Showing posts with label Varda. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Varda. Show all posts

Wednesday, June 18, 2025



Disclaimer: the views expressed here are solely those of the author, weekly Judean Rose columnist Varda Meyers Epstein.

Benjamin Netanyahu has often referred to a divide between Iran’s regime and its people. The Israeli prime minister seems convinced that the Iranian people, as distinct from its oppressors, desire friendship with Israel. “Israel wants peace. We want peace with all those who truly want peace with us,” said the PM in an address to the Iranian people six months ago. “And I have no doubt that you, the People of Iran, know this. I know that just as we want peace with you, you want peace with us.”


If true, it sure would be an amazing thing to get Khamenei out of the picture and watch this friendship bloom.

Cyrus II le Grand et les Hébreux, Jean Fouquet, 1470 

More recently, in his June 13 address to the Iranian people, Netanyahu said, “Israel's fight is not against the Iranian people. Our fight is against the murderous Islamic regime that oppresses and impoverishes you. The nation of Iran and the nation of Israel have been friends since the days of Cyrus the Great.”

The idea of a friendship between Israel and Iran can be hard to reconcile with years of “Death to Israel” chants and regime-backed propaganda. How do we square what we’ve seen and heard with what Bibi tells us? Is there real evidence to support his assertion that the Iranian people might want peace—or even friendship—with Israel?

Let’s take a look:

Signs of Friendship from the Iranian People

Despite decades of regime-sponsored antisemitism, surveillance, and repression, many Iranians—both inside the country and across the diaspora—have expressed admiration, sympathy, and even affection for Israel and the Jewish people.

💬 Voices from Inside Iran

As Israel’s June 2025 strikes on Iranian military infrastructure shook the Islamic Republic, some Iranians were not trembling—but cheering.

“I … lost my control and was shouting, thanking Netanyahu for killing these criminals.”
Zahra, a 50-year-old mother of two in Karaj near Tehran, speaking to NPR

Another Iranian told Ynet:

“Iranians are not worried about Israel’s attack because we all know that the Israeli government has no problem with the Iranian people,” said “A” from Ahvaz. “This is not just my opinion. We all wish to see the destruction of the Islamic Republic as soon as possible.”

In other words, some Iranians trust the Israeli military more than their own rulers.

Just over a year ago, after an Israeli airstrike in Damascus eliminated seven Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps officers, graffiti appeared in Tehran encouraging the Jewish state to hit them harder next time.”

'Israel go ahead and strike; they don’t have the courage'

'Hit them harder next time Israel, they’ve s*** themselves'

🕊️ Support in the Streets and on Social Media

Social media has become a powerful window into Iranian public sentiment—particularly among younger generations and diaspora voices. After Hamas’s October 2023 attack on Israel, many Iranians online expressed solidarity with Israeli victims using hashtags like #IraniansStandWithIsrael and #IranIsHappy.

Here are just a few examples:

Meanwhile, Iranian attorney and activist Elica Le Bon, a prominent voice in the diaspora, has called Iranians and Israelis “old friends,” echoing a shared historical bond. On June 13, 2025, she tweeted, “Praying for the safety of the people of Iran and Israel. There has never been a war between our people, only a failed attempt to divide an ancient bond between old friends.” Her words resonate as a bridge across decades of division.


🕯Clerical Courage 

It didn't win him any popularity contests for saying so, but former senior Iranian cleric, dissident Ayatollah Hadi Ghabel, spoke of friendship between Jews and Iranians as far back as 2021:

“Iranians and Jews have many years of friendship. I haven’t met Iranians who don’t have a positive opinion of Israel.”

As we see, even within the heart of Iran’s religious establishment, there have been flickers of goodwill.

🌺 Conclusion: A Friendship Waiting to Blossom?

There could be no more hostile regime to Israel than that of Khamenei—but these brave, hopeful, often anonymous voices through the years, suggest that the people of Iran may indeed want peace, friendship, and even cooperation with the Jewish State. Of course, most of all, they want out from under their repressive regime. And Israel is making that happen even now as you read this article.

For years, Netanyahu has spoken of Iranian-Israeli friendship—and now, for the first time, it feels within reach. From defiant graffiti and diaspora rallies to viral hashtags and heartfelt tweets, there is mounting evidence that Iranians are not Israel’s enemies. In fact, many are potential allies.

Perhaps, when the ayatollahs are gone, we won’t need to imagine peace between Israelis and Iranians.

We’ll simply watch it unfold.



Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 



Wednesday, June 04, 2025



Disclaimer: the views expressed here are solely those of the author, weekly Judean Rose columnist Varda Meyers Epstein.

It’s weird that a person can get used to missile sirens, but there it is. So I wrote on Facebook on June 1st, after I emerged from the safe room. Because it did seem odd to me that it no longer sets my heart racing when the sirens go off. I guess a person can get used to anything, which may or may not be a good thing. It is rare for a rocket to fall in our area, but not unheard of. A cavalier attitude and a chip on the shoulder isn’t very effective at keeping missiles away.

Since October 7, missile sirens have become far more frequent. They’re no longer rare, even here in Judea. The missiles are almost always intercepted by the IDF, but that doesn’t mean we’re safe. Shrapnel can do plenty of damage. Especially when we’re not just talking itty bitty pieces of metal, but giant pieces of rocket, as is often the case.

But grappling with the emotions that accompany rocket attacks is complicated. Generally, in our house it goes like this. There’s a siren, and one of us calls out to the others “Siren! Get in the mamad (safe room).”

At least, that's how it used to be. Now it's more like 'Siren' without the exclamation point. We know the drill. We look at our phones to see where the missile is coming from. If it’s from the Houthis in Yemen, there’s more warning. It takes time for those to reach us. Which means there's no need to rush from the bathroom, and there’s time to gather the essentials: food, a drink, a phone. Whatever you want to have with you for the next ten minutes, which is generally how things go.

Of course, the night of the ballistic missile attack from Iran, when over 200 rockets were launched at us, was different. Far scarier than your average rocket attack, if a rocket attack can be said to be average. I was in the kitchen, cooking and listening to something on YouTube, when suddenly a freaky early warning message cut in that had been prearranged to be broadcast to the phones of every Israeli in the country. It sounded really scary. The voice, the sound. I didn’t know what it was—at first, I thought maybe my phone had been hacked.

