Showing posts with label Daled Amos. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Daled Amos. Show all posts

Tuesday, August 12, 2025

By Daled Amos

As if to illustrate the saying "fools rush in..." Australia announced this week that it will join France, Great Britain, and Canada in recognizing a Palestinian state during the UN General Assembly’s annual session next month:
Prime Minister Anthony Albanese of Australia said on Monday that the move was “part of a coordinated global effort building momentum for a two-state solution.”

He said Australia’s recognition would be “predicated” on “detailed and significant” commitments he had received from the Palestinian Authority’s leader, Mahmoud Abbas, to demilitarize, hold general elections and ensure that Hamas plays no role in a future Palestinian state.
Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese


Like the others, Albanese also claimed that he had the commitment and support of Abbas to make this work, or--in the case of Great Britain's prime minister--an outright ultimatum to Israel:

* Australia's Albanese claims to have commitments from Abbas to demilitarize, hold general elections, and ensure that Hamas plays no role in a future Palestinian state. (As if Abbas has the wherewithal to remove Hamas from the equation in Gaza.)

* Canada's Carney conditions recognition on Palestinian political reform, Hamas’s exclusion from Palestinian elections, and a demilitarized state. (But who is he expecting to guarantee that Hamas has no further role in Gaza--let alone in the West Bank, where Hamas has significant influence?)

France's Macron promises recognition, with a mere reminder to Abbas of his commitments to reform. (Not surprisingly, Secretary of State Rubio revealed last Friday that “Talks with Hamas fell apart on the day Macron made the unilateral decision that he’s going to recognize the Palestinian state.")

* Great Britain's Starmer frames the recognition of a Palestinian state as an outright threat--against Israel. He claims he will withdraw that recognition if Israel takes “substantive steps” to remedy Gaza’s “appalling situation,” agrees to a cease-fire, and commits to peace. (He demands none of these things of Hamas.) 


Recently, international lawyer Natasha Hausdorff critiqued Starmer's decision in an interview with Patrick Christy on GBNews Online. She debunked Starmer's claim that Palestinian Arabs have an "inalienable right" to a state. It is a criticism that applies to Starmer's buddies as well:
You cannot will a state into existence. And it's important to state that Keir Starmer is wrong, absolutely wrong on the international law when he talks about a supposed "inalienable right" of the Palestinians to a state. There is no such thing. If there was a right to statehood under international law, the Kurds would have a state. There'd be many hundreds more states.
In a second interview, Hausdorff addressed two legal problems that are less often discussed. First of all, granting a state to the Palestinian Arabs is, by its very nature, an attack on Israel's sovereignty. Both Gaza and "Yehuda & Shomron" were initially part of the British Mandate. Their conquest by Egypt and Jordan was not accepted as legal by the international community. (Keep in mind that the off-handed way Starmer and others suggest acknowledging a Palestinian state leaves the status of East Jerusalem--and by extension the Kotel--in doubt.)

She adds:
[I]t would also fly completely in the face of the Oslo accords, which the United Kingdom endorsed, as did many other international players. [It] provided very clearly that after certain territory was given to the Palestinian authority to have an autonomy given by Israel, that any change to borders or any change to the status of the territory would only arise from a bilateral negotiated final status settlement. That piece of paper that the UK endorsed is simply being torn up as a result of these proposals for recognition. And it leaves us with a very difficult position where Israel's not going to be in a position to trust any agreement it enters with international backing and international guarantees if it can be so readily thrown out of the window

Hausdorff is not alone in pointing out how the decision to recognize a Palestinian state violates international law. The British jurist Malcolm Shaw KC points out that the 1933 Montevideo Convention on Rights and Duties of States identifies the four basic requirements for statehood:

A permanent population.
o  A defined territory.
o  A government.
o  The capacity to enter into relations with other states. 

Of these four requirements, the proposed Palestinian state only meets the first requirement. In their rush to recognize a state, world leaders are ignoring the failure of 3 basic conditions necessary for a sovereign state. Shaw notes:

o  “its territorial extent is undetermined”
o  “there is no effective single government authority over the whole of the territory”
o  “the capacity of the [Palestinian Authority] to conduct formal legal relations with other entities, including States, is hampered by the terms of the Oslo Accords, which [are] still binding upon the parties.” 

The Executive Council of Australian Jewry put it another way, noting that these leaders are advocating the recognition of “an entity with no agreed borders, no single government in effective control of its territory, and no demonstrated capacity to live in peace with its neighbors.

One can understand how Great Britain and France cannot help themselves. Not so long ago, they were significant colonial powers that saw the Middle East as their playground. But one would have thought that Canada and Australia, with their history, would understand the folly of playing games with other people's states.

But who knows, maybe this call for recognition is a con?

Maybe these politicians calling for a state actually understand that their calls for a Palestinian state are filled with legal hot air--and are patting themselves on the back on how they are cleverly mollifying their citizens. But in the process, they are encouraging Hamas terrorists and delaying the very resolution of this war they loudly claim to be working for. 





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Tuesday, August 05, 2025

Every time the media seems to have achieved a new high in media bias, it just turns around and climbs to ever greater heights. People are still talking about The New York Times and its outsized photo of an emaciated Gaza child that the paper assured its readers owed his condition to an Israel-instigated famine.

They squeezed this picture for all it was worth, and as noted by Elder of Ziyon, the size and placement of the New York Times picture of "Gaza starving child" was virtually unprecedented:

Only a few days later did The New York Times unapologetically point out the boy had "pre-existing health problems":

Editors’ Note: July 29, 2025
This article has been updated to include information about Mohammed Zakaria al-Mutawaq, a child in Gaza suffering from severe malnutrition. After publication of the article, The Times learned from his doctor that Mohammed also had pre-existing health problems.

This is all the more malicious considering that The Times chose a photo that omitted context:

Add to this the media's perpetual claim of impending famine, casualty figures so often quoted from Hamas terrorist sources that reports no longer even mention that fact, and accusations of genocide based on questionable premises.

The controversy over media impartiality and objectivity gets worse during a military conflict. The confusion we associate with the fog of war applies not only to military battles but also to journalistic battles.

