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Sunday, November 26, 2023

11/26 Links: Day 3: 14 Israelis, 3 Thais freed from Gaza; Now we know: Israel was right about how Hamas operates; Hamas, the Colonial Occupier

From Ian:

The West's Incoherent Critique of Israel's Gaza Strategy
Since Hamas's October 7 massacre of more than 1,200 Israelis, a multitude of voices—from U.S. senators to the Chilean president, from the Norwegian prime minister to United Nations officials—has attempted to strike a similar line: that while Israel has the right to self-defense, its current operation in Gaza is disproportionate. Presumably, this same group would support a more targeted operation, but when pressed to explain what such an operation would look like, they demur, and instead say that one should ask “military experts.”

Well, I am a military expert. I have studied military operations in Gaza for a decade now. What would a more targeted operation look like? I have no idea.

Israel has tried more limited operations in Gaza before. In 2012, it conducted limited air campaigns like Operation Pillar of Defense or, more recently, 2021's Operation Guardian of the Walls. It also tried limited ground campaigns in Operation Cast Lead from 2008 to 2009, as well as Operation Protective Edge in 2014. During all of these campaigns, many voices similar to those now criticizing Israel's actions criticized those more targeted operations as disproportionate. For Israel, the lesson from these prior conflicts is that limiting its operations may not actually placate its critics.

But more important, from Israel's perspective, is the fact that these limited operations were not successful. Israel has tried to kill Mohammed Deif, the commander of Hamas's military wing, seven times already, to no avail. The Israeli success rate against Hamas infrastructure has proved similarly limited. Yehia Sinwar, Hamas's Gaza leader, claimed that Operation Guardian of the Walls only succeeded in damaging a mere 5 percent of Hamas's tunnel network beneath Gaza in 2021. And one need only look at the October 7 attacks for evidence that Hamas's military capabilities remained very much intact after all previous, more targeted operations.

Moreover, once we unpack what Israel's right to self-defense actually means in practical terms, the differences between so-called targeted operations and what Israeli operations have been to date begin to blur. At a minimum, a right to self-defense should allow Israel to rescue its hostages, prevent Hamas's ability to launch another October 7–style attack—which it has already promised to do—and kill or capture those responsible for October 7.

With more than 200 hostages embedded somewhere among 2 million or more residents of Gaza, a rescue presents the ultimate needle-in-a-haystack problem for Israel. Ideally, Israel would have exquisite intelligence about each hostage's whereabouts. More likely, though, Israel needs to comb through Gaza, building by building, street by street, tunnel by tunnel. That is a slow, painstaking endeavor, one that forces Israel into the large-scale ground operation that we presently see unfolding. Hamas, of course, will resist such an incursion, leading to intense firefights in some of the most densely packed areas on Earth.

There are, however, inevitable second-order consequences once we stipulate that Israel has the right to try to rescue hostages by force without knowing their exact locations. Israel needs to have control over who can and cannot leave Gaza, if only to prevent Hamas from smuggling its hostages to places unknown. Control over access also means controlling fuel going into Gaza. Hostage rescue is a delicate business where even seconds matter, given that Hamas has threatened to execute its hostages.

The second goal—to prevent Hamas from launching another October 7–style attack—requires a similar approach. Hamas does not have traditional military bases. Instead, most of Hamas's military capabilities are underground, in a vast, estimated 500-kilometer network of tunnels running throughout the Gaza Strip. The Israeli military says—and outside media have documented on many occasions—that many of these tunnels run under civilian infrastructure, including mosques, hospitals, and schools.

Detecting and destroying these tunnels also forces Israel to go into Gaza on the ground. Although Israel has pioneered a range of technological solutions for tunnel detection, these methods remain imperfect and often require troops to be relatively close to their targets, increasing the chances of large-scale firefights in populated areas. Clearing those tunnels, once they are found, poses still more challenges. Airstrikes inevitably destroy whatever is above the tunnels. But even if soldiers instead try to pack a tunnel full of explosives to destroy it, few buildings in the world, much less in Gaza, are designed to withstand that kind of subterranean blast.