From the Jerusalem Post, October:
Israel’s Home Front Command deployed its new "Personal Message" missile alert system for the first time under fire Tuesday evening, following an unprecedented missile barrage from Iran. The system, based on Cell Broadcast technology, sends emergency messages directly to mobile phones in targeted areas without requiring users to download an app or register.

Unveiled in August, the system became operational during the massive missile attack from Iran, which saw over 200 missiles launched toward Israel. Tehran issued a stern warning, stating: "If the Zionist regime responds, it will face heavy attacks."

The "Personal Message" system greatly enhances Israel’s emergency readiness by providing precise, real-time alerts. Its independence from cellular networks and GPS means that it can continue to deliver life-saving instructions swiftly during crises, ensuring citizens have the best chance to respond to missile threats effectively.

The alert system uses Cell Broadcast technology, a long-established method that transmits messages via cellular antennas, similar to how FM radio works. This allows for messages to be broadcast to every mobile device in a defined area—whether it’s an entire city or just a specific neighborhood—without the need for individual phone numbers. The alerts are accompanied by a distinct sound to ensure they stand out from regular notifications.
Yup. It definitely was a “distinct sound.” It scared the bejeezus out of me—I genuinely thought we were goners. Then everyone in the house started calling for everyone else to go into the mamad. Missiles from Iran take even longer than those from Yemen, so we sat there for some 40 tense minutes. And, of course, emerged unscathed.

Another “distinct sound” is the siren app my husband installed on his phone. It goes off at about the same time as the real siren but is slightly out of sync, louder, and somehow scarier. I hate it. But he insists it’s helpful—says it’ll get us to the mamad faster.

I was talking about this during a family meal at my daughter’s house—how much I hated that app. My son-in-law leaned in and said, “Because it sounds different, you think it’s a different kind of siren. Something worse.”

He’d nailed it. It reminded me of the Personal Message missile alert system. When you hear that you think, "Something is very, VERY wrong."

Years ago, there was one of those rare occurrences where a missile came our way from Gaza. It hit only a few miles from us, but fell in an open area and no one was hurt. I was home alone, but I knew what to do. I went into the mamad and waited for the danger to pass.

But feelings are complicated. Later that day, I checked my email. At the time I was a moderator for a Jewish genealogy discussion group. The other moderators were not in Israel and they were all chatting away about inconsequential things, nothing really to do with moderation, and I felt myself begin to burn. “Why aren’t they asking about me??” I wondered.

I was really angry. I ended up saying something to the lead moderator, and he seemed surprised to hear I was upset. “I figured the rockets don’t get anywhere near you—you’re not close to Gaza.” He wasn’t wrong. They usually don’t get that far. But occasionally, like that day, they do. And the light banter of my colleagues felt deeply unsettling. As if they didn’t care that people—evil people—were targeting Israelis, targeting me, with rockets.

But the truth is, it’s not that they didn’t care. It’s that they were completely unaware. They don’t hear about the attacks. They’re not on their radar—if you’ll pardon the pun—either because the media doesn’t report them, they’re not paying attention, or they assume, like the lead moderator did, that rockets don’t reach my area.

It’s an easy assumption to make—until one actually lands. Then there's the perception that the rockets aren't really dangerous. Israel has become so effective at intercepting missiles that they rarely get through. As a result, some conclude the rockets aren’t really dangerous—that they’re crudely made, cobbled together from junk, and incapable of doing serious harm.

But that would be wrong.

I know because my son’s house in the south took a direct rocket hit on October 7. Luckily, they were not home at the time. Mainly because my son was already doing reserve duty when the war broke out, so my daughter-in-law took the kids to spend the holiday with her parents. Windows were shattered, the safe room was damaged. The solar collector was a total write-off. My daughter-in-law had to rent an apartment in the center of the country and enroll the kids in a local school until their home was repaired and it was safe for them to return.

Once the repairs were finished and they were finally back home, we went for a visit. My son showed us a massive chunk of rocket he’d kept. They were lucky. Their next-door neighbor's house was a complete loss. They aren't coming back. Being that close to Gaza, the attacks and sirens were constant. They’d had enough.

When the sirens started going off more frequently in our area, I figured it was our turn, now. The south had borne the brunt of things for so long. But we weren't “used” to running for our lives while a siren is blaring. That made it a heart-pounding experience each time it happened. We’d race into the room and count the booms. My husband and kids can tell the difference in sound between an interception and a hit, but my ears are still in training. Usually someone curses the senders of those rockets. “Effers. Effing Houthis." Things like that.

It’s hard on my boys—really men now—especially. It’s not a good feeling to have to run for cover. It makes you feel powerless. Cowardly. It makes you angry that you have to hide from danger, rather than meet it.

As I said, we’ve unfortunately adapted to this situation. My heart doesn’t pound the same way anymore. But a couple of months ago, it was different. One night, the siren went off, and my husband said, “Get the boys!” I ran to the back of the house to herd them into the mamad. (Of course, they didn’t need me to do that. They hear the sirens too. But they don’t run. At least part of that is bravado, for sure.)

A few nights later, the siren went off again, and I just about slept through it. Dov called out, “Siren! Go to the mamad.” The mamad is about two feet from our bedroom, but dazed and disoriented, my brain took over and directed me to repeat what I did last time: run to the back of the house and get the boys to the mamad, to safety. To my misfortune, my autopilot is apparently very bad at what it does. I ran smack into my son, who was already on his way toward the mamad. I mean, I really body-slammed him. He yelled, “EEMA! Where are you going??” So I turned myself around and ran into the wall—and the force of it made me fall down the few steps that lead to that part of the house. I was pretty banged up. Still have bruises one month later.

Later, when I reflected on what had happened, I was kind of awestruck. Clearly, I’d been running on instinct—maternal instinct. And I loved that. That even when my brain couldn’t think, my body still understood: protect your offspring. When the sirens go off in the middle of the night, that’s the prime directive.

Not that you really can. Missiles render regular people like me useless. Powerless. I can herd my sons into a (relatively) safe room. But I can’t keep the missiles away from them—or our home.

