question is why Julie Platt, chair of the Jewish Federations of North America’s board of trustees, saw fit to defend Magill, when all the other Jewish leaders were vocal in their demands that Magill step down. A second question we might ask is why Platt, who also serves as vice chair of UPenn’s board of trustees, is now overseeing the search for Magill’s replacement.

That’s right—Platt, after defending Magill—is in charge of finding a new Magill, likely every bit as antisemitic as the one who stepped down in disgrace. How do we know? Because Platt’s defense of Magill predates the events of October 7th, says Alana Goodman, writing for the Washington Free Beacon on December 8 (emphasis added):

Platt’s defense of Magill predates the Oct. 7 Hamas attacks. She stood by the UPenn president when the school played host to the "Palestine Writes" conference in September, an event that featured anti-Semitic speakers. This included Pink Floyd singer Roger Waters, who has "dressed in a Nazi-like uniform" and "desecrated the memory of Holocaust victim Anne Frank," according to a letter sent to the school by the Jewish Federation’s Philadelphia chapter.

In October, when Apollo CEO Marc Rowan called on Magill to resign from the UPenn board after Magill declined to condemn Hamas terrorism, Platt publicly backed the UPenn president, saying she had "full confidence in the leadership of President Liz Magill and Chair Scott Bok."

"The university has publicly committed to unprecedented steps to further combat antisemitism on its campus, reaffirmed deep support for our Jewish community, and condemned the devastating and barbaric attacks on Israel by Hamas," said Platt in a statement to the New York Post.

But Platt has been noticeably silent after Magill’s shocking congressional testimony this week, during which she and other Ivy League presidents said calls for Jewish genocide were permitted on campuses. Platt, a former banker, is also co-chair of UPenn Hillel's National Board of Governors and sits on the board of overseers for the Katz Center for Advanced Judaic Studies, according to her biography on the Penn Alumni website.

Three days later, Goodman offered her readers a shocking update—the fox, in the form of Julie Platt, was now guarding the hen house (emphasis added):

Julie Platt, a prominent Jewish leader who repeatedly defended Magill as anti-Semitism surged on campus, will serve as interim chair of the Board of Trustees during the search for a new president. Platt, who was previously vice chair, will replace the board's outgoing leader, Scott Bok, who resigned alongside Magill on Saturday.

"As current Vice Chair, Julie was the clear choice, and we are grateful to her for agreeing to serve in this capacity during this time of transition," the board said in a statement on Sunday.

Critics told the Washington Free Beacon last week that Platt—who is also chair of the Jewish Federations of North America's board of trustees—leveraged her Jewish community leadership role to protect Magill's position at the university for months

Platt defended Liz Magill as UPenn hosted an anti-Israel conference with antisemite Roger Waters, and after October 7th, when Magill refused to condemn Hamas terrorism. But in her official JFNA statement on her appointment as interim chair, Platt wants you to know that all this time, she was “working hard from the inside” to address the rising antisemitism on the UPenn campus—in the form of defending Magill’s indefensible defense of Jew-hatred, of course (emphasis added):

As Vice Chair of the university’s board these past several months, I have worked hard from the inside to address the rising issues of antisemitism on campus.  Unfortunately, we have not made all the progress that we should have and intend to accomplish.  In my view, given the opportunity to choose between right and wrong, the three university presidents testifying in the United States House of Representatives failed. The leadership change at the university was therefore necessary and appropriate.  I will continue as a board member of the university to use my knowledge and experience of Jewish life in North America and at Penn to accelerate this critical work.

Platt is clever, if somewhat devious, when she tells us that she has “worked hard from the inside” to address antisemitism. If the work she did was from “inside,” we didn’t see it, so we don’t know what she did, or how much effort she expended on fighting antisemitism, sight unseen. The ruse almost works, except that the whole world has been watching, or at least the Algemeiner, which documented the number of times Magill gave free rein to antisemitism, as Platt continued to defend her:

Magill had several previous opportunities throughout her tenure to denounce hateful, even conspiratorial, rhetoric directed at both Israel and the Jewish community. However, Magill repeatedly declined to respond to the mounting incidents of antisemitism, especially anti-Zionism, on campus, according to an analysis by [the Algemeiner] of public statements she had issued since July 2022, when she assumed the presidency at Penn.

“Israel is a settler colonial state that uses apartheid to further its ethnic cleansing agenda,” said an essay by Penn Against the Occupation (POA) that was included in the 2022-2023 edition of the Penn Disorientation Guide, a symposium of essays published annually by upperclassmen. It was issued just weeks after Magill started on the job.

“It is time to end the way our school helps to perpetrate human rights violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) and organize around divesting from Israel,” the essay continued. “Here’s what you should know about divestment, a popular movement to fight for equality for Palestinians.”