Finally, let's turn to the third objective: killing or capturing those responsible for the October 7 attacks. Israel estimates that some 3,000 Hamas and other militants entered Israel during the attack. Some of these militants were killed in the attack, but many escaped back to Gaza. Moreover, if we include in Israel's right to self-defense the elimination of those who helped plan and organize the attack, the number grows even larger. The U.S. National Counterterrorism Center places Hamas's total membership—let alone the smaller militant groups—at 20,000 to 25,000 as of September 2022. In practical terms, killing or capturing those responsible for October 7 means either thousands or potentially tens of thousands of airstrikes or raids dispersed throughout the Gaza Strip. Raids conducted on that scale are no longer a limited, targeted operation. It's a full-blown war.
JPost Editorial: Now we know: Israel was right about how Hamas operates
For years Israel has said that Hamas conducts its ongoing campaign of terrorism against Israel from within civilian sites in Gaza: homes, businesses, schools, refugee facilities… and hospitals.

And for years it had always been dismissed by the international community as paranoia or disinformation, or met with shrugs from those who agreed but had no idea what to do about it.

The horrific October 7 massacre by Hamas that forced Israel to declare war against the terrorist government of Gaza was launched with the declaration that Israel, once and for all, was going to do something about it.

The evidence that Israel had been correct all along about Hamas’s nefarious mode of operation began to pile up soon after the IDF began its offensive.

Early last week, IDF Spokesman R.-Adm. Daniel Hagari revealed an underground Hamas command center under Gaza’s Rantisi Hospital that contained not only suicide vests, rocket-propelled grenades, and a variety of weapons, but also signs, such as baby bottles, that Hamas had held Israeli hostages there.

Hagari said there was both evidence and independent intelligence information that Hamas terrorists had returned directly to the hospital after committing the atrocities of October 7.

He also noted that an IDF robot found additional terror tunnels, which were powered by electricity being siphoned off from the hospital for use by the terrorists underground.

That prompted US National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan to tell CNN, “You can see even from open source reporting that Hamas does use hospitals, along with a lot of other civilian facilities, for command-and-control, for storing weapons, for housing its fighters. Without getting into this specific hospital or that specific claim, this is Hamas’ track record, both historically and in this conflict.”
Hamas, the Colonial Occupier
Many of Hamas’s transgressions are well understood. Hamas is a major terrorist organization. It is animated by a death cult of killing its enemies and martyring its adherents for a trip to paradise. It lives and breathes antisemitism. It is dedicated to an eliminationist, if not a total exterminationist, program against Israel and Jews. On October 7th, its willing executioners perpetrated a gruesome, gleeful and proto-genocidal mass murderous assault on Jewish adults, children and babies. Hamas and its members reveled in the cruelty and murderousness toward their Jewish victims. Hamas violates international law in a host of ways—using hospitals and schools and mosques as weapons depots or as operational headquarters. Systematically and on a wide scale, Hamas commits war crimes, not as a by-the-way, but as a core strategic aspect of its never-ending war against Israel and Jews.

But what is not recognized about Hamas is that it is, in its essence, a colonial occupier. If we take self-determination of a country’s populace, with free and fair democratic elections, as a right and a good in itself, and as a necessary means for citizens’ control over their government’s composition and, ultimately governing policy, then we should reconceptualize Hamas (and many other countries’ regimes) as colonialists, and its undemocratic government and its officials and followers as colonial occupiers.

Let us say that an outside power takes over a hypothetical country called Democracy. It dismantles democratic institutions, curtails freedom of expression and the media, criminalizes homosexuality, and establishes a highly repressive dictatorship of the gun. It exploits the country’s resources for its own gain and to the immiseration of the country’s peoples. And it uses their homes, places of worship, hospitals, and schools as staging grounds for attacking a neighboring country.

The attack brings, in predictable return-fire, large-scale death and destruction to the hypothetical country’s people and property. This is a foreseeable and, on the part of the outside colonizer, even a desired consequence, because it calculates that the death and destruction will elicit widespread international sympathy and support.