What I loved even more than the maternal instinct itself was that my son—the one I’d body-slammed—noticed it and said something. “You were completely out of it, and yet you came to protect us. Because you’re our mother.” It pleased me no end that he understood—and let me know it.

After that, the sirens stopped feeling like such a big deal. My heart didn’t race, and I didn’t rush into the safe room.—I walked.

We’re supposed to stay in there for ten minutes, but the boys never last that long. They leave after a few minutes. Then Dov and I look at each other—should we really stay? We’ve already heard the interceptions. The boys are out. We shrug and stay another minute or so, mostly to set a good example for them, even though they’re long gone.

But it’s a funny thing. Any noise that sounds anything like a siren makes us stop and strain our ears. Is it a siren? Could it be? It might be background music in a film, or something in someone’s voice from another room—just a pitch or tone that echoes the sound of a missile alert. And our bodies react. There’s a physical jolt, like that maternal instinct I had. Some deeper brain process takes over. I think we’re always listening, even when we don’t realize it. Our brains are listening in spite of us—and they’re ready to tell us to run.

Our street overlooks a highway, and the sound carries in odd ways—making everything seem closer than it really is. Because it’s a long, open stretch with no traffic police in the Gush, local Arabs like to drag race there. They usually do it on Shabbos, when most Jews aren’t driving, so the road’s wide open for them to show off what their cars can do. It’s LOUD. And it’s unsettling. It keeps us awake. It’s not a pleasant sound.

Last night it was not Shabbos, but only Tuesday, but they were out there and even louder than usual and it was freaking me out. I knew exactly what those sounds were, but it just kept sounding to me like sirens. Yet, there lay my husband next to me, in a sound, deep sleep.

One morning not long ago, around 5 a.m., I got up to use the bathroom. A siren went off—and I didn’t hear it. What I did hear was my husband calling the boys, which told me what was happening. He was wondering aloud where I was. Had I run for the boys and slammed into a wall again?
But no—I was just in the bathroom. And as it turns out, it’s soundproof. I never heard the siren at all.

Not long ago, it being a hot day, I trained a fan on my bed and lay down to nap. A siren went off—and nope. I did not hear it. The fan apparently obscures the sound. Should I be afraid to use the fan or go to the bathroom, for fear I won’t hear the siren? I don’t think so. It’s not likely that anything would happen to me even if I don’t hear the siren and don’t go into the safe room.

Then again, on Lag B’Omer, as we were walking to a neighbor’s barbecue, I said to Dov, “Do you know where their mamad is? Is it big enough for everyone?”

I felt compelled to ask, though I didn’t feel especially anxious about it—just a passing thought. Still, we all know the enemy—whether Houthi, Hezbollah, Hamas, or whatever; the list is long—loves to target us during our holidays. I don’t know. I just had a hunch.

We’re always saying things like that, “Be ready. I have a hunch,” and it’s almost always wrong. There’s also the Monday morning quarterbacking thing going on. The siren goes off and someone will say, “I knew it! I knew it was coming.”

But it’s ridiculous, because a part of us is always watchful now, watching and waiting.

A bit later, Dov came to tell me there was a mamad right on the same floor. Our host wasn’t sure everyone would fit, but I was welcome to use it if I wanted. I looked at Dov and said, “He’s not going to use it.” It wasn’t really a question.

Some people just don’t—or won’t—do it. They won’t cower in a shelter. They just won't. And you know what? They aren’t wrong. It’s not bravado, false or otherwise. It’s more like what I always say about terror and things like that: “If it’s got your name on it, there’s not much you can do. And if it ain’t got your number on it, why worry?”

So there we were—sitting around a long table, eating hot dogs, burgers, and wings, having a good ole time—when sure enough, the siren goes off.

Instead of jumping up, I looked around the room to see what people would do. What struck me later, in a strange sort of way, was that the first person to rise from the table was an Israeli woman—the only one in the room with no Anglo background. She stood up, then seemed not to know what to do because others weren’t getting up as quickly as she expected. Still, others did, in fact, get up. A friend asked me, “Why aren’t you getting up?” She couldn’t figure out what I was doing.

But I had seen the lay of the land. Our host wasn’t getting up. Neither was his close friend beside him. I said, “Well, if David’s not going to the mamad, I’m not going to the mamad.”

Dov decided to take my cue and sit there. Something we wouldn’t have done at home. I don’t even now know why I felt we couldn’t go to the mamad because we’d look like wusses. LOL. Like is it really better to be hit by a missile, God forbid, than to look like a wuss??

So there we were, and even our hostess wasn’t wussing out, but calmly refilling trays of food. And then there was a huge WHUMP. The floor moved violently under my feet. We looked at each other. “That was CLOSE.”

Everyone moseyed on back from the safe room to the table. My friend sat across from me and said, “Why didn’t you go? You know, there are kids here.”


Oy. I hadn’t seen them. The fact that grownups sat there during a missile siren was not good at all for them to see. I totally would have gone to the mamad had I known there were kids. They need to see us acting like—um—responsible adults. They need to take these things seriously.

Then my friend showed me her phone. A huge piece of shrapnel had fallen not far from Efrat—quite close, in fact, to homes.

It’s not that we don’t take these things seriously. But sometimes it’s like, “I’ll be damned if I’ll let those Houthis make me run away and hide.”

It does sometimes make you seethe. Other times you just feel blasé—like, “Whatever.”

So it’s strange. So many tangled, conflicting feelings. And yet, this is our life for now—deciding whether to heed the sirens or simply stay put and carry on with whatever we were doing.

On Shabbos, I don’t use my computer. In fact, I try not to email people or go on social media even after Shabbos ends—especially when it’s still Shabbos in places like America. I don’t want to be the reason someone else ends up using their computer on Shabbos to reply to me.

It’s a gray area in Jewish law, for sure. But for me, it feels right to avoid engaging during that time. Since Shavuot is one day in Israel and two days outside, I stayed off Facebook for a couple of days.

The last status I’d written was, “It’s weird that a person can get used to missile sirens, but there it is.”

After Shavuot ended, I checked my notifications—though I wouldn’t be replying to anyone for another day or so. It was a popular post and drew a lot of responses. My friends here in Israel related. They, too, had noticed the slow process of adaptation and shared their own experiences. (The thing is, we’re so WESTERN here in Israel. It’s surreal for people like us to be under missile fire. We’re practically American, and this just doesn’t happen in New York or California—at least not yet.)