In response to these journalistic battles, Ralph Pulitzer created the role of newspaper ombudsman in 1913. On the one hand, the competition to get the story first led to the muckraking that uncovered corruption in the establishment, such as Ida M. Tarbell's The History of The Standard Oil Company, which pioneered the idea of investigative reporting. On the other hand, it also produced the yellow journalism of the 19th century, specializing in scandal-mongering and sensationalist reporting. Less than 20 years later, the need for some kind of oversight became clear. One of these incentives was not fake stories about famine or misleading pictures of emaciated children.

The problem was fictional stories about cats:

According to a 1916 issue of American Magazine, Pulitzer had become concerned about the increasing blurriness between "that which is true and that which is false" in the paper. He had reason for concern. One of the questionable practices uncovered by the bureau's first director, Isaac D. White, was the routine embellishment of stories about shipwrecks with fictional reports about the rescue of a ship's cat. After asking the maritime reporter why a cat had been rescued in each of a half-dozen accounts of shipwrecks, White was told, "One of those wrecked ships had a cat, and the crew went back to save it. I made the cat the feature of my story, while the other reporters failed to mention the cat, and were called down by their city editors for being beaten. The next time there was a shipwreck there was no cat but the other ship news reporters did not wish to take chances, and put the cat in. I wrote the report, leaving out the cat, and then I was severely chided for being beaten. Now when there is a shipwreck all of us always put in a cat."

It is not always easy to distinguish between yellow journalism and muckraking, between sensationalism and investigative reporting. Back in the day, Superman's pal, Jimmy Olsen, was a cub reporter, not a journalist. Are reporters the same thing as journalists? That apparently depends. According to Dictionary.com, journalism can be synonymous with good old-fashioned reporting. But not necessarily:

Journalism can also be:

4. writing that reflects superficial thought and research, a popular slant, and hurried composition, conceived of as exemplifying topical newspaper or popular magazine writing as distinguished from scholarly writing.

The distinction between muckraking and yellow journalism is not always a purely theoretical question. Take Hurricane Katrina, for example.

In August 2005, Hurricane Katrina struck the US, causing catastrophic damage, especially in New Orleans. It was a powerful Category 5 storm that overpowered the levee system and flooded nearly 80% of the city. Over 1,300 people died, and hundreds of thousands were displaced. The storm’s destruction resulted in $125 billion in damages, making it one of the costliest natural disasters in US history. The storm exposed serious flaws in emergency preparedness, infrastructure, and government response, sparking national outrage and debate.

In addition to harsh criticism of the government's lack of preparation, discrepancies in the number of casualties, and inaccurate descriptions of the dire situation in New Orleans, the media coverage of Katrina was also open to debate.

The mayor at the time, Ray Nagin, said the death toll could reach as high as 10,000 casualties. Based on a simulation, FEMA estimated there would be more than 60,000 casualties and ordered 25,000 body bags. The National Hurricane Center finally adjusted Katrina's death toll downward to 1,392, from an earlier estimated 1,833 deaths.

The Guardian reported that media accounts of violence and looting were exaggerated and interfered with rescue attempts. It quoted Lieutenant General Russel Honoré, who coordinated around 300 National Guardsmen to keep order. He complained that he had to deal with “a constant reaction to misinformation...Some of the [media] were giving information that wasn’t correct...Much of it was uncorroborated information, probably given with the best of intentions.” The governor of Louisiana at the time, Kathleen Blanco, had similar complaints:

Blanco said the media amplified stories of widespread violence it could not verify, which impacted rescue operations. For example, she said school bus drivers refused to drive their vehicles into New Orleans to help in the evacuation because of the dangerous situation they heard about on television. Blanco enlisted the national guard to drive the buses instead.

Honore famously told journalists at the time:

Don't get stuck on stupid, reporters. We are moving forward. And don't confuse the people please. You are part of the public message. So help us get the message straight. And if you don't understand, maybe you'll confuse it to the people. That's why we like follow-up questions.

That didn't prevent journalists from patting themselves on the back for a job well done.

The PBS NewsHour had a special feature on Katrina Media Coverage a month later. Keith Woods, then dean at a school for journalists in Florida, gave his impression. It was favorable, and he explained why:

KEITH WOODS: Well, I did like the aggressiveness of the journalists throughout, I liked the fact that for a good part of this reporting the journalists brought themselves to the reporting a sense of passion, a sense of empathy, a sense of understanding that they were not telling an ordinary story any more than the Sept. 11 attacks were an ordinary story. So I like the fact that journalism understood the size of this story from the very beginning and brought to bear the kinds of resources and the kind of passion in the coverage that we saw.

Hugh Hewitt, a host of a nationally syndicated radio talk show and a blogger, confronted Woods on exactly those points -- aggressiveness and passion -- that Woods saw as the media's strong points. He attacked the media's inaccurate descriptions of the dire situation in New Orleans:

HUGH HEWITT: Well, Keith just said they did not report an ordinary story; in fact they were reporting lies. The central part of this story, what went on at the convention center and the Superdome was wrong. American media threw everything they had at this story, all the bureaus, all the networks, all the newspapers, everything went to New Orleans, and yet they could not get inside the convention center, they could not get inside the Superdome to dispel the lurid, the hysterical, the salaciousness of the reporting.

I have in mind especially the throat-slashed seven-year-old girl who had been gang-raped at the convention center — didn't happen. In fact, there were no rapes at the convention center or the Superdome that have yet been corroborated in any way.

There weren't stacks of bodies in the freezer. But America was riveted by this reporting, wholesale collapse of the media's own levees they let in all the rumors, and all the innuendo, all the first-person story because they were caught up in this own emotionalism. Exactly what Keith was praising I think led to one of the worst weeks of reporting in the history of American media, and it raises this question: If all of that amount of resources was given over to this story and they got it wrong, how can we trust American media in a place far away like Iraq where they don't speak the language, where there is an insurgency, and I think the question comes back we really can't. [emphasis added]

The response that Woods gives to Hewitt's critique of the media reporting of Katrina does not inspire confidence. For one thing, he does not push back on anything Hewitt said. Instead:

KEITH WOODS: Well, remember that we thought 5,000 people died in the twin towers in New York originally — more than 5,000. We thought the White House had been attacked in the early reporting of that story. The kind of reporting that journalists have to do during this time is revisionist. You have to keep telling the story until you get it right.[emphasis added]

It is unclear how many chances Woods felt the media was entitled to get its facts straight.