Most observers and pundits and ordinary people would immediately deem this outside power as an illegitimate colonialist occupier: It has conquered a country, done away with self-determination, systematically stolen scarce resources, and used extreme violence to kill and endanger many of the country’s people.

Why, when we substitute for the outside power, an inside power that seized control of the government and the country, say sixteen years ago, and enacts the same policies of exploitation, endangerment, repression and of use of civilians as human shields, so that thousands upon thousands of them needlessly die or suffer grievous wounds and watch helplessly as their homes and neighborhoods get pulverized—why do we not recognize this inside power as also a colonial regime, only one that practices internal rather than external colonialization?


Jonathan Freedland [Guardian]: Israel, a nation at war
Which is why hopes that this weekend’s ceasefire might signal the beginning of the end are probably wide of the mark. This may not even be the end of the beginning. Israeli policymakers are braced for a long campaign, even if it is not fought at the intensity of the last seven weeks. And there is some disbelief, as well as disappointment, that the rest of the world focuses on the cost of this effort rather than what Israelis see as its necessity. To Israelis, the high civilian death toll in Gaza is entirely down to Hamas’s strategy of placing military positions in or close to civilian sites: schools, clinics, mosques and hospitals. Hamas, they say, exploited Israel’s wariness of hitting such targets, giving the organisation free rein. No longer, say Israel’s military and political planners. “Once they’re used for military purposes, we’re entitled to treat them as military targets,” says Assaf Orion, a retired brigadier general now with the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. “Sanctuaries lose their sanctity - and still we restrain ourselves.”

Yet if Israelis are currently united in their determination to defeat Hamas, and have become more hawkish, that should not be misunderstood as support for the far-right government of Benjamin Netanyahu. On the contrary, the prime minister is now widely reviled.

There is cold fury at his previous strategy of building up Hamas, to undermine Fatah and the Palestinian Authority; the epic security failure of 7 October; and his attempt to weaken the judiciary to expand his own power, a move that split Israelis rancorously down the middle for most of this year.

When I saw the former prime minister Naftali Bennett at his home outside Tel Aviv, he was excoriating on the damage done by what critics called Netanyahu’s judicial coup. “I do think that the past year tore Israel apart, weakened our immune system and invited a war.”

There is rage too at the once-revered Israeli army, the way it failed to rescue and defend the residents of the south for so many long, perilous hours.

“We felt abandoned, and that feeling has not passed,” says Tal Peer-Danino, who is eight months pregnant and hid with her two toddlers from 6.30am until 11pm on 7 October, waiting for the army to come. Of Netanyahu she is even more damning: “He doesn’t see us.”

The state’s failure has continued, being all but absent in the recovery effort. It is striking that the evacuees have been equipped, clothed and counselled by volunteers and donors.

In the south, you can see pop-up barbecues by the roadside, feeding the soldiers. Israelis say civil society has stepped into the vacuum left by a government that has rotted thanks to Netanyahu’s habit of appointing useless cronies and hacks to run essential public services. For some, all this is a rare cause for hope.

“It’s our darkest hour in terms of governmental failure and institutional failure,” says Bennett, Netanyahu’s predecessor. “But it truly is Israel’s finest hour in terms of the courage of ordinary Israeli men and women.”

Plenty talk of this being a reset moment for Israel, imagining that after this war the country will do what Britain did in 1945 and address a whole range of problems that have festered for decades, from integration of Israel’s Arab and ultra-orthodox Jewish citizens to grappling at last with the question of living alongside the Palestinians.

There are some Israelis with lurid fantasies of banishing the Palestinians altogether, just as Hamas and Hezbollah ideologues dream of getting rid of the Jews. But most know that, eventually, something will have to be worked out. The trouble is, no one can even glimpse what that might be or how to get there.

For now, such thoughts could not be more distant. Many of the old dreamers of peace were murdered on 7 October: the southern kibbutzim contained more than their fair share of peaceniks, including those who would have demanded Israelis pay attention to the plight of the people of Gaza. Those who are left behind are still reeling from the shock.