Friends outside of Israel had also left comments—admiring ones, concerned ones. And then, sticking out like a sore thumb, was a comment from a “friend” whose name I didn’t even recognize. I didn’t know we were friends. (I have more “Facebook friends” than actual friends.)

“We left Israel a week ago. There were sirens. Big deal. Not scary at all.”

That comment had me doing a slow burn. I kept going back to it, like a tongue probing a sore tooth. What was it that bothered me so much? It was difficult to explain it, even to myself. Part of it was that it didn’t ring true. You can’t hear a missile siren for the first time and not feel at least a little fear. But maybe she was just an emotionless bot. Or showing off. Or trying to one-up me—because she never had to adapt to sirens. She was going home to America after one or two of them. She had no right to that kind of bravery. Not compared to those of us who live here, under the prolonged, grinding strain of a painful, relentless war.

I decided I didn’t need to analyze it any further. People on social media are just zeroes and ones. And this woman—she was what my mother would’ve called “a pain.” I didn’t need the aggravation, whether it was real, imagined, or self-inflicted. So I was kind to myself. I deleted her comment and unfriended her. It felt good. I just hoped she wouldn’t notice and confront me—I didn’t need that either. I just needed her out of my virtual space. She wasn’t good for me. She can claim to be as tough as, or tougher than, most Israelis. But really, she’s not tough at all. She’s the Jew who left. And I’m the Jew who stays. With or without the missiles.



Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 



Wednesday, May 28, 2025



The famed legal scholar discusses his magnum opus, The Preventive State, why he wrote it now, and why it may never reach the audience it deserves.

Alan Dershowitz calls The Preventive State his magnum opus—and for someone as prolific as he is, that’s saying something. Often referred to as “the world’s best-known lawyer,” Dershowitz has authored more than 50 books and over a thousand articles. But it’s clear why this latest work stands apart. In The Preventive State, he proposes a visionary jurisprudence designed not just to respond to harm, but to anticipate and avert it—be it something on the scale of World War II or the October 7 massacre.

At the heart of the book is an elegant and accessible framework: a four-quadrant matrix of true and false positives and negatives. With this structure, Dershowitz gives readers—experts and laypeople alike—a practical vocabulary for assessing risk and reimagining how the law might operate proactively rather than reactively. It’s a slim volume, yet it delivers a substantial punch, opening the door to a future where justice is not only fair but also preventative.

“You cannot prevent harm if you cannot predict it.” —Alan Dershowitz

Of course, any system that emphasizes prevention carries the risk of overreach—of stifling freedoms in the name of safety. The Preventive State doesn’t shy away from that danger. Instead, it makes the case for a jurisprudence that allows people to be both secure and free. But here’s the catch: the very person who authored this powerful and timely work has, to a large extent, been canceled.

As Dershowitz explains in the interview below, he doesn’t expect The Preventive State—his most important book to date—to receive a review in The New York Times. Why? Because the Times severed ties with him after he served on President Donald Trump’s legal team during the first impeachment trial in 2020. Since then, the once-reliable platform has ceased interviewing him and no longer covers his books.

“The New York Times will not review my most important book—because I defended Donald Trump.”

It’s a bitter irony: a book devoted to safeguarding democracy and civil liberties may be denied the public attention it deserves because its author remains unapologetically committed to due process—and to being, in his own words, an “outspoken Jewish Zionist.” That, perhaps more than anything, ensures his exclusion from today’s mainstream platforms.

More’s the pity.

***

Varda Epstein: Your book is titled The Preventive State, which to some might sound authoritarian. How do you define it—and how would you distinguish it from totalitarian systems?

Alan Dershowitz: Well, prevention is good and authoritarianism is bad, and there’s the risk that trying to prevent will create authoritarianism. There's no way of the state engaging in preventive actions without diminishing certain liberties. Benjamin Franklin said those who would give up essential liberties for a little security deserved neither. But every government has always given up some liberties to assure great security. If any of us could have prevented 9/11, or October 7th, by arresting some people, even if we made some mistakes, we would have done it. You know, we went much too far after the Second World War began when President Roosevelt confined 110,000 Americans in detention centers in order to prevent one or two acts of treason, and none of them occurred. So, it’s the question of balancing, but if the balance is struck improperly, there is the potential for authoritarianism, of course. That’s why I worry about the preventive state. On the other hand, we’re always going to try to prevent. We’re never going to wait until cataclysmic harm occurs. Every country has to confront those issues. Israel’s confronting it right now with Iran. Should Israel go and prevent, as they did Iraq and Syria, from developing weapons? And the United States probably has a different view on that. So these are always the kind of balancing decisions that we have to make.

Varda Epstein: You described Abraham as the first lawyer. He pleaded with God to spare the innocent. Why would he choose to plead for the innocent over eradicating evil?

Alan Dershowitz: Because I think he understood that God could easily have come back and said, look, Abraham, I’m God. I know who’s guilty and who’s innocent. I’ll kill only the guilty and not the innocent. But God said he was going to kill everybody because there were so many guilty people, and Abraham was the first one to challenge authority by saying, no, you can’t overdo it. If you can’t separate the innocent from the guilty, you have to spare everybody. And then God comes back and basically says, yeah, but it depends how many innocent there are. And then that’s when the negotiation begins—50, 40, 30, 20, 10, stops at 10. And that’s been the number that we focus on in Anglo-American jurisprudence also, better ten guilty go free than one innocent be wrongly confined. So, you know, there are various concepts in the Bible that are instrumental in the preventive state. Obviously, Abraham’s argument with God; the idea of punishing recalcitrant children to make sure they don’t become dangerous adults; taking people who have contagious diseases and putting them in isolation; the concept of exile goes back thousands of years, and that’s what we’re doing now with deportation. Deportation is simply a form of exile.

Varda Epstein: I’d argue that it’s just following the law. I mean, if people are somewhere illegally, shouldn’t they be deported?