The media's misreporting of Hurricane Katrina impeded rescue efforts.
The media's misreporting on Gaza inflames antisemitism and attacks on Jews around the world.

The media coverage of disasters is difficult and taxes their resources, but that is no excuse for them to get stuck on stupid.





Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 

Tuesday, July 29, 2025

By Daled Amos

Last week, Elder of Ziyon reported on a disturbing scene that unfolded in Berlin: Islamist Syrian protesters openly called for the rape and murder of Druze—right in front of Berlin’s Red City Hall.

Around 300–400 supporters of Syrian ruler Ahmed al-Sharaa (also known as al-Jolani) gathered in front of Berlin's Red City Hall on Saturday, July 19, 2025. They chanted slogans against Israel, Druze, and Alawites—including open calls for murder and rape.

The German group democ.a coalition of journalists, academics, and media professionals—documented the protest in a video published on YouTube

They noted that slogans included explicit calls for rape and murder.

This wasn’t a fringe rumor. It was covered in the mainstream German press.

Der Tagesspiegel quoted Berlin’s Mayor Kai Wegner (CDU), who condemned the rally unequivocally:

“Anyone who calls for murder and violence has no place in our city. I want these people to leave our country.”
Der Tagesspiegel, July 24, 2025

The article also noted that demonstrators shouted antisemitic slogans like “Bring us the Israeli flag so we can burn it.” The spark for this display of hatred was the ongoing violence in Syria’s Suweida province, where Druze and Alawite minorities are being targeted by radical groups. According to democ., the calls for violence spread widely on social media.

Further reports revealed that in Düsseldorf, 50 Syrian and Turkish extremists attacked a Kurdish-Druze solidarity rally. Meanwhile, Focus Online provided context: Germany has taken in over 1.2 million Syrians since 2015—including unvetted members of jihadist and sectarian militias. The Berliner Zeitung pointed out a disturbing failure: police failed to bring the usual Arabic-language interpreters, allowing hate speech to go unchecked.

So where were the New York Times and the Washington Post on this story?

Nowhere. A search of their websites for the terms “Berlin” and “Druze” yields nothing. When I asked Grok AI about the coverage in the mainstream media, it responded:

“As of today, Monday, July 28, 2025, there is no direct coverage in major English-language mainstream media outlets (e.g., Reuters, BBC, The Guardian, The Washington Post, AP News) of the specific anti-Druze protests by Syrians in Berlin on July 19, 2025.”

This is editorial bias by omission. When the Times claims “All The News That’s Fit To Print,” you have to wonder: fit by whose standards? Too often, their “What to Know” articles really mean “What We’ve Decided You Should Know.”

But this protest is not just another disturbing rally. It’s a case study in how antisemitism metastasizes—turning its venom toward any group perceived as aligned with Jews or Israel.

The organization CyberWell, which tracks antisemitic content across social media, has been sounding the alarm for months. In May—before the recent Suweida violence—they tweeted:

On Monday, CyberWell released a full report titled Southern Syria’s Sectarian Violence: A Digital Reflection of Antisemitic Narratives Targeting the Druze.

They documented a massive spike in hate speech that blends antisemitic tropes with anti-Druze incitement, including 3 key categories:

I. “Greater Israel” Conspiracy Theory



Druze self-defense or humanitarian aid is twisted into “proof” of an Israeli plot.

  • Posts combining “Greater Israel” + “Druze” surged by 3,529% from July 13–20, peaking at 3,700 posts in a single day.

 II. “Jewlani” Puppet Allegation

Al-Julani (al-Sharaa) is smeared as a “Jewish puppet”—with Druze as his collaborators.


  • The slur “Jewlani” appeared in 900 posts, reaching 40.7 million users. That’s a 5,500% increase over the prior six months.

 III. “The Druze Deserve It”

Druze are accused of “betrayal” simply for holding Israeli citizenship, serving in the IDF, or not opposing Israel.


  • The Arabic slur “Zionist dogs” directed at Druze appeared over 300 times.

  • The hashtag “#إسرائيل_عملاء_الدروز” (“The Druze are Israeli spies”) had over 5,700 posts and 4.2 million reach.

CyberWell notes that under the IHRA definition of antisemitism, these narratives remain antisemitic even when targeting non-Jews—because they rely on classic anti-Jewish conspiracy theories.

The anti-Druze protest in Berlin is not just a story about "sectarian" hate—it’s about how online antisemitism bleeds into real-world violence, targeting both Jews and those associated with them.

And yet, the New York Times, Washington Post, and other major English-language outlets are silent. They just couldn't be bothered.





Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 

Thursday, July 24, 2025

 By Daled Amos

For me, Salim symbolized the living partnership between us, certainly the covenant of blood. He was with me when I was in mourning and I was with him when he was in mourning – but a great living partnership. Salim Shufi was a great moral force. He was a splendid man – modest, deep and imbued with values; I loved him very much.

There are times when the media appear incredibly fickle in focusing their coverage of the news, especially in the Middle East. Even with their constant coverage of the region, we are all aware of what they will emphasize and where the media biases lie. 


The fighting began a week ago with clashes between Bedouin and fighters of the Druze community, which like some other minorities distrusts Sharaa's new Islamist government. Damascus sent troops to quell the fighting, but they were drawn into the violence and accused of widespread violations.

Interim President al-Sharaa has blamed the violence on "outlaw groups", promising to protect the rights of Druze and hold to account those who committed violations against them.

The article frames the conflict as sectarian violence between Druze and Bedouin. Later, it goes on to bring up Israeli measures to protect the Druze and mentions in passing Israel's justification for their bombings in Damascus, namely "the goal of protecting the Druze and keeping southern Syria demilitarized."

There is no explanation of why Israel is protecting the Druze in particular.

The Druze are a relatively small ethno-religious group whose beliefs and practices are relatively unknown. Their bond with Israel is partly explained by their loyalty to the state in which they reside. Those who live in Lebanon are loyal to Lebanon, those in Syria are loyal to Syria, and those in Israel are devoted to Israel. The Druze loyalty to Israel goes back to 1948 and even before that, to the Haganah.

And even earlier.

The bond between Jews and Druze goes back as early as the 12th century:

Benjamin of Tudela, the Jewish traveller who passed through Lebanon in 1165, was one of the first European writers to refer to the Druze by name. Even then, they were known as mountain-dwellers, and Benjamin described them as fearless warriors who favoured the Jews.