POA went on to charge the university with numerous offenses: Penn “normalizes ties with the occupation” by hosting the Perspectives Fellowship, a program the school’s Hillel chapter founded to educate students about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by taking them on a trip to Israel, as well as Gaza and the West Bank. Penn’s support of Birthright, which sends Jewish students to Israel, “turns a blind eye to the crimes of the Israeli occupation.” Both programs, POA said, “frame the Zionist colonial entity in a positive light.”

Later that semester, after campus police arrested radical student environmentalists for staging an unauthorized protest on school grounds, POA said in an Instagram post that “arresting peaceful protesters is a staple of policing in both the United States and in Israeli-Occupied Palestine.” The group drew a link between the world’s continued dependence on fossil fuels to Israel, saying, “We urge Penn not only to divest from all fossil fuel companies but divest from companies that profit from Israeli apartheid, many of which are one in the same … policies of forced displacement, from Palestine to the UC townhomes in Philadelphia, are all modern-day practices of settler colonialism.”

Neither Magill nor the university responded to the apparent accusation that the Jewish state, conspiring with the US, has caused climate change and colonized both Americans and Palestinians.

The next month, on Nov. 6, POA held a screening of Gaza Fights for Freedom “with snacks provided” in Penn’s Van Pelt Library. The film rationalizes the terrorist acts committed during the Palestinian intifadas against Israel and features a clip of an interview with Hamas co-founder Mahmoud Al-Zahar, who can be heard saying, “We run effective self-defense by all means including using guns.”

The film was directed by Abby Martin, a 9/11 conspiracy theorist and a former host on the Russian-funded media network RT America. Martin, who has compared Israel to Nazi Germany, reposted on social media posts that celebrated Hamas’ Oct. 7 massacre across southern Israel.

It doesn't seem like Platt was working hard from inside, if at all. Why did Platt, an important Jewish leader, stand by, as Magill proved, without a doubt, over and over again, that she is an Israel-hating antisemite? Even now, Magill affirms her anti-Jewish creds, most recently during the infamous hearing that led to her resignation. There, Rep. Virginia Foxx (R-NC) asked all three Ivy League university presidents, including Magill, a loaded (and exquisitely worded) question: 

Do you believe that Israel has a right to exist as a Jewish nation?

Just as the three women answered in chorus on “conduct,” “context,” and parroted the words “pervasive and severe,” here too, the women echoed one another in both what they said—Israel can exist—and what they didn’t say, “but not as a Jewish nation”:

Virginia Foxx: Do you believe that Israel has a right to exist as a Jewish nation?

Claudine Gay: I agree that the State of Israel has a right to exist.

Virginia Foxx: Ms. Magill, same question.

Liz Magill: I agree, Chairwoman Foxx. (nodding) The State of Israel has a right to exist.

Virginia Foxx: Dr. Kornbluth? 

Sally Kornbluth: Absolutely. Israel has the right to exist.

With their collective response to that one question, Magill and her friends made clear their unified belief that Jews do not have the right to self-determination in Israel. And still, Platt stayed dumb (emphasis added):

In October, when Apollo CEO Marc Rowan called on Magill to resign from the UPenn board after Magill declined to condemn Hamas terrorism, Platt publicly backed the UPenn president, saying she had "full confidence in the leadership of President Liz Magill and Chair Scott Bok."

"The university has publicly committed to unprecedented steps to further combat antisemitism on its campus, reaffirmed deep support for our Jewish community, and condemned the devastating and barbaric attacks on Israel by Hamas," said Platt in a statement to the New York Post.

But Platt has been noticeably silent after Magill’s shocking congressional testimony this week, during which she and other Ivy League presidents said calls for Jewish genocide were permitted on campuses. Platt, a former banker, is also co-chair of UPenn Hillel's National Board of Governors and sits on the board of overseers for the Katz Center for Advanced Judaic Studies, according to her biography on the Penn Alumni website.

Why did Platt, a highly-placed Jewish leader, stick to a university president who wouldn’t condemn Hamas terror or calls for genocide? Are they friends? It seems unlikely, as the two women are almost a decade apart in age.

What then? Did Platt aim by design to rise up the UPenn chain of command to the level of interim chair, and perhaps, beyond? Put her own guy in? Who knows? She’s not talking, and neither is the CEO of the Jewish Federation:
Platt didn’t respond when the Free Beacon asked her on [December 6] to comment on Magill’s testimony. Eric Fingerhut, the CEO of the Jewish Federations of North America, also didn’t respond to a request for comment about Platt’s defense of Magill.



Buy the EoZ book, PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism  today at Amazon!

Or order from your favorite bookseller, using ISBN 9798985708424. 

Read all about it here!

 

 

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