Alan Dershowitz: No, not necessarily. Some of my relatives came into this country to escape Nazism, and had false affidavits in order to get in because they couldn’t get in lawfully. So sometimes you have to understand, it depends on the circumstances. If you’re escaping from absolute brutality, the way they were escaping from Castro, you have a different rule than if they’re trying to just get some economic benefits. So, you know, the Torah has said, “Tzedek tzedek tirdof,” “Justice, justice” and why two justices? Well, you know, one is justice with compassion, and you have to have a little bit of compassion. But there’s a big difference between people who sneak in in order to commit crimes or in order to evade justice and people who come to save their lives.

Varda Epstein: You spoke in your book about how Great Britain and France could have prevented World War II had they enforced the Versailles Treaty early on, but you posited that perhaps they feared being seen as warmongers. Do you think that’s the main reason they didn’t act?

Alan Dershowitz: Yeah. I think they . . . first, I’m not sure they believed that Hitler would actually do these things. So this was an example of a false negative where there was evidence and information; they didn’t believe it, and they made a horrible mistake. They could have saved 50 million lives. And, you know, we may be making the same mistake now with Iran. If we believe that Iran is trying to develop nuclear weapons . . .

Varda Epstein: Do you think democratic leaders today still face this dilemma of being seen as warmongers, facing backlash for acting, so they hesitate, and they hesitate too long?

Alan Dershowitz: Well, I think some, it depends. You know, Israel would like to move preventively, as it has. Much of my book, The Preventive State, is based on what I call, or what has been called, the Begin Doctrine, that sometimes you just can’t wait to be attacked. You have to take preemptive and preventive action. Israel’s been a leader in that because it’s a tiny country; it’s very vulnerable; and it won’t kill innocent civilians needlessly; whereas other countries are less protective in their approach. So, I think there is the fear that the world would condemn them. There’s this idiotic International Criminal Court that selectively condemns only democracies, and I don’t think anybody should take seriously the International Criminal Court. I think it should be ignored and ended, but there are countries that, you know, England and France and others care about that.

Varda Epstein: At first after 9/11, Americans were pretty accepting of the extreme security measures that were taken, such as in airports with the creation of the TSA. You talked about society turning preventive to prevent terror, right? Then, as time goes on, the fear slips away, people forget, go back to normal, and no longer want these measures, resulting in pushback. Do you think October 7th produced a similar kind of shift among the Israeli left, rendering preventive measures more acceptable?

Alan Dershowitz: For a while, but many, many in the Israeli left have “BDS,” Bibi Derangement Syndrome. So, if Bibi’s doing it, it must be wrong, and many in the Israeli left are making terrible mistakes about how they deal with this issue. So, you know, the same thing is true in the United States with Trump Derangement Syndrome, and so there’s too much of personal issues involved, both in Israel and in the United States. Both have very controversial leaders, and the left can’t believe that they would do anything for positive reasons.

Varda Epstein: Yeah. I always think that the fact that American Jews voted for Kamala shows they hate Donald Trump more than they love Israel. That’s how I felt about that.

Alan Dershowitz: I would feel differently about that. I think they want to be more liberal than they want to be Jewish, and they’re willing to vote, not their Jewish values or their Jewish defense, but they want their friends to like them, and they want to be seen as progressive and liberal. And they vote against their own interests.

“They were killed because of Harvard. Because of Columbia. Because of the way antisemitism is taught.”

Varda Epstein: Let’s talk about the couple that was murdered last week, targeted because the attacker assumed they were Jewish. That’s antisemitic no matter their religion, right?

Alan Dershowitz: So, one was Jewish, the other was not. But it doesn’t matter. They were killed because, whether they were Jews or not, they were killed because they were Jews. And they were killed because of Harvard, and they were killed because of Columbia, and they were killed because of the way in which the Ivy League schools and many schools have been teaching, not just tolerating, but teaching antisemitism. When you teach intersectionality, when you teach DEI, when you teach critical race theory, you’re teaching antisemitism. And when you encourage people, the way Kamala Harris and Walz, the vice presidential candidate, encourage people to call for “Palestine will be free” and
“globalize the intifada,” you’re inciting murder. And so there’s a lot of blood on the hands of university administrators and politicians.

“I’m an outspoken Jewish Zionist, and that will never change.”

Varda Epstein: When should we limit speech? How far do we allow it to go? Do we allow them to say “from the river to the sea”? Do we punish it? Because maybe it would have prevented this?

Alan Dershowitz: No, in my book The Preventive State, I have a whole chapter on free speech and when it should be limited. I think the limitation has to be incitement towards speech. And when you stand in front of a large crowd and you yell, “Globalize the intifada,” that could be incitement. When you, however, just talk abstractly about Israel not existing, that’s hate speech, but it’s free speech. Hate speech is protected by the Constitution today. That may change. We may experience over the next years with this current Supreme Court, a cutting back a little bit of incitement and advocacy of violence. As we see more and more violence, look, I predicted in my writings, I predicted what happened in D.C. I predicted that, based on my experience in representing radical violent protesters back in the 1960s and 70s, and some of them went on to become terrorists. Kathy Boudin, who I helped represent, became a murderer and spent many years in prison. The Weathermen became murderers. They also became friends of Barack Obama. But these are people who Barack Obama befriended. These were people who were regarded as legitimate. But they turned into terrorists. And I think that’s going to happen here, too. I think supporters of Hamas, people who support Hamas and who advocate the end of Israel, which is what “from the river to the sea” and “globalize the intifada” means, there’s a risk that they may start killing Americans. You know, Jews are always the first, they’re the canary in the mine shaft, but as we see, it’s not always Jews that get killed, but there’s going to be more of that. I’ve had to redouble my own personal security.

Varda Epstein: Yeah. I saw you on Hannity.

Alan Dershowitz: It’s true. I’ve always had some threats on my life, so I’ve been concerned about security. But when I spoke just the other day at a college in Florida, I got an honorary doctorate, and they had to have armed guards around me. They had to have a whole process in place for what happens if somebody tried to attack me. They gave me instructions of how do I leave, and will there be bulletproof glass in front of me, and all of that. So, as a result of what happened in this group at Columbia, I’ve had to redouble my own personal security because I’m an outspoken Jewish Zionist, and that will never change.

Varda Epstein: I wanted to talk about the false positive that was your swatting incident that happened to you and your wife. It was a horrible thing, obviously traumatic, but you said it was the right thing. They made the right move.

