Friday, December 17, 2004

  • Friday, December 17, 2004
  • Elder of Ziyon
Three major international networks – The BBC, CNN and Eurosport – are refusing to air ads of the “Born to be Free” foundation for the release of missing IAF navigator Ron Arad.

Last week, the state and the foundation formally issued a 10 million dollar reward leading to either the return of Arad, or confirmation as to his ultimate fate. The state took this step after having concluded that it has exhausted all other means at its disposal.

Uri Hen, the foundation director, told NRG Maariv, “We turned to CNN, BBC and Eurosport in a request to air fully-paid ads but they refused”.

According to Hen, the BBC did not explain its decision. CNN, however, sent a letter to the foundation stating that the network does not air ads about political issues. Eurosport, says Hen, said it was a religious and political issue.

“Even the Lebanese newspaper “A-Safir”, which has close contacts with Hezbollah quoted the campaign. Al-Jazeera interviewed us and the al-Quds publication, which is not a great lover of Israel to say the least, agreed to put up huge ads”, Hen added.

The Arab media did not hide behind political excuses. An Israeli pilot has been in captivity for 18 years and the campaign’s aim is to bring him home – there is absolutely nothing political about it”, he concluded.

Another foundation official defined the decision of the three networks as “purely anti-Semitic”. The foundation is currently examining the option of filing legal suit against the networks.

Last week, a special multi-lingual domain, www.10million.org has been set up, with full information regarding the prize. One of the languages is Farsi. The site has been advertised in major media outlets.

In addition to the Internet, a call center has been set up in Tel Aviv to process all incoming calls. The center has a London area number, to enable people from Iran to contact it. The center will operate 24 hours a day, and Persian speaking personnel will always be on duty.
  • Friday, December 17, 2004
  • Elder of Ziyon
WASHINGTON (AFP) - President George W. Bush announced that he was deferring for six months the process of moving the US embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem.

In a memorandum for US Secretary of State Colin Powell, Bush said the decision was 'necessary to protect the national security interests of the United States.'

'My administration remains committed to beginning the process of moving our embassy to Jerusalem,' said the president, who had pledged during the 2000 White House race to support the controversial relocation.

Both Bush and his predecessor, Bill Clinton, have always used the six-month waiver power they have under the 1995 law that calls for the move.
  • Friday, December 17, 2004
  • Elder of Ziyon
Rattling the Cage: The Barghouti cult
By LARRY DERFNER

Progressives of the world, including in Israel, have a thing about Marwan Barghouti, and with good reason: He's so cool. He's the coolest Palestinian since Arafat first turned up in a keffiyeh and Ray Bans.

Journalist Patrick Bishop put it just right in The Daily Telegraph last week, writing Barghouti up as a celebrity revolutionary:

"Since first mentioned as a successor to Yasser Arafat, he has attracted extravagant comparisons from a world yearning for a visionary figure to break the deadlock in the Middle East. [Former British defense secretary] Michael Portillo described him as having 'the charisma of Che Guevara' and likened him to Nelson Mandela."

And if that's not enough, Shammai Leibowitz, grandson of Yeshayahu Leibowitz and a former Barghouti attorney, once argued in court for his client's release by comparing him to Moses.

Barghouti, who this week took all the excitement out of the upcoming Palestinian election by withdrawing his candidacy, filled a huge gap for the international Left when he fired up the intifada a little over four years ago.

The international Left – those who find it impossible to ever take sides with the West against the Third World – needed a symbol for one of their favorite romantic causes, the Palestinian national liberation movement, and what did they have?

Old men. Rich, corrupt, old men.

In the hard Left's good old days, the late-Sixties to early-Seventies, they had Arafat, Abu Jihad, George Habash, Naif Hawatmeh, Abu Nidal – guerrilla legends, men who ran revolutionary training camps in Africa, men who slept in a different safe house every night.

But by the eve of the intifada, Abu Jihad was dead, Habash and Hawatmeh were effectively pensioners, Abu Nidal had become a crazed mercenary. And Arafat? Arafat was a corrupt multibillionaire past 70, a caricature of a megalomaniacal dictator. He no longer looked like an outlaw, he looked like a leering old bum.

It had been a long, dry season without a Palestinian leader worth rooting for. Then along came Barghouti – or, as his admirers simply call him, Marwan.