Although the Druze are Arabs, they have a historically strong connection not only with Israel, but with Jews in general, even back when Jews were neither strong nor a nation. This history helps explain the reason why Israel has actively defended the Druze, including those living in Syria.

And what exactly is Israel defending the Syrian Druze against?

John Spencer, author and researcher of urban warfare, posted on X on June 19:

The perpetrators include radical Islamist militants, Bedouin gangs, and regime-backed elements, all empowered by years of state collapse and lawlessness.

The carnage has been captured on video and is now spreading across social media. These are not vague reports or unverifiable claims. There is footage of Druze civilians being hunted down and executed. 

Elders are dragged into the streets. Their mustaches shaved in acts of humiliation. For the Druze, this is not just an insult, it is desecration. In Druze culture, facial hair, especially the mustache, is a powerful symbol of dignity, piety, and manhood. Elder men are traditionally known for their modest appearance, religious devotion, and strict adherence to tradition, including the wearing of facial hair as a sign of spiritual discipline. Forcing a Druze elder to be shaved is meant to strip him of identity, honor, and religious status in front of his community. It is not just abuse. It is psychological warfare. It is a calculated act of degradation meant to erase who they are.

Women are stripped and assaulted. Men are beaten, tortured, and forced to leap from rooftops as militants cheer. More than one video shows Druze men being driven to the edge of their balconies, their homes surely quiet moments before. Balconies once filled with carefully nourished plants are suddenly overrun by screaming men with AK-47s. The peaceful stillness of domestic life is shattered by terror. The Druze men are forced to climb over the railings. As they leap, they are shot multiple times as they are leaping to their deaths. It is a special kind of evil. Deliberate. Performative. Proud.

All of it is filmed. All of it is shared online for the enjoyment of the killers...

The New York Times takes the same understated approach as Reuters:

The clashes, between armed groups from Bedouin tribes and the Druse religious minority, erupted earlier this month and renewed fears of widespread sectarian violence and attacks against religious minorities.

In a world where terrorists are "freedom fighters" or "militants," we see "massacres" melt away, to be replaced by "sectarian violence". If only these minority groups could get their act together and learn to live with one another so al-Sharaa and his government didn't have to step in and keep the peace!

But Reuters and The New York Times are not framing an accurate narrative.

In a recent edition of Ask Haviv Anything, Haviv Rettig Gur spoke with Rania Fadel Dean, who comes from a prominent Israeli Druze family. Her organization, Covenant, teaches Americans about the Druze community. Dean criticized the prevailing media narrative:

[T]he basic narrative in the international press is that there's this sectarian violence there, you know, this one Middle Eastern tribe and this other Middle Eastern tribe, and you know how it is with Middle Eastern tribes. And so there's a bunch of violence and the Syrian government is coming in to sort it out, and the Israelis are, again, bombing somebody.

The reality is something different. There is a pattern at work that the media fails to explore. She describes Shaara's pattern, referring to him as Julani--his name when he led Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham, a terrorist branch of al-Qaeda:

Julani always does that. He sends this HTS forces, or as they call them Kouwa al-Amn al-Aam, which is the security forces. They send them, they do the massacre, and after that he comes. He speaks to the Western media or the Western leaders, and he whispers this: "I can't control them; I have to open a real investigation and everyone who did that will be punished, and we will pay for that."

This pattern was also pointed out in Israel by Gideon Saar:


Hiba Zayadin, a senior researcher at Human Rights Watch, responded to the Syrian government's investigation of the massacres--which has been criticized as not going far enough--as showing a pattern:
These are not isolated incidents, but part of a recurring pattern of abuse tolerated, and at times facilitated, by the authorities. We are now seeing that same pattern extend to violations against Druse communities.
The Wall Street Journal gives some concrete details on the extent to which al-Shaara's government exacerbated and facilitated the massacres:
Hundreds of the armed Arab Bedouin tribesmen who entered Sweida on July 13 successfully passed through dozens of government checkpoints, mostly run by Sunni Muslim forces.

On July 14th, Syria’s Defense Ministry announced the death of at least six of its soldiers after an ambush by “unlawful groups,” a term they use to refer to Druze militias.

On July 19th, Sharaa described the Bedouin tribes in a televised address as “a symbol of noble values and principles,” and went so far as to praise their nationwide mobilization to defend their community. By contrast, in the same speech, he referred to Druze militias as “outlaws.”

Last Friday, Volker Türk, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, said that his office had documented an attack where “Armed individuals affiliated with the interim authorities deliberately opened fire at a family gathering.”


And some Syrian Druze are even carrying Israeli flags:


It is not clear how long and how far Israel can go to defend the Druze in Syria. Leaders in the West may still be giddy after having visited Syria and shaking al-Shaara's hand. They may be too vested in his taking control and dealing with the various factions and instability--too vested to raise questions on just how much sense it made to give the "former" jihadi leader free rein, and financial support, in war-torn Syria.

But they will always have Israel to criticize.





Buy EoZ's books  on Amazon!

"He's an Anti-Zionist Too!" cartoon book (December 2024)

PROTOCOLS: Exposing Modern Antisemitism (February 2022)

   
 

 

Wednesday, July 16, 2025

By Daled Amos



The Abraham Accords are perpetually in the news. Sometimes, the pundits suggest a new Arab country is about to join the accords. At other times, an analyst may criticize the whole idea of the accords. This week, The New York Times is attacking the Abraham Accords, claiming the agreement has not lived up to its name, never has, and perhaps never will. In a nutshell:
The 2020 agreements addressed diplomacy and commerce, not conflicts or the Palestinians. Predictions that the deals would produce regional peace were baseless, analysts say.
And those three analysts chosen for the article are very clear on what the problem is: 
o  Hussein Ibish, a senior resident scholar at the Arab Gulf States Institute: “It’s got nothing to do with peace. Peace was the way it was branded, and marketed. But that doesn’t mean that it makes any sense. This was not an agreement that ends the war.”

o  Abdulaziz Alghashian, a Saudi researcher and senior nonresident fellow at the Gulf International Forum: “'Who is involved in this ‘regional peace’?' he said he had found himself asking supporters of the Abraham Accords. He said he realized that for some, it is a concept that relies on 'a complete avoidance of the Palestinian issue.'”

o  Marc Lynch, a political science and international affairs professor at George Washington University: "The Abraham Accords were premised on the notion of Arab-Israeli cooperation while skipping past the Palestinians, but 'that was always a mistake, and it wasn’t such a shock when Gaza proved it was a mistake.'” 
According to these analysts, the Abraham Accords are an agreement that fails to end "the [Palestinian] war," are a "complete avoidance of the Palestinian issue," and "skips past the Palestinians." That is their complaint in a nutshell. On the opposing side, the article presents the White House's opinion, but does not quote any of the scholars or analysts who support the Abraham Accords.