Alan Dershowitz: Oh, of course. They got a call. They said that there was violence going on in my house. It was, you know, middle of the night, banging on the door, “If you don’t open the door, we’ll break it down.” And they came in with their guns drawn, and they could have easily shot somebody if I had made the wrong move. I was half asleep, I was getting up, and it was a very, very dangerous situation. It was quite deliberate, and we’re going to see more of that. We’re going to see much, much more violence. That, of course, is illegal, but you have to catch the person. And in my case, they haven’t caught the person who did this because it’s very easy to place an anonymous 911 call, and thankfully, the police respond to all these calls. Soon they’ll stop, because they’ll say they’re false alarms, and that will hurt the people who are really in trouble. I have a friend, a policeman who was killed in a domestic violence shootout, because he wouldn’t take the first shot to kill the person who was holding the woman hostage, because he was afraid he would kill her. And then he was shot and was killed. These kinds of situations, swats and everything, are very, very dangerous and have to be taken much more seriously than they’ve been taken.

Varda Epstein: And we need to make some kind of protocol according to your book. Okay, so on the other side of that, then, would be a false negative and preventable harm. So, what’s an example of one that stands out to you as a devastating false negative, what should have been caught?

Alan Dershowitz: The worst, of course, was World War II, the greatest example in history of a false negative. I would say after that, probably 9/11, October 7th, they could have been caught. October 7th was a disaster because Israel had a lot of the information that should have led them to take preventive actions. And because some of the information was provided to them by these women who were serving in the front line, some of them with emotional issues, the men who were in charge didn’t take these women seriously, and I think this was a situation where sexism contributed to this disaster.

Varda Epstein: Absolutely, absolutely, I’m with you on that.

Alan Dershowitz: By the way, let me add something. I met these women. I went there before this happened, and I sat with them, and they were absolutely incredible. They would be sitting with their television screens, and if they saw a rabbit, they would notice it, if they saw anything, they would notice it. And these were our front line defenses against terrorism, and the men in charge of the very macho Israeli army didn’t take them seriously, and that was kind of a disaster.

Varda Epstein: How do you see the role of AI playing in predicting or preventing harm, especially in legal or national security contexts?

Alan Dershowitz: It’s a double-edged sword. It can help prevent crime because it has this incredible predictive ability based on putting together enormous amounts of information to anticipate what might happen. But AI is itself a potential danger. It can intrude on people’s privacy, it can create its own problems. So I think, on balance, AI is helpful in preventing, but one has to constrain and control every scientific development, including AI.

Varda Epstein: You say that you’ve been thinking about prevention since the 1960s? So, why did you write The Preventive State, now?

Alan Dershowitz: Well, you know, I’ve written articles about it, and I never had, in my own mind, the answers. I had the questions, but I didn’t have the answers, and it took me a long time to think through how to create a jurisprudence. And finally, you know, at age 86, with the benefit of a lot of experience and a little bit of chutzpah, I decided to set out my answers, and so here it is, my magnum opus, my 57th book, for those of us old enough to remember Heinz 57 flavors. So, finally, I was ready, and I think this is my most important book, but of course, the New York Times will not review it because once I defended Donald Trump, they stopped reviewing my books, and they stopped interviewing me mostly. And then they tried to cancel me because they don’t like who my clients are, and so I hope people will read the book on Amazon and learn from it. Even though you can disagree with some of its conclusions, I think you can’t argue with the fact that we live in an increasingly preventive state, and so we have to deal with those issues in a moral and calculated and balanced way.

Varda Epstein: You have an appendix. But it’s the end of your book. Why did you end with a critique of rabbinic law?

Alan Dershowitz: Well it’s not a critique. It’s that rabbinic law goes too far, and so did much classic law, much of which was based on rabbinic law. Went too far, but it asks the right questions. I’m a big fan of rabbinic law, because almost every issue that I taught in my 50 years of teaching at Harvard, the questions had been raised by rabbis and by those who wrote the Torah. But they didn’t always get the answers right. And so I just thought it would be interesting to put in the book ancient sources that gave rise to some of the modern approaches. And I, you know, when I taught at Harvard, I would always introduce rabbinic law and Torah law into my classes, because almost every issue was addressed, which is amazing because they weren’t really in control of an active society. They were writing more in the abstract or for their own community, because, you know, until 1948, there was no country to which to apply Jewish law, that was just a community, but they did a remarkable job in raising these unbelievably complex problems and resolving them.

Varda Epstein: You own a letter from George Washington about urging smallpox inoculation. So, what drew you to that artifact?

Alan Dershowitz: Two things. One, I was writing about this issue, and I wanted to own a piece of history in which Washington not only urges everybody to get inoculated, but as commander-in-chief of the Revolutionary Armed Forces, he commands that, he says, basically, you have to do it, you have to do it quickly, otherwise we can lose the war based on smallpox. Second, the letter is fascinating because it’s signed by George Washington and dictated by George Washington, but the three pages are written by Alexander Hamilton, his secretary. So it has the three things in it. I love the writings of Alexander Hamilton, I’m a great admirer of George Washington, and the concept of prevention is in there, so it worked perfectly.

Varda Epstein: What’s next for Alan Dershowitz? Do you have any other momentous topics to write about?

Alan Dershowitz: Of course, I always do, you know, on the way to being buried, I will probably try to be dictating a final op-ed. I write every single day. I’m writing a book now tentatively entitled Trump to Harvard, Go Fund Yourself. It’s a cute title, and it tries to strike the appropriate balance. I don’t think that the government should be cutting off research funds or funds from scientific, medical, but they should be cutting off funds from the Divinity School, Public Health School, the Carr Center for Human Rights, all of which are incubators for antisemitism. So I want to see targeted defunding and targeted denial of visas. For example, in the 1930s, Harvard loved Nazis, the president of Harvard, Conant, was a Nazi lover, he loved Germany. He brought professors from Nazi Germany and students, and of course the United States said, no, we’re cutting off the visas. Many, many liberals would have applauded that, but they don’t applaud it now, and it’s too broad. We shouldn’t be cutting back on all the visas for all students, but only for the ones that are fomenting dangerous activities on campus and contributing to an atmosphere that led to the death of these two young, wonderful people.