As we drove away from Kibbutz Kissufim, Hasson – who had been communicating with me in a mixture of English and Hebrew – reached for Google Translate so he could say exactly what he wanted to say. On the screen it said: “All my life, I thought a human being was the most magnificent creation in the world. I didn’t think people could do such things. It doesn’t make sense.”

He looks at me, his eyes asking for understanding, asking to see what he has seen. And then his phone rings. It is his grandson. The ringtone is Louis Armstrong, singing his delight that we live in a wonderful world.
Irish PM panned for saying freed hostage child Emily Hand ‘found’ after she was ‘lost’
In a tweet that was quickly lambasted, Irish Prime Minister Leo Varadkar welcomed the release Saturday of Israeli-Irish hostage Emily Hand, saying “an innocent child who was lost has now been found.”

The tweet from Varadkar did not mention that the 9-year-old Hand had been held hostage for 50 days in Gaza by Hamas terrorists after she was kidnapped from a sleepover with her friend on October 7 during the terror group’s devastating attack on Israel.

Hand was released along with 12 other Israelis Saturday in the second stage of a 4-part exchange deal with Hamas that included a lull in the fighting that erupted following the attack as Israel vowed to topple the terror group that rules Gaza.

“This is a day of enormous joy and relief for Emily Hand and her family,” Varadkar’s official account tweeted on X, formerly Twitter. “An innocent child who was lost has now been found and returned, and we breathe a massive sigh of relief. Our prayers have been answered.”

A more formal statement from Varadkar described the circumstances of her abduction and captivity.

Still, he drew flak from Israeli officials and Jewish groups over the tweet’s wording.

Foreign Minister Eli Cohen said he had ordered his staff to call in Ireland’s ambassador for a reprimand. In a post on X directed at Varadkar earlier on Sunday, Cohen wrote: “It seems you have lost your moral compass and need a reality check!”

War cabinet minister Benny Gantz panned the remarks, saying in a post on X that “Emily was never ‘Lost’ – she was brutally kidnapped and held hostage by terrorist Hamas.”

President Isaac Herzog said, in a press conference alongside visiting German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier, that the statement was “unacceptable.”

He added: “Emily was not lost. Emily was not out for a walk and lost her way. Emily was kidnapped at gunpoint by monstrous and despicable murderers… [she] was held captive without connection with her family, with the world or even with the Red Cross.

“Leaders of countries, should all take responsibility and tell the truth,” he continued, adding that it was “shameful” that certain “leaders of the member states of the European Union” were careful to not mention the words “Israel, kidnapping, terrorists or Hamas.”


Hamas’s hostage manipulations show how much control it continues to hold over Gaza
The trouble with trying to do deals with an amoral, savage terrorist regime that has just slaughtered over 1,000 of your people, abducted over 200 to its underground hell, and is trying to destroy your country, is, well, precisely that you are dealing with an amoral, savage terrorist regime that has just slaughtered over 1,000 of your people, abducted over 200 to its underground hell, and is trying to destroy your country.

Israel’s political leaders gradually internalized that doing everything possible to achieve the return of as many of those hostages as possible was the most urgent priority of its fightback against Hamas after October 7. They realized that there could be no victory, no matter how successful the IDF’s assault on Hamas, without the return of all of the hostages or at least without the government being recognized by the people of Israel as having done everything in its power to get all the hostages back. Otherwise, even the demolition of Hamas and the deterring of Israel’s other enemies would not be sufficient to restore public faith in the political and military leadership that so failed them on October 7 by ignoring Hamas’s open preparations for its monstrous assault on our people.

But as expected, Hamas is exploiting Israelis’ love of life to extract every possible advantage from the current four-day lull in the IDF’s war on its Gaza killing machine. The first day’s scheduled release of hostages, on Thursday, didn’t happen at all. Postponed to Friday, it only went ahead amid further delays. Saturday’s phase two was an exercise in orchestrated psychological terror, with Hamas first stating that it had transferred the hostages to the Red Cross, immediately saying it hadn’t, and then issuing spurious accusations against Israel for not supplying as much fuel and humanitarian aid as promised and releasing the wrong Palestinian security prisoners.

