The Gaza casualty figures the West was too frightened to question
It is particularly revealing that Hamas and PIJ have now begun publishing names of their own dead fighters. Those obituaries provide information which was largely unavailable during the war. In several cases, they have effectively contradicted the original classification of the dead by international media and monitoring organisations.New York Times’ Gaza war coverage was clearly biased against Israel, damning study reveals
The response should not be to conclude that every dead Palestinian journalist was a terrorist, or that every Palestinian doctor was secretly a militant. That would be very wrong. The proper conclusion is that every casualty database requires scrutiny.
There is another uncomfortable possibility that Western commentators have been reluctant to contemplate: Hamas and PIJ may have understood perfectly well the extraordinary political and emotional power of civilian status in the Western information environment.
A dead journalist generates headlines, as does a dead doctor. A dead paramedic produces photographs of ambulances, uniforms and bloodied medical equipment. A dead Hamas fighter produces none of these things.
If militant organisations deliberately blurred those categories, they were exploiting precisely the protections that democratic societies have painstakingly established for civilians and humanitarian workers, and that would be a particularly cynical form of information warfare.
But there is an equally important warning for Israel. The discovery of genuine Hamas or PIJ members among journalists and medical personnel does not give the Israeli military a licence to regard every journalist, doctor or paramedic as a terrorist. Nor does it eliminate Israel’s obligation to establish, before an attack where feasible, that a legitimate military target actually exists.
Indeed, recent events demonstrate why that distinction matters. An investigation published this week into the 2024 killing of World Central Kitchen workers has raised serious questions about Israeli targeting practices and the use of guilt by association.
Similarly, the Israeli military has recently opened criminal investigations into the deaths of five-year-old Hind Rajab and 15 Palestinian paramedics, after previously denying or disputing aspects of what happened.
So there are two truths which ought to be capable of existing simultaneously. Hamas and PIJ may have exploited civilian professions for military and propaganda purposes, and Israel can still be responsible for unlawful or reckless attacks against genuine civilians.
The refusal to acknowledge the first truth because it complicates the second is propaganda. The refusal to acknowledge the second because it complicates the first is propaganda too. What is most troubling is the intellectual laziness of the Western debate.
For years, journalists and politicians have demanded that Israel substantiate allegations about Hamas operating from civilian infrastructure. That demand is legitimate, but the same standard should now be applied in the opposite direction.
When an individual appears in hospital photographs wearing medical clothing and subsequently appears in militant imagery carrying a weapon, journalists should investigate, and when the evidence does not stand up, that should be reported too.
That is what journalism is supposed to mean.
The greatest danger is not discovering that Hamas sometimes lied about its dead, it is in discovering that Western media organisations were so invested in a particular leftist narrative that they stopped asking whether it was true.
Gaza has produced enough suffering without adding another casualty to the list: the credibility of journalism itself.
The New York Times’ coverage of the first months of the war in Gaza displayed a clear bias against Israel by downplaying the country’s casualties while minimizing Hamas’ role in sustaining the conflict, a new study found.Mahmood urged to ban Doctors Without Borders over ‘terror links’
A review of the Times’ 1,559 articles published between Oct. 7, 2023, and June 7, 2024, showed that the Times often omitted deaths sustained by the Jewish military while looking the other way on ongoing Palestinian violence once the war began after Hamas terrorists’ Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel.
Edieal Pinker of the Yale School of Management, who published his findings in the Studies in Conflict & Terrorism academic journal, said the Times’ coverage was clearly skewed against Israel.
“Drawing on a corpus of 1,559 news articles I document a dominant narrative consistent with a framing that assigns near-exclusive agency and responsibility to Israel while diminishing Hamas’s role in sustaining the conflict,” Pinker wrote.
“It describes Hamas’s October 7 attack followed by Israeli military violence and mounting Palestinian casualties, while largely omitting Israeli casualties post-October 7, Hamas fighter casualties, and post-October 7 Palestinian violence.
“Personal accounts of Palestinian suffering appear two out of every three days, while comparable accounts of Israeli suffering rarely appear,” he said.
A total of 437 Israeli soldiers have been killed since the Jewish state began its offensive in Gaza, with dozens of police officers and civilians also killed and injured in terror attacks throughout the war, according to Israeli officials.
Pinker argued that the Times’ coverage ultimately portrayed Israel as the “sole aggressor” in the conflict while Palestinians were depicted as “passive victims.”
Shabana Mahmood is being urged to proscribe Doctors Without Borders (MSF) over its staff’s alleged links to terrorist groups.
UK Lawyers for Israel (UKLFI) has written to the Home Office, Charity Commission and Fundraising Regulator demanding that it investigate alleged ties between Doctors Without Borders and Palestinian terror groups.
The pro-Israel lobbying group is calling on Ms Mahmood, the Home Secretary, to ban the charity in a manner akin to Labour’s proscription of Palestine Action.
Palestine Action was banned by the Government last year after officials claimed that serious criminal damage it had inflicted met the threshold for proscription under the Terrorism Act. The move made membership of, or support for, the group a criminal offence punishable by up to 14 years in prison.
A report produced by UKLFI, seen by The Telegraph, describes the alleged connections between MSF employees and terrorists, including the late Fadi Jihad Mohammed al-Wadiya, a Palestine Islamic Jihad (PIJ) militant.
Wadiya, a physiotherapist who was employed by MSF between 2018-22 and then again from Oct 7, 2023, was killed in an Israeli air strike in Gaza City on June 25, 2024, in an attack condemned by the charity.
Doctors Without Borders initially denied Wadiya’s involvement with the terrorist group, but on Feb 24 this year the PIJ published a poster naming him as a “martyr commander” and identifying him as “deputy head of its military manufacturing unit”.
Only then did Doctors Without Borders, who still have Wadiya listed as an employee on their website, edit their post about him to say: “On 24 February 2026, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) publicly stated that Fadi Al Wadiya had been a member of the group.
“MSF had no indication that Fadi Al Wadiya might have been involved in military activity of any kind prior to his killing by the Israeli Forces.
“If the Israeli authorities had any reliable information about Fadi’s involvement in military activity, they never shared it with MSF either prior to his killing or when we reached out immediately after he was killed to ask for clarifications around the circumstances of his death.
“We would never knowingly employ people engaging in military activity. Any employee who engages in military activity would pose a danger to our staff and patients.”
The report also raises concerns about Nasser Hamdi Abdelatif Al Shalfouh, an MSF driver who is accused by Israel of being a sniper for the Hamas Jabaliya battalion.
Doctors Without Borders has never addressed allegations of Mr Shalfouh’s involvement with the proscribed organisation.
In 2023, MSF UK raised £11.3m, and ring-fenced around £1m for projects in the Palestinian territories. In 2024, this amount was increased to £2.7m, according to research by UKLFI.
UKLFI claims that despite these sizeable donations, appropriate safeguarding measures are not in place to minimise the risk that money raised by Britons could be used to benefit people associated with proscribed groups.
A UKLFI spokesman said: “British donors giving money to MSF are entitled to expect the highest possible standards of vetting and due diligence, particularly where substantial sums are being transferred into territory controlled by Hamas.


