***
📚 Book Information

Dershowitz, Alan. The Preventive State: Preempting Cataclysmic Harm while Preserving Fundamental Liberties. New York: Encounter Books, 2024. ISBN: 9781641774401.



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Wednesday, May 21, 2025



Disclaimer: the views expressed here are solely those of the author, weekly Judean Rose columnist Varda Meyers Epstein.


I try to be honest about politics. I can and did vote for Donald Trump, as is my right and privilege as an American citizen. I voted for him because he was far better for Israel than the alternative. Still, I won’t always like what the president does, and I won’t shy away from saying so. However, I will always qualify anything I deem contrary to Israel’s interests by saying that A) I prefer Trump to Biden, who funded October 7 and tied Israel’s hands when we tried to defend ourselves; B) I infinitely prefer Trump to Harris, who told people who wish me dead that they have a right to their “truth”; and C) Trump does what’s best for America, rather than for Israel, and this is only right. That is his JOB. To do what's right for America. And sometimes, as JD Vance put it, “we’re going to have distinct interests.”

I get it. But I still feel a pang of resentment when I think back to October, when Vance gave an exclusive video to the JPost, urging Israeli Americans to vote:

"Greetings to all of our friends in Israel who are American citizens and have the right to vote in American elections," said Vance. "You've got to make your voice heard. Donald Trump was a great ally and friend of Israel. Kamala Harris has been a total disaster, and if she becomes president, it's going to lead to broader regional war or maybe even worse."

"Get out there, check your registration, make sure you're able to vote, and please go out there and vote for Donald Trump"

"This election could be decided by just a few votes. Do you want Kamala Harris, or do you want Donald Trump? If you want Donald Trump, get out there and make it happen."

Rah rah sis boom bah and all that, but at times, I confess, I feel cheated.

As so often happens at times like this, when the interests of Israel and America diverge, we begin to hear voices that say, “Israel is not a client state. We stand up for our own interests. Thank you, President Trump, for reminding us that Israel is a sovereign nation.”

Among those voices were those of Yehudit Katsover and Nadia Matar, co-chairs of The Sovereignty Movement. In an open letter to the president, the two found a striking way to express gratitude to the president while serving to remind the Jews that it is not Trump who is in charge of Israel’s destiny:
 

Thank You, Uncle Trump


Instead of taking offense at the presidential skip over Israel’s capital, we should thank President Donald Trump for the historic message he conveyed through that very omission.

President of the United States, Donald Trump – friend of Israel and the Jewish people – we just wanted to say thank you.

Thank you for the years in which you supported, strengthened, empowered (and even helped us grow a little). Thank you for approving the delivery of weapons and military equipment to us. Thank you for the diplomatic embrace, and now, thank you for taking us – the people of Israel – to the next stage: the stage of grown-up, independent, and sovereign adults.

Some chose, for some reason, to be offended by your decision not to drop by for a diplomatic cup of coffee in Jerusalem during your Middle East tour. But in this choice of yours to skip over us, you gave us an important historical statement.

Without words, you delivered a sharp and clear message: “Israel is no longer powerless or helpless, in need of support and a guiding adult hand to cross the road. Israel is a technological powerhouse – a hi-tech, cyber, and medical superpower, a military and agricultural force. Israel is a wonder that is hard to comprehend, an unprecedented miracle that defies belief.”

And now, Uncle Trump, you told us in your unique way: “It is time for America to take care of itself, solve its problems, and focus on its own interests – while you, Israelis, stand tall and move on to the next phase: the phase of true independence.”

And you also told us, honorable Mr. President, with every step you took, every speech and handshake, every cup of coffee you drank (or didn’t) in your visits to the Arab capitals surrounding us, that Jerusalem can no longer – and should no longer – rely on Washington. You showed us how you’re collecting hundreds of millions from the Saudis and Qataris, turning a blind eye to the funding of terrorism.

We observed how you seemed to be taken in—perhaps even somewhat intoxicated—by the allure of Arab oil, how you drew closer to President Erdoğan, and even cordially shook the hand of a man who came to power in Syria following mass atrocities, and whose image not long ago appeared on WANTED posters in the United States, offering rewards for his capture.

We saw and understood the message. We here in Israel are here for you as a battlefield lab and a reliable and precise intelligence source. We will prove the effectiveness of the weapons you offer us on the battlefield, and the images of our victorious soldiers with your weapons will become part of the catalog at your next arms fair. That way, thanks to us, a few more hundred million dollars will flow into America's pocket, and a few more giant weapons factories will provide fruitful employment to tens of thousands of Americans.

We have internalized the message: from this point forward, Israel must wean itself from the American IV lifeline and begin to walk on its own, with full independence and sovereignty. We must invest in developing superior Israeli-made weaponry, cultivate a strong and independent economy, and rely on our own agricultural production without dependence on overseas grain reserves. We have matured, Mr. President, and we thank you for reminding us of that fact.

Thank you for your quiet yet resolute message to the Jewish people. Thank you for the steps that compel us to recall the enduring wisdom and resilience of our nation, to remember how we have risen from the gravest of crises, shaken off the dust, and moved forward. To remember that we are not driven solely by interests and political deals, but by the prophetic vision that has guided our people for generations, urging us onward toward future milestones.

Your appreciation of us is understandable and logical, Mr. Trump. We recognize that the time has come for you to focus on fulfilling your promise to your own nation: “Make America Great Again.” As for us—we will focus on our own unique challenge: to build a Jewish, Israeli, sovereign, and independent future in our G-d given Biblical Homeland.

It seems we have understood the message. Thank you.

Referring to President Trump as “Uncle Trump” was next level brilliant in my opinion. “Uncle” because Trump represents Uncle Sam, but maybe also because he’s not Israel’s parent in charge of feeding and clothing us and wiping up after our messes. It’s a more distant relationship than that, something like a kindly uncle.

“Yeah, the uncle is more like Uncle Sam, right?” said Nadia Matar when I approached her. “Like an uncle who's nice, but who's not a father, as you just say. And he also has his own stuff he has to take care of. At the same time, he will respect us if we respect ourselves, right? So the idea of uncle came more from the Uncle Sam side of things. America is called Uncle Sam, right? Okay.

“He will respect us if we respect ourselves,” said Nadia. “That's a very important thing. If we are strong and do what we do, that's that.”