As for avoiding the "Palestinian issue," it is not as if Israel has been avoiding agreements with the Palestinian Arabs over all these years. If the analysts believe that Israel should be making even more concessions to the Palestinian Arabs, maybe they can suggest what those would be, along with what can be expected from the Palestinian Arabs--such as stopping payments to imprisoned terrorists. At no point in the article do the analysts, or the article itself, accuse Israel of ignoring Palestinian requests to sit and talk.

In the meantime, Israel lives in a tough neighborhood and has interests in that "regional peace" that go beyond just the Palestinian Arabs. While the article suggests, "In effect, the deals bypassed the central conflict, between Israel and the Palestinians," this overlooks Iran's role as the leading state sponsor of terrorism. It is well worth Israel's time to acquire alliances against Iran, contrary to The New York Times and its parochial view of the Middle East. 

Besides, the Palestinian Arabs have a stake in the region as well. As Aryeh Lightstone, US envoy to the Abraham Accords and advisor to Ambassador David Friedman, said in an interview in 2023:
We believe the problem is not the Palestinian people. The problem is the so-called leadership of the Palestinians. Anything that enfranchises the leadership is a mistake for the region and the Saudis see that also. If there is something that helps the Palestinians have better jobs and better opportunities, I think Israel would embrace it. I think the region should embrace it.
He goes on to suggest:
If it hadn't been for COVID and if we had had the support of the Abraham Accord countries also, then the Emiratis or Saudis or Moroccans could have come in and built Palestinian Arab businesses and industrial zones -- better than the US or Israel could do it.
The criticism that the Abraham Accords should not be labeled a "peace deal" is understandable. Of the three Arab countries--UAE, Bahrain, and Morocco--Israel has only been in conflict with 
Morocco, and even then only minimally during the Yom Kippur War in 1973. You can chalk up that "marketing" angle to having a president who is a businessman. Note that if you do a search for "Oslo Accords peace deal," you get 1,470 hits--even though those accords are an interim deal and are also not considered a peace deal per se.

However, the bias of the article goes beyond picking analysts who all share one opinion.

According to the article:
Sudan, often cited as a candidate to be the next Arab country to join, has not established diplomatic relations with Israel.

This is not accurate. Sudan signed the accords in January 2021 and also went on to repeal its 1958 law banning relations with Israel that April. What they did not do was formally recognize Israel. Sudan’s political instability following a 2021 coup and civil war since April 2023, stalled the process. The article refers to those problems, but cynically presents them as examples of issues in the region in the face of the accords, without ever mentioning the steps Sudan has taken short of establishing formal relations.

An even more ridiculous claim is that:

Years of overtures to persuade Saudi Arabia to join the accords have so far failed. The Biden administration took up that mantle fervently, pursuing a deal built on the United States granting major benefits to the kingdom.
This, of course, is nonsense.

This is the same Joe Biden who publicly called Saudi Arabia a pariah during the Democratic presidential debates:
I would make it very clear we were not going to, in fact, sell more weapons to them. We were going to, in fact, make them pay the price and make them in fact the pariah that they are. There's very little social redeeming value of in the present government in Saudi Arabia, and I would also as pointed out I would end the subsidies that we have and the sale of material to the Saudis, where they're going in and murdering children. And they're murdering innocent people, and so they have to be held accountable.
Biden did not "take up that mantle." He threw it in the face of the Saudis. and deliberately created distance between his Administration and Saudi Arabia. The Washington Free Beacon reported in June 2021 that the Biden State Department discouraged referring to the agreement by name. Things got so bad that when asked in May 2021, Press Secretary Jen Psaki told reporters:
We are not following the tactics of the prior administration. Aside from putting together a peace proposal that was dead on arrival, we don’t think [the previous administration] did anything constructive to really bring an end to the longstanding conflict in the Middle East.
This is why, in March 2023, the New York Times quoted the same analyst quoted above, Abdulaziz Alghashian, about the dislike the Saudis had for Biden:
Mr. Alghashian said it was unlikely that Saudi officials would actually facilitate a major foreign policy victory for Mr. Biden while he was still president, given their grievances with his administration.

The Saudi ruling elite do not want Biden to be the American president to take credit for Saudi-Israeli normalization, but they don’t mind Biden taking the blame for its absence,” he said.
Even then, there were indications that Biden did not have his eye on the Abraham Accords, but on China:
Any U.S-Saudi deal to upgrade relations will have a major economic component. The source said the U.S. wants to make sure that such a deal keeps Saudi Arabia closer to the U.S. when it comes to competition with China.
So when the article goes on to make claims about "a sweeping bombardment of Gaza," two million Palestinians facing "desperate hunger," and "more than 50,000 have been killed" with only a single generous reference to Hamas terrorists as "the Palestinian militia that ruled Gaza and received backing from Iran, led a fierce attack in Israel that killed more than 1,000 people"--The New York Times whitewash does not surprise us.

The New York Times is still pining for the two-state solution.

Tuesday, July 15, 2025

By Daled Amos


The Arab "victory" in the October War of 1973 created repercussions that are still felt today.

Of course, we know that Israel won that war. In fact, it beat back both the Egyptian and Syrian forces to the extent that the US had to pressure Israel to stop while its army was on the way to Cairo. Yet, according to scholar and author Raphael Patai, the initial success of the Egyptian military not only allowed Egypt to frame the war as a success for itself, but also as a victory for the Arab people as a whole. The dishonor and shame of Egypt's huge loss in 1967 during the Six-Day War were erased by this "victory" in 1973, and gave the Arabs renewed confidence.