Toying not just with Israel, and especially the families of those who had been told to expect their loved ones’ releases, Hamas also made fools of the Qatari and Egyptian interlocutors, and even compelled the leader of the free world to get directly involved, with US President Joe Biden working the phones to get the process back on track. With Israel reportedly threatening to resume the ground offensive if the hostages were not in Israeli hands by midnight, Hamas deigned to go through with Saturday’s phase, while breaching a reported commitment not to release hostage children without their hostage mothers.

As of this writing, there’s no knowing how Sunday’s phase three of the releases will play out, if at all. As IDF Spokesman Daniel Hagari said on Saturday night, “nothing is final until it actually happens.” Or to quote Biden on Friday, “I don’t trust Hamas to do anything right. I only trust Hamas to respond to pressure.”
14 Israelis, three Thais freed from Gaza on third day of truce
Hamas released 14 Israeli women and children and three Thai nationals held hostage in the Gaza Strip on Sunday, the third day of a truce between Jerusalem and the Palestinian terrorist organization.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office named the Israelis freed on Sunday as Abigail Edan, 4; Alma Avraham, 84; Adrienne (Aviva) Siegel, 62; Roni Krivoi, 25; Hagar Brodetz, 40; Ofri Brodetz, 10; Yuval Brodetz, 8; Oriya Brodetz, 4; Chen Goldstein-Almog, 48, Agam Goldstein-Almog, 17; Gal Goldstein-Almog, 11; Tal Goldstein-Almog, 7; Dafna Elyakim, 15; and Ela Elyakim, 8.

One of the released women was immediately evacuated to Soroka Medical Center in Beersheva, the Israel Defense Forces said, with Army Radio reporting that her condition was listed as serious.

Earlier on Sunday, the White House expressed hope that Edan, a dual U.S. citizen, would be freed.

“We have reason to believe that at least one American held by Hamas. will be released today. We hope Abigail Edan will be released but we can’t know for sure until it happens,” White House National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan told NBC News on Sunday.

Abigail Mor Edan turned 4 in captivity on Friday after terrorists murdered her parents at Kibbutz Kfar Aza on Oct. 7.

Hamas confirmed on Sunday that it released an extra Israeli hostage with Russian citizenship—Krivoi. The terrorist group said in a statement that the move comes “in response to the efforts of Russian President Vladimir Putin and in appreciation of the Russian position in support of the Palestinian cause.”

Under the four-day ceasefire agreement, Hamas freed a first group of 13 Israelis on Friday, along with 11 foreign nationals, and a second group of 13 Israelis on Saturday, along with four foreign nationals.

Hamas was accused of violating the terms of the agreement to keep families together when 12-year-old Hila Rotem Shoshani’s mother, Raya Rotem, was not among the Israeli hostages released on Saturday.

A total of 26 Israeli and 15 foreign abductees—14 Thais and one Filipino—returned to Israel on Friday and Saturday. There are believed to be around 180 abductees still in captivity in the Gaza Strip.
Hamas accused of violating truce by separating mother, child
Kibbutz Be’eri, from where 12 of the 13 Israeli hostages released on Saturday were kidnapped by Hamas on Oct. 7, says Hamas has violated the terms of its ceasefire agreement with Israel by not releasing 12-year-old Hila Rotem Shoshani’s mother.

“Hila is returning home without her mother, Raya [Rotem], who remains in captivity. Hamas grossly violated the agreement and separated mother and daughter,” according to the statement.

“Three children from two families from the kibbutz were torn from their only remaining parent,” the statement continued.

Hamas agreed to release mothers and children together as part of the agreement, an Israeli government official confirmed to CNN on Saturday.

“That’s part of the deal,” the official said. “It’s unknown where she [Raya] is and what happened to her.”