Beautiful name, isn't it? Young, dark, fiery, charismatic Marwan. (A Google search for "Barghouti and charismatic" turns up 5,680 Web entries; for "Barghouti and fiery," there are 7,010.) He wasn't corrupt nor even rich. Spoke Hebrew, English, loved to talk to the press. During the Oslo years, he hung out with Israeli peaceniks at the "dialogues" in Europe.

He was perfect: On the one hand he was pure "street" – prison, exile, those Palestinian Shabiba kids he organized in the first intifada, Tanzim in the second. Authentic. On the other hand, he had a master's degree in international relations from Bir Zeit, so, you know, he could talk the talk.

And look at the other alternatives for the post-Arafat leadership. Either they're these hard-eyed ex-cons who look like backroom torturers, or they're old men who look like corporate VPs. Compare Barghouti to the Palestinians' bureaucrat-in-chief, as Bishop does in The Telegraph:

"Certainly he is a great deal more interesting than his rival in the succession stakes, Mahmoud Abbas, who critics say is more suit than man. Glamorous he is not."

But glamorous Marwan is, and glamorous he will stay – as Israel's number one political prisoner, in the view of the pro-Palestinian Left.

I, however, am not an international leftist but a Zionist leftist – someone who thinks that even though the Palestinians, politically, are a nasty piece of work, Israel still doesn't have the right to rule them or their land – and so I have a very different view of Barghouti.

I remember seeing a clip of him sitting in the studio of a Palestinian TV station when one of his comrades from the Aksa Martyrs Brigades called in to announce the latest "operation" in Jerusalem. Barghouti became absolutely buoyant over the news, full of praise and gratitude.

This was March 2, 2002, and the "operation" was a suicide bombing in the middle of a Saturday night crowd in the haredi neighborhood of Beit Israel. Ten people were killed, including an 18-month-old girl and a seven-month-old boy.

It was Barghouti more than anyone, more than Arafat, who was identified with the outbreak of the intifada, with that explosion of rage and euphoria, of glorying in the spilling of blood. The Al Aksa Intifada made him.

And in those first days, while all Israeli believers in peace went into shock watching the future being wiped out, this fiery, charismatic SOB was triumphant. As warlord of the West Bank, he more than anyone else was responsible for making the intifada what it's been since Day One – a celebratory bloodletting. Not killing and self-sacrifice just as means to an end, but also as great deeds in themselves.

I don't know Che Guevara's history, but I know that Nelson Mandela, in his days as an insurgent, lived in a very distant moral universe from the one Barghouti inhabits. Mandela planned to sabotage installations, not to kill people – and the blacks of South Africa had a great deal more justification for violence than the Palestinians ever did.

Mandela turned to violence only after South African blacks went decades asking the whites politely for equality. For Mandela at that time, there was no South African Rabin, Peres, or Barak, no Oslo Accord, no Camp David negotiations. For Barghouti, there was; but – whatever he told his Israeli friends – he went for war instead. And with such enthusiasm.

The world's hardcore leftists have always had a thing about fiery, charismatic types who kill for the oppressed. George Jackson, Huey Newton, the gunmen and bombers of the IRA, the Weather Underground, the Baader-Meinhof Gang, the Red Brigade.

They were all bloody-minded but cool. So now the international Left loves Marwan Barghouti – what else is new?
  • Friday, December 17, 2004
  • Elder of Ziyon
JENIN REFUGEE CAMP, West Bank (AP) - Dozens of gun-toting Palestinian militants on Thursday marched into a U.N. ceremony to dedicate new homes for families whose houses were destroyed by the Israeli military - a sign of the authority gunmen still hold in this West Bank town.

The sudden appearance of Zakaria Zubeidi, the 29-year-old militant leader, and at least 20 of his armed men embarrassed the head of the U.N. Relief and Works Agency, the body that administers Palestinian refugee camps.

Weapons are banned in the camps, but during four years of violence, armed gangs have taken control, building their reputations through deadly attacks on Israelis. The unarmed Palestinian police have been shunted aside.

Zubeidi, West Bank head of the Al Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades, a violent group linked to the ruling Fatah party, strode to the gate of the compound housing U.N. agency offices, passing signs on a fence showing the silhouette of a gun with a red line through it.