Patai writes that this self-confidence contributed to their risking a confrontation with the West by imposing an oil embargo and quadrupling the price of crude oil. Even more important are the consequences of this new self-consequence vis-à-vis Israel.  Patai writes:
A manifestation of this new Arab self-confidence is the willingness to enter into disengagement agreements with Israel. It is, in this connection, characteristic that it is precisely Egypt, the country that won what it considers a victory over Israel, which has embarked on the road of negotiation with her, while those Arab countries that have fought Israel without being able to chalk up a victory over her, or have never even fought her, are opposed to all accommodation with her. [emphasis added] (xxiv - xxv)
According to Patai, Egypt's perceived victory in the October War gave Sadat the self-confidence to meet with Menachem Begin and set in motion the events that would result in peace between Egypt and Israel. On the flip side, the Arab countries that have no such face-saving experience or never fought Israel either lacked the necessary confidence to recognize Israel or--having never fought Israel--kept their distance and did not accept Israel's right to exist.

But there is another way to understand what motivates the Arab countries to make peace with the existence of Israel. Last week on the Commentary Magazine podcast, John Podhoretz, the editor of Commentary Magazine, made a contrary observation:
Let me let me mention that my father, Norman Podhoretz [former editor-in-chief of Commentary Magazine], said many, many years ago that if you follow the trajectory of the wars, the actual physical wars, that Israel has waged since the beginning of its existence, what you see is that when Israel wins a war, it knocks out enemies.
He goes on to break down the wars as follows:

Following the 1948 War of Independence, the participating countries that were nowhere near Israel's border "basically said, 'We're done. We don't like Israel. We're not for it. We're against it. But you know, don't look to us to play any kind of active role in any military operation against Israel in 1967'". 

With the Six-Day War in 1967, Israel knocked out Jordan as a military participant by defeating Jordan, taking the West Bank, and reuniting Jerusalem. 

Following Egypt's defeat in the 1973 Yom Kippur War, Sadat, four years later, flew to Jerusalem, effectively ending Egypt's participation in the war against Israel. 

In 1982, at the end of the Lebanon War, Syria effectively left the battlefield. Israel removes the PLO, and Syria basically no longer plays a role against Israel. When the first and second Intifadas happened inside Israel, there was no effort to open a second front on Israel's borders. Now, there is even talk of some form of normalization with Syria.



According to Podhoretz, there is no perceived victory. Instead, the Arab countries were beaten and they know it, and that defeat is what motivates the Arabs to reach some kind of accommodation with Israel.

A core misconception about Israel’s policy since Oct. 7 is that the country has favored military action at the expense of diplomacy. The truth is that it’s Israel’s decisive battlefield victories that have created diplomatic openings that have been out of reach for decades — and would have remained so if Israel hadn’t won...Wars don’t end because Greta Thunberg gets on a boat.
Where does that leave Iran, Israel's most dangerous remaining enemy?

Khamenei has claimed that Iran defeated Israel in the Twelve-Day War, pointing to the damage wreaked on civilian targets in Israeli cities. This "victory" hardly seems to be an inspiration for the mullahs to make peace with the Little Satan. They have invested too much in an Israeli enemy to suddenly make peace. The conflict is hardwired into their ideology. And as a defeat, it is not deep enough to consider making peace, which again would run into a conflict with their ideology.

Neither framing that war as a victory nor admitting it as a defeat will move peace forward. That may explain why there is so much talk about regime change.

In an interview last week with Iran expert Meir Javedanfar on a FDD [Foundation for Defense of Democracies] podcast, there was a discussion about the deep divisions within the Iranian government between those who want to change the system and listen to the Iranian people and those who want things to stay as they are--and their motivation is not exactly theology. Javedanfar explains:
[T]here are those who want to continue with the same policies as June 12th, which is the same as the status quo, basically to continue with whatever the Islamic Republic was doing before, and they feel very threatened because any change could lead to billions of dollars worth of lost business.
In this context, Jonathan Schanzer, executive director at FDD, asked about the apparent fatwa issued by Iranian religious leaders against Trump's life. Javedanfar responded:
I think it is bluster. This fatwa is part of this struggle within the Islamic Republic for the future of the Islamic Republic, which I said, in my previous comments, there are people who want to make it as difficult as possible for the regime to change direction, because they have a lot of money and a lot of positions to lose.

As long as there are Iranian leaders deliberately standing in the way of any shift, there will be no meaningful change. Even the collapsing economy does not motivate them. And regime change itself seems unlikely, considering the apparent weakness of the opposition. Iran's religious leaders are not so different from Hamas. Both have effectively taken their people hostage, have benefited financially, and will not be easily dislodged.

Jonathan Schanzer refers to the Middle East as a "basket case."
These are two reasons why.



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Wednesday, July 09, 2025

By Daled Amos


In 2011, during an interview, Bernard Lewis discussed the beginnings of a phenomenon that later blossomed into the Abraham Accords. In response to a question from Dan Diker about the threat of Iran, Professor Lewis responded that Iran's hostility to Israel was a very negative factor, but also a positive factor:
An increasing number of people in the Arab world are coming to the conclusion that their main danger, the main threat to their world is not Israel, but Iran. And that Israel might even be a useful ally in confronting the Iranian danger. I heard this view expressed by people in Egypt and other Arab countries, and that's an encouraging sign. You still have a very limited response, but the fact that it exists at all is quite remarkable...there are more and more people who in private conversation will tell you that they are beginning to see Israel as a positive element in the region, as an example of a smoothly functioning democracy.
Bernard Lewis was proven right when the UAE and Bahrain signed onto the Accords in 2020, followed by Sudan and Morocco. 
These Arab countries gain strengthened economic ties, enhanced security cooperation, and improved diplomatic relations with Israel and the US. In addition to improved relations with several Arab nations, increased trade, tourism, and diplomatic ties, Israel benefits from enhanced security cooperation and reduced regional tensions. 

And then came October 7th, which was intended, in part, to derail the Abraham Accords.

October 7th has been described as the fuse that ignited events leading all the way to the 12-day war between Israel and Iran. But that day may arguably be what raised moderate Arab support for Israel up a notch.