However, Ynet reported on Saturday night that the agreement does not explicitly state that families must be released together, only “a Hamas commitment to make an effort not to break up families.”

When Israel received the list on Friday of the hostages to be released on Saturday, it was noticed that Hila’s mother was not on the list and Mossad chief David Barnea “put heavy pressure on the Qataris to improve the list,” without success, Ynet reported.

At the time that Israel received the list, it also noticed that Mia Regev, 21, was freed without her 18-year-old brother Itai, and demanded he be added in addition to Raya. Mia and Itai were taken captive at the Supernova Music Festival, where terrorists killed more than 360 people.

“There was optimism that it would be resolved, but as the hours passed the difficulties became clear,” according to the Ynet article.

Two other families were also broken up.

Adi Shoham, 38, and her children Yahel, 3, and Naveh, 8, were freed without their husband and father, Tal.

Alma Or, 13, and Noam Or, 16, were released without their father, Dror.


Faces of freedom: From the Irish girl who celebrated her ninth birthday in Hamas terror tunnels (but was feared dead by her family) to the siblings taken hostage as their mother was murdered - meet the 13 people whose 50-day captivity hell is finally over

'She's broken but in one piece': Emily Hand is seen reuniting with her father who thought she was dead as he vows to throw 'biggest party ever' to mark the 9th birthday she spent as a Hamas hostage Hamas tells hostages to 'keep waving' in propaganda video of handoff in Gaza

Moment crowds of Israelis line the street and wave flags to welcome home mother and daughter, five, who were taken hostage by Hamas in Gaza

Thai Farmworkers Released from Gaza ‘Distraught’ to Hear About Colleagues Murdered by Hamas

Netanyahu visits troops in Gaza: ‘We will continue until victory’

Four IDF Oketz dogs fall in battle against Hamas terrorists in Gaza

Hamas announces deaths of four top commanders

David Friedman: Bernie Sanders’ ‘old and tired’ ideas for Middle East peace
Sen. Bernie Sanders (D-Vermont) wrote an essay in the New York Times this week titled “Justice for the Palestinians and Security for Israel.”

His ideas are as old and tired as Sen. Sanders himself and as likely to succeed as his past bids for the presidency.

Sen. Sanders acknowledges, “I do not have all the answers.” Indeed, he has none. Just the calcified outlines of a terrorist Palestinian State lubricated by more American funding, some taken from money historically provided to Israel.

Sen. Sanders begins by obfuscating the salient facts.

He acknowledges Hamas’ murder of 1,200 innocent Israelis, but neglects any mention of the rape, torture and mutilation that these and other poor Israelis endured — an inconvenient fact, no doubt, in vouching for the Palestinian capacity to live in peace.

He also fails to mention that Hamas’ brutalization of Israeli civilians has now made it, overwhelmingly, the most popular political organization among the Palestinian people.

He also accepts as fact the death toll ascribed by the “Gazan Health Ministry” controlled by Hamas, and falsely attributes those deaths to “indiscriminate bombing” by the Israel Defense Forces.

I couldn’t help but recall an unpleasant conversation I had with Sen. Sanders in 2016 on the topic.

After he bitterly complained of Israeli soldiers attacking non-military sites (after warning civilians to leave), I asked him if he could identify any less lethal means for Israel to defend itself against Hamas terrorists who hid behind civilians.

He couldn’t then, and he can’t now.

But most troubling about his vision is Sen. Sanders’ strategy to overfund the Palestinians and underfund Israel.

In other words, take American tax dollars and give more to corrupt organizations that oppress their own people, pay incentives for terrorists to kill Jews and educate the youth to hate Israelis.

And then give less to one of America’s most important allies and the only democracy in the Middle East.


PM ‘weak’ on Israel-Hamas conflict: Michaelia Cash
Shadow Attorney-General Michaelia Cash says Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Foreign Minister Penny Wong’s stance on the Israel-Hamas conflict has been “weak”.

Ms Wong told the ABC earlier this month that Israel should work towards a ceasefire with Hamas in calls which were criticised by Jewish groups because Hamas is a terrorist organisation.