After a brief argument with a guard, he checked in his M-16 assault rifle with telescopic sight and walked in - a pistol clearly visible on his hip.

``Of course I don't condone it, but it's a fact of life,'' UNRWA head Peter Hansen told The Associated Press, referring to the violation of the no-arms rule. ``Look around the camp. We can't stop it - we don't have guns.''

Wednesday, December 15, 2004

  • Wednesday, December 15, 2004
  • Elder of Ziyon
by Rabbi Shlomo Aviner December 08, 2004:

It is lucky that Yehudah the Maccabee did not ask politicians, because if he had, they would have told him that one must consider the possible international pressure in the overall constellation, and he would have sat and deliberated and deliberated.

It is lucky that he did not ask too many military strategists and experts, for they would have told him differently - that there is no chance of delivering "the strong into the hands of the weak," and they would have broken his spirit.

It is lucky that he did not ask statisticians, because they would have revealed the secret to him that we are "the few against the many," and he would have been afraid of the demographic demon.

He also did not ask too many Roshei Yeshivot (Heads of Yeshivas), because if he had, they would have ruled that it is forbidden to cause nullification of Torah learning from yeshiva students who engage in Torah study, and then there would not be a delivering of "the heretics into the hands of those involved in Your Torah."

He also did not ask too many rabbis, because if he had, they would have told him, by G-d, it is forbidden to challenge the nations of the world, and we do not rely on a miracle, especially where there is a real potential for danger, etc., etc.

He also did not ask the humanists, because they would have revealed the secret to him that one soul of Israel is worth more than kilometers of land and is more costly for the nation.

He certainly did not ask those who are pure-of-heart, because they would have depressed his spirit, and preached to him that it is not at all proper to kill or to be killed.

He did not ask deep thinkers, because out of great depth they would have confused him and stopped him with discussions of the order of priorities, perhaps the nation takes precedence, etc., etc.

He did not ask the pacifists at all, because they would have illuminated his eyes to the greatness of peace, and that one should never use violence, that goodwill will resolve everything.

He did not ask too many questions, but he served his national and spiritual obligation and jumped into the lion's den, with amazing self-sacrifice, into the great battle, which saved Israel. And then, all of the politicians, all of the strategists, all of the statisticians, all of the Roshei Yeshiva and rabbis, all of the humanists, all of the pure-of-heart, all of the thinkers and all of the pacifists came and, all of them, became sages after the fact. They lit Chanukah lights as a remembrance of the victory, and these lights illuminate our lives from those days until this time.

Tuesday, December 14, 2004

  • Tuesday, December 14, 2004
  • Elder of Ziyon
LONDON - The leader of the Palestinian militant group Hamas said his organization is still in contact with the European Union even though the 25-nation bloc considers it a terrorist group.

Khaled Mashaal also said in a television interview broadcast Monday that the United States had made contact "in past months," but he did not specify how or when.


"The European Union, which put Hamas on a list of terrorist organizations, is still continuing communications and meetings," Mashaal told the British Broadcasting Corp.

"They recognize Hamas' authority and that there is no understanding or stability in Palestine without a dialogue with Hamas," he added.

Cristina Gallach, spokeswoman for EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana, said there were no EU-Hamas meetings.
  • Tuesday, December 14, 2004
  • Elder of Ziyon
CAIRO, Egypt -- Egypt's coming trade agreement with Israel and the United States is stirring a debate in Egypt, with business executives saying it could create 250,000 jobs in a year and politicians saying it favors Israel.

As part of an accord scheduled to be signed Tuesday in Cairo, goods produced in certain areas in Egypt with a minimum Israeli content will gain tariff-free access to the United States. The deal is one of several moves that signal hopes of reviving the Mideast peace process after the death of Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat last month.

The secretary-general of Egypt's Ready-Made Garment Exporters Association, Magdy Tolba, and the vice chairman of the Chamber of Textile Industries, Mohammed Kassim, said the agreement should give such a boost to clothing manufacturers that they will hire 200,000 to 300,000 workers in the first 12 months after it is implemented early next year.

Many jobs will come from the use of idle capacity, as Egyptian manufacturers have lost American orders to competitors in Jordan and sub-Saharan Africa in recent years, Kassim said. Other jobs will depend on new investment.