Just one day after the Hamas massacre on October 7th, Haaretz reported, Support for Israel in Arab World No Longer Taboo. The article's subtitle suggested that the attack inspired the beginning of Arab blowback against Hamas in a way that we had not seen before:
Up until Hamas’ surprise invasion, social media in Arab countries justified what they deemed necessary in the fight for Palestinian rights. Dissenting voices are starting to ask what that fight should look like.
Haaretz quotes Arab journalist Jasem Aljuraid. Just a few hours after the attack, he posted on X:
“I am a Kuwaiti and I stand by Israel. Any Kuwaiti who forgets the treachery of the Palestinian leadership is ignorant. My solidarity is with the Palestinian and the Israeli people. We want to uproot Hamas and the PLO.

Aljuraid continued: “These people have lost the ability to manage the interests of the Palestinians. Poverty is rife there, and their leaders have assets valued in the billions.”

He added


To some degree, the Abraham Accords and the improved Israel-Arab relations have helped pro-Israel advocates in the Arab World make their views heard. Bahraini social activist Shaheen Aljenaid appeared on X on the day of the attack and condemned Hamas in no uncertain terms:



Haaretz also quotes Saudi influencer Amjad Taha, an expert in diplomatic strategy with almost half a million followers. He tweeted in Hebrew: “In the Arab, Muslim, and free world, we support Israel and condemn the Palestinian terror attacks. As you can see in today’s videos, it is a struggle between a civilized nation and barbaric militias.”

Taha addressed Israel directly:

Be strong and respond forcefully. The world has changed, only terrorists stand with these militias. Normalization talks will continue, and other countries will join. These barbarians who are trying to stop it will not succeed.

This response from Arab moderates continued. A year later, in October 2024, MEMRI posted on their website: Arab Media Figures Slam Hamas: It Is The Real Enemy Of The Gazans

Against the backdrop of the ongoing war in Gaza, liberal Arab journalists and media figures have intensified their criticism of Hamas and its leadership on social media. In numerous posts on their personal accounts, they argued that Hamas is a terrorist organization that serves the interests of Iran while taking Gaza back to the Stone Age and bringing a catastrophe and a second Nakba upon the Palestinian people. The writers directed sharp criticism at the movement's leaders, who live in luxury hotels outside Gaza while showing indifference to the suffering of the Gazans and using them as human shields for Hamas' operatives. The writers also expressed outrage at the execution of Israeli hostages in Hamas tunnels and called on Hamas to agree to a prisoner exchange deal in order to end the war. Some of them also called on Arab countries to act against Hamas to put an end to the destruction and the tragedy in Gaza.
Among those quoted are Saudi influencer Abdullah Al‑Tawilaʽi and Palestinian journalist Ayman Khaled. 

Even Qatar's Al Jazeera took notice of the condemnation of Hamas coming from the Arab Gulf states, though they made sure to quote Arab condemnations of Israel as well, reporting The Arab position on the aggression on the Gaza Strip... a new low:
[T]he UAE did not hide its anger at Hamas's behavior. Minister of State for International Cooperation Reem Al Hashimy declared to the Security Council on November 24, 2023, in language completely uncommon in Arab literature, that Hamas's attacks on October 7 were "barbaric and heinous." She demanded the immediate release of the "hostages," and described Hamas' actions as "crimes." [translation by Google Translate]
Al Jazeera quotes American diplomat and author Dennis Ross as having spoken with Arab leaders after October 7. Those Arab leaders told him that Hamas in Gaza needed to be destroyed, and warned that if Hamas appeared victorious, it would legitimize their radical ideology.  

In the context of the growing condemnations of Hamas in the media, the Haaretz article concludes on a hopeful note:
The condemnations heard in the Arab world suggest that the taboo around the nature of the Palestinian struggle has been cracked. From now on, Arab countries may take part in setting new rules for the conflict, according to which not all forms of resistance are permitted and desired.
This was on October 8, 2023.

Last week, the podcast Our Middle East touched on the issue of Arab media reporting on the growing anger in Gaza against Hamas and whether the Arab media itself was sufficiently vocal in calling for regime change in Gaza. The host of the podcast, Dan Diker, asked Arab journalist Khaled Abu Toameh for his thoughts. Abu Toameh replied:
I do hear many voices, Dan, on social media, on Arab TV networks, that do call for regime change, that are critical of Hamas, but I agree with you. They are not loud enough, they are not wide enough. These are limited voices here and there. And I think the reason is because many Arabs are afraid of being portrayed as being Zionists on the payroll of the Jewish Lobby, or Zionist Arabs, or of being--you know--anti-Palestinian. And you know, where most of the criticism comes from; it comes from Westerners.

If an Arab criticizes Hamas, you have all these Western people criticizing this Arab, calling him a Zionist, a traitor, a collaborator with Israel. I mean, that's the irony--that the attacks come from Westerners, people at university campuses in the US, in Canada, even in Australia. And we haven't even talked about the voices from Europe.

So there are voices. They're not enough, they're not being amplified, and I think this is the role that people like us should play, by bringing this to the attention of the Arab world, of other people. But I do hear these voices that are demanding regime change in Gaza.
Israel's success against Hezbollah, Syria, and Iran may have helped to re-energize the moderates in the Arab world against Hamas. Having the outspoken Donald Trump as the president of the US certainly has not hurt either. That makes the next few weeks and the focus on a cease-fire between Israel and Hamas all the more crucial in giving that voice of the Arab world a needed push.



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Tuesday, July 01, 2025

By Daled Amos

Among the right-wing republican isolationists weighing in about the Israel-Iran war is Steve Bannon, a former member of Trump's inner circle. Last week, Bannon chimed in on X to inform his followers that Israel was a protectorate--and not a very essential one at that:

Elder of Ziyon points out that Bannon is wide of the mark: of all the things for Bannon to hang his claim of Israel being a protectorate, he rests his case on Israel not helping the US in the assassination of Soleimani. 

Bannon is wrong.


Associated Press quotes NBC News about how Israel helped the US pinpoint Soleimani's location. It also refers to Yahoo News, which reports specifically that Israel supplied the US with his cellphone numbers, so they could track him down.

This is not the only detail Bannon gets wrong. Near the beginning of the war, Bannon hosted Yoram Hazony, president of the Herzl Institute in Jerusalem and author of The Virtue of Nationalism and The Jewish State: The Struggle for Israel's Soul, and other books. Bannon tells Hazony that Netanyahu caused Trump to detour from his stated goal to rely on negotiations with Iran: 

The course he [Trump] wanted was a negotiated deal as he just said, right there, 'I'm talking to these guys. I'm on the phone. I want to negotiate a deal.' Why suddenly we have to go with where we have 12 or 13 months [till Iran goes nuclear]?

