Seth Mandel: The Enormous Blast Radius of the NYT’s Dog-Rape Debacle
Kristof relies on such NGOs as well. One of them is the Committee to Protect Journalists. That organization has, as we have detailed here at COMMENTARY, kept a running list of supposed “journalists” killed by Israel during the war, many of whom are later revealed to have been terrorist operatives for Hamas or Palestinian Islamic Jihad all along. Those revelations come from the “martyrdom” notices of the terror groups themselves, as the researcher Salo Aizenberg has persistently pointed out. When that happens, CPJ tends to delete the terrorist’s name from its list of “journalists.”Germany supported Hamas-linked organization for years without tracking funds, audit finds
The Washington Free Beacon argues, persuasively, that this process deeply undercuts CPJ’s credibility as a source and as a gatekeeper of sources for folks like Kristof. I agree. As I wrote two weeks ago: “The problem is that it’s easy for an organization like CPJ to quietly delete someone’s page from a false list well after the fighting stops and the hoax has outlived its usefulness. So that’s what they do.”
Others have focused on the fact that Kristof also relied on information from Euro-Med, an organization with ties to terrorist figures and which has perpetuated all sorts of weird science-fiction anti-Israel hoaxes. Because of that history, I tend not to think of Euro-Med as an NGO at all, though technically it is. Euro-Med is despised even by many Palestinians who see it as nothing but a shield for Hamas and therefore an enemy of human rights. But perhaps the point of the story is that more established NGOs have become just as corrupted as organizations like Euro-Med, and that they do belong in the same category after all.
In fact, CPJ’s impact could plausibly be considered more deleterious to democracy and human rights than Euro-Med’s precisely because it carries a sheen of legitimacy that Euro-Med never has and never will.
I would go a step further and suggest that the behavior of groups like CPJ incentivize the establishment of other groups that exist solely to feed journalists bad information. CPJ’s fall from grace is a major story all its own. That it enables the creation of bad actors that never had any grace to lose is just part of that story. The same is true of the Times.
This is not merely a story of one journalist behaving unconscionably. It’s a story of Western institutional collapse and the dreary remnants that rise from the rubble to perpetuate all the evil things its predecessors got away with.
Until 2019, the German foreign office supported an aid organization with close ties to Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood without knowing how the funds were actually being used.Young German anti-Zionists can no longer hide from their families’ Nazi past Story by Daniel Johnson
This information appears in a newly released confidential audit by Germany’s Federal Court of Auditors, which the Institute for Secular Law (Institut für Weltanschauungsrecht or IFW) has been trying to obtain for five years.
Until now, unsuccessfully.
The audit concerns state funding for the organization Islamic Relief, purported to have ties to Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood.
The now-public documents reveal, according to ifw advisory board member Seyran Ateş, “a shocking naivety on the part of the Foreign Office.”
Islamic Relief Germany (IRD) had long been regarded in Germany as a respected Muslim charity organization. Several consecutive German governments, including former chancellor Angela Merkel’s second, third, and fourth cabinets, provided IRD with millions of euros in funding.
IRD was a member of the German aid alliance Aktion Deutschland Hilft, and gained prominent supporters for its “Meals for Orphans” campaign, including former President Christian Wulff and his successor Frank-Walter Steinmeier.
However, in 2019, the Foreign Ministry stopped funding the organization, and, in 2020, IRD’s membership in Aktion Deutschland Hilft was suspended.
Foreign Office funded Islamic Relief largely 'blindly'
On April 15, 2019, the German government noted that both Islamic Relief Germany and its parent organization, Islamic Relief Worldwide, had “significant personnel connections to the Muslim Brotherhood or organizations close to it.”
The government also admitted that since 2014 it had known that “Islamic Relief Worldwide,” including its German branch IRD, was banned in Israel, regarded as “part of the financial system of Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood movement,” and therefore classified as a “terrorist organization.”
It is worth noting that the IRW is also banned in the UAE, due to its ties to the Muslim Brotherhood.
The German government refused to provide detailed information on how public funds given to Islamic Relief had been used, instead referring to an ongoing audit by the Federal Court of Auditors.
The audit report was nevertheless classified as confidential.
“Was my father/grandfather/great-grandfather a Nazi?” This variation on the question “Daddy, what did you do in the war?” has suddenly become urgent for millions of Germans, thanks to a decision by the US National Archive to make some 11 million Nazi party membership cards available online. The German weekly paper Die Zeit has made the full archive easily searchable for anyone with a subscription.
Hitherto, many Germans kept their family history during the Third Reich a closely guarded secret. Covering one’s tracks was made easier by the Federal Republic’s strict data protection laws, underpinned by a culture of denial and evasion that was already emerging even as Hitler committed suicide in 1945.
Allied investigators working in defeated and occupied Germany were struck by how a ruling party that had numbered over 10 million members appeared to have vanished overnight. Even decades later few Germans would willingly admit to having been a Nazi.
Now a younger generation has the opportunity to discover the truth about their forebears simply by accessing the newly released online party records, without having to go through a complex and deliberately obstructive process to obtain such information.
For more than 80 years, the gatekeepers of the German Federal Archives tried to shield individuals and their families from contamination by the nation’s putrid past. Now these self-appointed censors are under pressure to follow the American example and publish all official files for the Nazi period.
This new debate about the release of information is, though, only one aspect of the bigger question of how postwar generations of Germans should deal with a uniquely heinous past that is ever more temporally remote. Eight decades on, righteous anger at the ancestors who brought about the German catastrophe has been eclipsed by resentment at the perception that the sins of the grandfathers are still being visited upon their descendants.



