The agreement applies to all goods produced within designated areas, and the makers of furniture, electrical and leather products are expected to take advantage.

But clothes and textiles are Egypt's No. 1 export commodity, and 42 percent of the revenue comes from the United States.
  • Tuesday, December 14, 2004
  • Elder of Ziyon
PARIS -- France's highest administrative body on Monday ordered the TV station of Lebanon's militant Hezbollah group off French airwaves within 48 hours for broadcasting hateful content in some shows and posing risks to public order.

The decision came after a Nov. 23 Al-Manar program quoted someone described as an expert on Zionist affairs warning of 'Zionist attempts' to transmit dangerous diseases like AIDS to Arab countries. Another program the same day glorified attacks against Israel, the administrative body said.

The Council of State ordered Paris-based satellite operator Eutelsat to stop broadcasting Al-Manar within two days or pay a fine of $6,600 a day.

The station broadcast some programs that were 'openly contrary' to a French law banning incitement to hate, a situation that poses 'risks to maintaining public order,' the council said in its 11-page ruling.

However, the council left open the possibility that Al-Manar could keep operating if the company that airs the station, the Lebanese Communication Group, shows itself ready to modify its programs to conform with French law.

In Beirut, Al-Manar TV condemned the French ban as 'a dangerous precedent' against the Arab media and blamed Israeli pressure for it.

The decision risks a tit-for-tat move against France. Last Friday, Lebanese media officials warned that any decision to suspend or cancel Al-Manar could force Lebanese officials to take action against French stations.

On Thursday, Lebanese Information Minister Elie Ferzli said his country 'would not remain silent' if French measures are taken against Al-Manar, which is operated by the Shiite militant group Hezbollah.

Monday, December 13, 2004

  • Monday, December 13, 2004
  • Elder of Ziyon
Undiplomatic Imbalance
The antisemitism at the U.N. is a problem for more than just Israel.

There is a curious omission in the 129-page report on United Nations reform recently produced by a 16-person panel "of eminent and experienced people" at the request of Secretary General Kofi Annan. The U.N.'s own website, under "Main Bodies," lists the General Assembly, the Security Council, and directly below, the "Committee on the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People." But nowhere does the reform report mention this committee.

The omission goes to the heart of what's really ailing the U.N. For the past four decades the United Nations has become the personal propaganda machine of the nom de guerre of Arab and Islamic states — Palestinians. Their aim is to demonize, debilitate, and destroy the state of Israel — the thriving democratic beachhead in their midst — for a start. The original U.N. mission, to protect the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small, has been hijacked and corrupted by nations that neither share the universal values of the U.N.'s Declaration of Human Rights nor have democratic intentions.

Is this a paranoid, introverted, hysterical exaggeration? Consider the evidence.

Every schoolchild or member of the public who walks into U.N. Headquarters today (and the entire month of December) will be greeted by a large display in the front entrance put on by that main U.N. body, the Committee on Palestinian Rights. It includes a series of pictures "Fashion for Army Checkpoints," that conveys the alleged degradation of being searched for a suicide bomb strapped to one's body. Of course, nothing is said about the degradation of being blown up by a suicide bomb strapped to those bodies who manage to avoid such searches.

Is this just a problem for Israelis? Not if one compares the extensive Palestinian exhibit gracing the U.N. lobby with the minimal display they managed to squeeze alongside on the subject of AIDS.

But the public U.N. entrance is just the tip of the iceberg. There is only one entire U.N. Division devoted to a single group of people — the U.N. Division for Palestinian Rights (created in 1977). There is only one U.N. website dedicated to the claims of a single people — the enormous UNISPAL, the United Nations Information System on the Question of Palestine. There is only one refugee agency dedicated to a single refugee situation — UNRWA, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (in operation since 1950.)

Is this just an Israeli problem? Not if you're a Dalit in India, a farm worker in Zimbabwe, or a Tibetan, and your rights are not on the U.N. agenda.

The list of hijacked U.N. organs goes on. The General Assembly operates through six committees of the whole. One of them, the Fourth Committee, routinely devotes 30 percent of its time to the condemnation of Israel.

Is this just an Israeli problem? Not if you're concerned about another agenda item of the Fourth Committee, the "comprehensive review of the whole question of peacekeeping operations in all their aspects" which gets less than half the attention paid to Israel.