We can give Bannon the benefit of the doubt that he had not yet realized that Trump's public pushing for negotiations was a ruse. But Hazony reminds him that Trump did not limit himself to endless diplomacy.

You and I both remember President Trump in his first speech,  laying out this policy. He was already saying it last December, and January, and February, when he came into the administration. President Trump, as far as I'm aware, has not budged an inch, not an inch. He must have said this a hundred times. His policy was Iran cannot get a nuclear bomb.

If we can get it by negotiation, that's what we're going to do, and if we can't get it by negotiation, then we're going to have to do it some other way. We've all heard him say this over and over and over again.

Bannon does not push the issue. Instead, he tries a different tack, hammering away on why Israel had to attack Iran so soon, on Thursday-Friday. He claims that Netanyahu pushed for the attack on Iran for the most crass political motives, and in the process destabilized the region and brought the United States into the mess.

We back Israel more than anybody. And the question still is, why did it have to go Thursday and Friday night?

And now we know it's regime change. The problem the Maga right has with this, it looks like a crass, political move by Bibi Netanyahu, who is vastly unpopular in Israel. I think his popularity is 30%

Hazony corrects Bannon's mistake immediately:
So let's take this example that Tucker brought up, the supposed 30% popularity rating of Bibi Netanyahu. So I heard that this evening and I went and I checked it and the most recent polls put Bibi Netanyahu at 54 percent, 30 points ahead of Naftali Bennett, who is the number 2 contender for the prime ministership, a 30 point spread. By the way, if you go back a month or 2 and take a look at the same poll before the war, you'll see that it was almost exactly the same.

There's been nobody anywhere near Bibi Netanyahu in terms of popularity as far as appropriateness, to be the Prime Minister of the state of Israel for years.
This could be the poll Hazony is referring to, right after the war started:



Hazony continues his point. The issue is more than just election statistics:
So look, we have to get back to the point where all of us natcon, nationalist conservative people, we have different views on different things, but we've got to get back to the point where we're having a reasonable conversation where the information that we're using is information that's based on facts. That's unfortunately, not what's happening.
In response to Bannon's follow-up question as to why Haaretz is a "suboptimal" news source, Hazony responds with a brief history:
Ha'aretz represents the leftmost 5% of the Jewish population in the state of Israel. It's a newspaper with a very small circulation that has a great deal of prestige because it's read by our lefty elite classes. But look into it. Not only is Ha'aretz historically the newspaper that opposed the establishment of the state of Israel, but the Shocken family that founded it was anti-Zionist; they were against the establishment of the state of Israel. It is a newspaper that, over the years, has fought tooth and nail for what we in Israel call Post-Zionism, for the elimination of the Jewish character of the state, for the elimination of the right of return to Jews to the state of Israel, and on political issues.
This raises a "chicken or the egg" question: does the far right attack Israel because they read Haaretz, or do they read Haaretz to get their ammunition to attack Israel? Either way, Bannon's grasp of Israel is flawed.

His claim that Israel is not an ally of the United States, but is at best a protectorate, is also flawed. In a recent podcast, Ask Haviv Anything, Haviv Rettig Gur--political correspondent and senior analyst for The Times of Israel--examines the US-Israel relationship, and how it serves as an example to other countries, and as the implementation of a new US policy.

In A New Dawn In The Middle East, Gur spells out the special nature of that alliance:
What you just saw last night was the latest iteration of how the US-Israel relationship actually works. It isn't Israeli dependence on America, it is the opposite. It's Israeli independence and using that Israeli independence, I want to argue America essentially invented a new security architecture for the world, and it's the old architecture it has always had with Israel. Israel is a very different ally from Japan or Germany, or the Philippines or Taiwan or many, many other countries--South Korea,you name it--that depend on the United States.
 
Israel does not depend on the United States and israel's enemies need it to be dependent on the United States and constantly argue that it's dependent on the United States and mostly they argue that because of their own egos, because Israel has yet to be destroyed.
The claim that Israel is a protectorate, dependent on the US, is tied to the ideology of Arabs, Muslims, college students, and progressives who label Israel a colonial entity that must disappear. It is a claim that fails to see what is happening. In his post on X, Bannon claims "there’s going to be a major reset," and he is right--but it is very different from what he has in mind. It recognizes the strength and independence of Israel:
This is foundational to Trump's brand of isolationism. The United States can still secure the world, protect the world, and police the world without having to secure, protect, and police it.

And the basic idea is the ally does the heavy lifting. The local ally and the United States comes in to deliver the coup de grâce. That's exactly America's value-added, without all the massive cost to the American people, the American economy, American blood and treasure. And the Israelis have just demonstrated what that relationship could be and Trump was convinced by the Israelis. Not by Israeli begging, not by Israeli dependents, but by Israeli independence.
This strategic strength of Israel is what convinced Trump to send in the B-2s. Israel was not a distraction from Trump's isolationist policy--it spearheaded it:
The Israeli willingness to go it alone, the Israeli willingness to deliver massive strategic successes--that's what brought Trump in. If the Israelis had hobbled along and tried to strike, but hundreds of missiles had hit the Israeli civilian front and Israel had failed to take out launchers, failed to strike a great many of the nuclear sites, failed to decapitate half of the regime's leadership, Trump would not have joined. Trump would have pressured Israel to stop.
 
This posture by the Israelis, this willingness to go it alone, to do things that don't fit the calculations of others is what first created the American strategic support for Israel.
This paradigm of the special US-Israeli relationship is a model to other countries and can usher in a "reset" far beyond what Bannon thinks he sees.
If I were Taiwan today, I would double and triple down in the Taiwanese capability to face down China. You want America behind you? Make sure it isn't too much American blood on the line, when the war comes. Ditto, Japan. Ditto South Korea. The way you hold America is, by being able to defend yourself. America will come in and deliver its grand strategic element that it can add to your strategy, because it has that scale, because it has that technology. America doesn't put boots on the ground anymore, and America is not going to bleed for anybody. And I don't blame it.
Trump may be on the verge of expanding the Abraham Accords, but there is more here. It is an isolationist policy that does not leave the door open to China, Russia--or even Iran to do as they please. And it does not abandon allies either. But it will require those allies to stand up for themselves, to show some independence. Like Israel.




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