Echoing my thoughts about our narrow escape from Kamala, Nadia said, “The main thing is that we don't have to have too many expectations of Trump. He's definitely much better than, if God forbid, Kamala Harris would have come to power. But we have to now have the guts, our leaders have to have the guts and the courage to do what is good for Israel.

“We believe, of course, that that's the application of Israeli sovereignty. That has to be done this year. And the more we stand firm the more we stick to our values the more we stick to the Torah the more God will bless us.”



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Wednesday, May 14, 2025


Disclaimer: the views expressed here are solely those of the author, weekly Judean Rose columnist Varda Meyers Epstein.

Donald Trump, during his previous administration, brought us the Abraham Accords and established a U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem. This time around, Israeli Americans voted for him in droves, there being a general feeling among us that Biden was bad for Israel and Trump the opposite of that. We were frightened for our hostages, needed weapons, and more importantly a strong voice in support of our war on Hamas. Trump appeared to tick all the boxes. We had high hopes.

It began so well. The president gave Israel carte blanche to do as it pleased in Gaza and helped us fight the Houthis. And though there was a feeling that the president was being wildly misled by Qatari puppet Witkoff, he was a good friend to Israel. We appreciated it and were glad we voted for him.

Then rumors of a rift began to flow, a narrative built from a sequence of events. The US would no longer help Israel fight the Houthis. Israel was excluded from the itinerary of Donald Trump’s Middle East tour. Trump accepted a very expensive private plane from Qatar. There was a secret US deal to free Edan Alexander that was in the works for months without Israel’s knowledge. The murmurs that Trump has turned against Israel have been gathering steam. Nobody I know wants to talk about it much, but there is thick nervous tension in the air.

That’s my sense, at least, though I keep looking for articles that prove me wrong. I don’t want to believe there’s a rift. But I don’t like the way Trump kept us out of negotiations for Edan Alexander and made us look weak, made Bibi look ineffectual, not in Trump’s good graces. I do understand that America and Americans come first, but in my view, the way this deal was done was really not cool.

It didn’t help that Edan Alexander’s mother Yael, pointedly thanked everyone but Netanyahu for freeing her son from captivity. Her failure to acknowledge him spoke volumes, especially since the deal was negotiated behind Israel’s back, making Bibi look sidelined.

Witkoff, of course, couldn’t help but rub it in, telling the hostage families that if only Israelis weren’t so divided, we’d be strong, the war would end, and the hostages come home. That was the sense of what he said anyway, if not his actual words.

But not everyone is worried. Ruthie Blum, senior contributing editor at JNS, for example, believes the buzz is baseless. In a recent op-ed, Is Trump Really Turning His Back on Bibi and Israel?, Blum says the gossip comes from two agenda-driven sources, isolationists and anti-Netanyahu Israelis. She also notes “conflicting versions of what is essentially gossip in disguise.”

Blum’s does an able job dissecting all the scuttlebutt. She paints a reassuring picture of how things stand between Israel and President Trump, and points to a recent meeting between Israel's Minister of Strategic Affairs Ron Dermer with several important members of the Trump team. "Another clue that Washington hasn’t turned its back on Jerusalem is that U.S. Vice President JD Vance, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio (doubling as interim national security advisor) and special Mideast envoy Steve Witkoff were present at the powwow [with Dermer]."

The meeting does suggest that the relationship remains strong. At the same time, JD Vance is a known isolationist, who in October said of the US-Israel relationship, “Sometimes we’re going to have overlapping interests, and sometimes we’re going to have distinct interests. And our interest very much is in not going to war with Iran. It would be a huge distraction of resources. It would be massively expensive to our country.”

I asked Blum if, as she contends, isolationists are responsible for the rumors of a rift, how do we know that JD Vance isn’t leading the charge and what does this portend for the future? Vance may very well be the next president of the United States.

“Had those leaning in an isolationist direction reprimanded Dermer, it would have been a bad sign. We know this didn't happen, however, since it would have been front page ‘news,’ given all the media mudslinging about Dermer's supposedly being "arrogant" and a source of irritation,”

“Nothing so far suggests that there's a rift between Washington and Jerusalem,” said Blum. “And the fact that Trump didn't make Israel part of his Mideast trip this week is actually a good thing. The last thing he needs is for it to appear that America is doing Israel's bidding in the region.”

Ruthie Blum, it seems, is betting on Trump playing a long game, not cutting ties. That makes a lot of sense. That does seem to be the way Trump operates.  

But there are other voices. An Arab political analyst, speaking on condition of anonymity, had a completely different take. “Trump is being played by the Islamists. Sadly, he has chosen to align himself with the bad guys. Many Arabs are convinced that he has thrown Israel under the bus and that he could be easily bought with their charm, hospitality and money. This does not bode well for the future of the region, especially because his actions and rhetoric embolden the radical Muslims.”

I think it is true to a degree that Trump is being played by the Islamists. For me, the proof of that is Witkoff’s admission in March that he had been duped by Hamas into thinking they had accepted his proposal to extend the ceasefire when they had no intention of doing so. “I thought we had an acceptable deal. I even thought we had an approval from Hamas. Maybe that’s just me getting duped. I thought we were there, and evidently we weren’t."

Well, duh. Of course you were getting duped. Did you expect fairness and honesty from Hamas?

Witkoff is Trump’s guy on this. Trump trusts Witkoff knows what he’s doing. Ergo, when Witkoff is duped by Hamas, by default so is Donald J. Trump.

Has Trump turned cold toward Israel and its prime minister? Ruthie Blum says no. It’s only a mirage, stirred up by political vultures. Others say Trump is falling for Qatar’s charm and risking a regional firestorm by expressing a willingness to negotiate with Iran. It is unfortunate, but Donald Trump’s weakness for flattery could very well make him ripe for Qatar’s game. Let’s hope the president sees through all the ceremonial fawning and glitz, and understands that it is Israel, and Israel alone, who stands as America’s always faithful ally in the Middle East.



Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 



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This blog may be a labor of love for me, but it takes a lot of effort, time and money. For 20 years and 40,000 articles I have been providing accurate, original news that would have remained unnoticed. I've written hundreds of scoops and sometimes my reporting ends up making a real difference. I appreciate any donations you can give to keep this blog going.

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