How about the takeover of the General Assembly emergency-session procedure? These sessions began in 1956, and since then six of the ten emergency sessions ever held have been about Israel. The 10th such session began in 1997 and has been "reconvened" 13 times, most recently this past summer.

Is this just an Israeli problem? Not if you were one of those people who thought a million dead in Rwanda or two million dead in Sudan might have warranted one General Assembly emergency session.

Then there is the U.N.'s primary human-rights body, the U.N. Human Rights Commission. Thirty percent of the resolutions condemning specific states ever adopted over 40 years are directed at Israel. The attention not paid to the rights of a billion people in Communist China — who have never been the subject of a single resolution — is not an Israeli problem.

To appreciate fully the extent to which the U.N. has been taken over, observe November 29th, the annual U.N. Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People, which is the only U.N. day dedicated to a specific people. The occasion was held in the U.N.'s elaborate Trusteeship Council before hundreds of delegates. At the front of the room sat the secretary general, the president of the General Assembly, and the chair of that main U.N. body, the Committee on Palestinian Rights. In a repeat of previous years' performances, beside them stood a U.N. flag, a Palestinian flag, and in between, a map in Arabic pre-dating the existence of the U.N. member state of Israel. All participants were asked to rise for "a minute of silence...for all those who have given their lives for the cause of the Palestinian people..." — which would include suicide bombers.

Given that the major client of U.N. largess is the Palestinian surrogate for Arab and Islamic warlords, it is a wonder that the experts on U.N. reform didn't see fit to mention the impact of the bull in their china shop.

On the contrary, they recommended that more bulls be invited in. Reform of the human-rights commission, according to the secretary general's experts, requires not limiting the commission to states committed to democracy and human-rights protection, but expanding the membership from the current 53 to all 191 U.N. member states. Current members and human-rights enthusiasts like Cuba, China, Saudi Arabia, and Sudan will no doubt be delighted to be joined by friends in Iran and Burma.

In an apparent nod to the ransacking of the U.N.'s peace and security foundation by Islamic states — that have blocked the adoption of a comprehensive convention against terrorism for years — the secretary general's panel recommended that the U.N. adopt a definition of terrorism. On the bright side, they finally admitted the U.N. doesn't have such a definition. Until it does, it can hardly be expected to play a serious role in the war against terrorism. But the panel was very careful to recommend that it be a "consensus definition" — U.N. code language for blessing continuing stonewalling by the Organization of the Islamic Conference.

As for the panel recommendation to expand the membership of the Security Council, it may improve the egos of various states. But more warm bodies not subject to democratic membership qualifications won't transform a damage-control organ and its veto-protection scheme into an effective instrument for dealing with grave threats like a nuclear Iran.

So let's cut through all of the talk and meetings and discussion groups on U.N. reform to the root cause of U.N. disease. Arab and Islamic states have the U.N. in a chokehold and, so far, no one is prepared to do anything about it.

— Anne Bayefsky is a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute and a visiting professor at Touro and Metropolitan Colleges in New York..
  • Monday, December 13, 2004
  • Elder of Ziyon
Since September 2000, 4,885 mortar rounds and Qassam or Al-Batar rockets have been fired at Gush Katif and northern Gaza Strip settlements. Residents update the number daily. The religious newspaper Hatsofeh publishes the figure in a daily box on its front page. The settler-run Web site Katif.net includes a 'mortar counter,' which periodically plays the sound of bursting shells, something that residents still find hard getting used to.
As long as the number of mortar rounds equaled the number of miracles, Gush Katif residents tried to take it in stride, but since the disengagement plan was announced, and especially in recent months, the mortar volleys have intensified, with an average of a dozen shells or rockets landing every day.

The number of direct hits has grown. The number of shock and anxiety victims, hundreds till now, has also grown. Some 100 houses have been hit directly; about 300 indirectly. Dozens have been wounded. Two people have been killed. A lot of property has been damaged - hothouses, roads, sidewalks, trees, electricity poles and lampposts, public structures and private homes.