“It’s not about how the government is handling the issue now, it’s about what the government should have done on day one,” Ms Cash told Sky News Australia.

“On day one, Australians did not know where the prime minister stood; they did not know where the foreign minister stood.

“The Prime Minister should have come out immediately in a strong way and stood alongside Peter Dutton and absolutely condemned Hamas and stood with Israel.”


Mehreen Faruqi ‘knew exactly what she was doing' by standing next to anti-Israel poster
Sky News host James Morrow says Greens Senator Mehreen Faruqi “knew exactly what she was doing” when she was photographed standing next to an anti-Israel poster at Friday’s student strike for Palestine in Sydney.

She was photographed standing with six students who attended the march, where one of the students' placards depicted a figure placing an Israeli flag into a trash bin alongside the words "keep the world clean."

“She attended this anti-Israel rally which would have been full of people who supported Hamas,” Mr Morrow said.

“These rallies are not about … peace or any of that sort of thing.

“At the very start of the conflict, after Hamas massacred 1,000 Israelis before Israel had fired a shot in retaliation, they were down at the Opera House.”


‘Hang their heads in shame’: Greens senator slammed for 'disgraceful' social media post
Shadow Home Affairs Minister James Paterson has criticised Greens Senator Mehreen Faruqi for a recently deleted social media post.

In the post, Senator Faruqi was seen standing with six students, with one student holding a sign depicting a figure placing an Israeli flag into a trash bin.

Mr Paterson says this was a “disgracefully irresponsible and dangerous thing” for the Greens to do.

“To pose for this photo, to post this photo, to realise after people pointed out what was in there, delete it but not apologise.”

The shadow Home Affairs minister said it reflects “very poorly on Mereen Faruqi” and the Greens.

“They should hang their heads in shame.”


Women’s groups and ‘woke’ journalists blasted for lack of support for Jewish people
Sky News host Sharri Markson has blasted "woke" journalists and women’s groups for not being supportive of Jewish people.

“All these journalists supposedly care about diversity, sexual diversity, ethnicities, equality in every sense of the word … they care about that they campaign about that,” she said.

Ms Markson says they are “woke” until it “comes to Jewish people” and their right to “exist” and “defend” themselves.

“Where have the women’s groups been that always defend those who have been treated unfairly … we haven’t seen any of the international women’s groups come out,” she said.

“It’s exposed them as frauds.”


‘Antithesis of what Australia stands for’: Anti-Semitism crisis ‘exploding’ on the streets
Sky News host Sharri Markson says Prime Minister Anthony Albanese “doesn’t understand what he’s done wrong” as his management of the Israel-Hamas Palestinian conflict “couldn’t have been worse”.

“Probably the Prime Minister himself doesn’t understand what he’s done wrong,” Ms Markson said.

“He technically hasn’t said anything wrong, but his handling of this, his management couldn’t have been worse, and it is so deeply offensive and distressing.

“We have an unprecedented in Australia … anti-Semitism crisis, this is the antithesis of what Australia stands for, of what our values are.

“Our political leadership has allowed it to fester and explode on our very streets.”


Adams rips ‘vile show of antisemitism’ at NYC school where ‘radicalized’ riot forced pro-Israel teacher to hide

Pro-Palestinian protesters drag burning Israeli flag down NYC street as they warn supporters days are ‘numbered’

Thunberg chants ‘crush Zionism’ outside Israeli embassy in Stockholm

Emerging Anti-Israel Protest Tactic: Disrupting American Christmas Tree Lighting Ceremonies

EU, Switzerland reassess Palestinian NGO funding post-Oct. 7 Second Israeli-linked ship hijacked off Yemen coast

Fatah official: Oct. 7 part of Palestinian ‘defensive war’

‘Zero tolerance for antisemitism’: Tens of thousands march against hate in London

Boris Johnson is joined by his wife Carrie and their baby Frank at march against anti-Semitism with Rachel Riley and Vanessa Feltz and Eddie Marsan also in attendance



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