Eight people were hurt Friday when a mortar shell exploded in a yard, but shells also have hit houses directly and sometimes kill: Tiferet Tratner was killed by mortar fire last Yom Kippur Eve. Other direct hits have miraculously caused no casualties. Rachel Sapirstein from Neveh Dekalim survived the exploding of three Qassams near her car recently. After the Namir family heard a mortar shell penetrate the roof of their Neveh Dekalim home, they found the shell lying unexploded on the floor next to baby Shlomo's crib. The synagogue compound in Neveh Dekalim was shelled more than once. Another shell landed inside the toilet of a private home. A mortar volley landed just a week ago in a yard outside kindergartens in Atzmona. Nearly every Gush Katif resident has a miracle to recount.

Friday's shelling continued undisturbed for 20 minutes, leading previously whispered grumbles to become near-formal statements. 'This abandonment appears to be directed from above,' says Eran Sternberg, spokesman for the Gush Katif Council. Sternberg and quite a few residents suspect that the ease with which Palestinians have been hitting them lately is intended to push them to disengage from their homes. The intensive fire is indeed taking a toll on residents' cohesiveness as they struggle to maintain two fronts - against the disengagement plan and against the mortar shells.
  • Monday, December 13, 2004
  • Elder of Ziyon
Under the title 'Relations with Israel,' columnist Hazem Abd Al-Rahman, in the leading Egyptian Government daily Al-Ahram, calls for developing Egyptian-Israeli relations and dropping the negative attitude towards Israel. The following are excerpts from the article:(1)

'Egyptian-Israeli relations occupy an important place in Egypt's foreign policy and the first serious signs of openness in [Egyptian-Israeli] relations that we are now observing are important.

'Enhancing relations with Israel also increases Egypt's ability to influence Israel's policy towards the Palestinians in the territories in a way that will fulfill the [Palestinians'] national aspirations, [their] right to self-determination, and the establishment of a state for the Palestinian people. It is obvious that under conditions of a 'cold peace,' no such opportunity exists. This is because when relations diminish or stagnate, the ability to take advantage of them in order to influence also diminishes or stagnates.

'In addition, the development of relations with Israel and interest in [these relations] can open a window [of opportunity] that will free Egyptian-Israeli relations from any form of reliance upon [Egypt's] relations with the U.S. It is not natural, necessary, or essential for relations with Israel to be influenced by [Egypt's] relations with the U.S. Namely, we hope that [Egypt's] relations with Israel will be strong, self-sufficient and completely independent from relations with the U.S.

'The same should hold true for relations between Egypt and the Arab countries because we should not allow [Egypt's] relations with the Arab countries to negatively impact relations with Israel. Moreover, the development of Egyptian-Israeli relations could step up the impact of the Arab factor in relations with Israel. This is a very important point because through these [Egyptian-Israeli] relations, the Arabs can achieve positive results.

'Objective analysis on this matter cannot lead to any other conclusion. It is time to drop the negative attitudes towards Israel, and relations with it. The basic value of the peace accord between Egypt and Israel lies in the fact that it expunges the term 'prohibition' or 'taboo,' which was created in the past by Arab policies towards Israel, and which turned relations with Israel into an abomination that could not be allowed.

'Relations with Israel are a privilege and a correct [step] which should be developed in a way that will fulfill the achievable interests.'

Endnote:
(1) Al-Ahram (Egypt), December 8, 2004.
  • Monday, December 13, 2004
  • Elder of Ziyon
U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell says the countries of the Middle East and North Africa realize they have to move ahead with political and economic reforms regardless of the ongoing conflict between Israelis and Palestinians.

Powell made the remarks to reporters December 10 while en route to the Forum for the Future meetings in Rabat, Morocco, on building political and economic reforms in the region.

'We can't keep pointing to the Middle East Peace Process as the reason we don't undertake reform efforts that are needed by these nations and as these nations have identified for themselves,' Powell said.

'The very fact that they are coming tomorrow to talk about these issues and so many nations are moving down a correct path suggests to me that they understand that, as much as we would all like to see progress in the Middle East Peace Plan, they also know that they can't wait for that solution to occur and not move forward,' he said.

Organized in part by the G8 industrialized countries (Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States), the forum will look also at civil society and education as part of democratic and economic reforms.

Neither Israel nor Sudan was invited to participate in the forum. Powell said he hoped future meetings of the forum 'will become more and more inclusive of the entire region.'

Powell indicated that the G8 countries would be announcing some sort of spending initiatives, including for entrepreneurship training facilities in Bahrain and Morocco.

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